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THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA
Published weekly by the
University of North Carolina
for its Bureau of Extension.
CHAPEL HHX, N. C.
VOL. V, NO. 30
BdUorial Board ■ E. 0. Branson, J. G, deK. Hamilton, L. B. Wilson, D. D Carroll, G. M. McKie,
Entered as second-olass matter November 14, 1914, at the Postoffloe at Chapel HIU, N, C., under the act of Angnat 24,1913.
OUR NEW JUVENILE COURTS
The Legislature of 1919 will have credit
for many decisive advances in its work,
and probably few things will have a more
lasting influence in the State than the
creation of the juvenile courts. Hereto
fore a child has been in the eye of the law
a practical nonentity until it became old
enough to be given a rating as a criminal.
The recent I^egislature recognized the
child as valuable material for State build
ing as well as an individual having cer
tain rights at the hands of the commu
nity. Juvenile courts have therefore been
created to take cognizance of tlie child,
of its claims on society, and of society’s
claims on the child, who is the funda
mental of society as it continues.
A Trail Blazer
The juvenile court is a trail blazer, and
in saying that it is noteworthy tliat North
Carolina of late is blazing a new trail
every how and then. Instead of lolling
along at tlie tail of tlie procession the old
State is coming up occasionally with the
rest of the world, following some new
conception and some new practice, and
the future looks mighty good in respect
to tlie work the State is helping in this
way to advance. i
The new court in eft'ect divides the race
into adults and children, and its juris- |
diction is practically over every cliild in j
the State. While the child in its progress ■
continues within normal boundaries the |
authority of the court is not called into !
action, but at any point in its progress |
where any child develops out of the usual j
order, the juvenile court comes into ^
action. But it is a preventive railier
immediately workable. These advances
will be at a rate of only 4 percent.
Thousands of war veterans have an
swered the Interior department’s ques
tionnaire, indicating a desire to take ad
vantage of such an opportunity to become
tlian a punitive court, and its purpose is !
to hold the child on the correct lines, and
to see that it shall make of itself a proper
citizen rather than a restrained or punish
Juvenile Court Judges
Under tlie new law the clerk of tlie
court of eacli county is tlie judge of the
juvenile court. Any child of abnormal
habit, of affected mentality, of no home
ties, lacking in training or rastraint, may
be brouglit before tlie juvenile court, and
there tlie c6urt will undertake to improve
the child’s surroundings in such a way as
may seem most promising for tlie cliild
and for the State.
To aid the judge of the juvenile court
a probation ofticer is to be appointed in
eacli county, and between the judge and
the officer a new authority is thrown
about tlie cliild, and one that is lielpful
and encouraging. The juvenile court
law has gone to tiie root of abnormality
of tlie adult liy providing for the erratic
and abnormal child, and now that the
work is started tiie results are bound to
be wider tlian tlie Ijcgislature anticipated,
for eacli forward step sliows wliere to
take another.—News and Observer.
FARMS FOR SOLDIERS
Not fewer than 25,000 farms of re
claimed land.s will be made available for
Uncle Sam’s discliargki soldiers and sail
ors unless ilie sixty-sixtli congress again
defeats Secretary of the Interior ijane’s
reclamation project. In adiiitiou to pro
viding tliese farms, the project will fur-
nisli em])loynient for many other tliou-
The, reclamation liill, carrying an
initial appropriation of $100,000,000 for
the reciamatioii of waste lands, was one
of several important measures killed by
fllibuster during the closing days of the
sixty-fiftli congress. Tliis sum will, it is
estimated, make av^ailable about 1,500,000
acres of land tliat is now waste and idle.
Much of the land, upon its acquisition,
will liave to be drained or irrigated to be
made ready for cultivation. It is tlie
plan to employ discharged soldiers and
sailors for tliis work, and when the farms
are turned over to the homesteaders, tliey
will be ready for immediate cultivation.
Houses and barns will be built by the
government, and sale to tlie soldiers and
sailors will be on an installment plan
extending over forty years, witli tlie priv
ilege of payment on sliorter terms if
In addition,to tlie land and buildings,
tlie government will advance money to
tlie settler for tlie purchase of machinery,
livestock, etc., that his farm may be
BUSINESS IS LIFE
Business is business; but it is also life—
an essential part of the life of the in
dividual man and an essential part of the
life of the nation. What we are coming
to see is that good business, like all other
good human activities, has two character
istic marks: It must be a good job in
itself and it must be done in accord with
the standards of the nation of whicli it is
The foundation of Soutliern effort tliat
is now identified with commercialism is
not the mammon spirit, the mere acquis
ition of money. It is tlie finer breatli of
an heroic effort to reconstruct a common
wealth that was wrecked, it is passion
for building, building with the divine in
nate joy of a child, with the unalloyed
entliusiasm of a man. It is the con
structive spirit, and the idea that is
ruling present Southern life is what for
tiie vvant of a better word may be called
tlie constructive idea.—Edward K. Gra
ham, ill Education and Citizensliip.
COMMON SENSE IN 1789
I rejoice at tlie probability that the
Senate will speedily confirm the Ijcague
of Nations. In its ^present form it is
greatly improved. Several important ob
jections have been remedied. It is im
possible to go on amending it time and
again until everybody is satisfied.
IjCt us take a lesson from our own his
tory. The Constitution of the United
States was adopted in spite of serious op
position. The majority in Virginia was
only 10, in New York only 8, and in
Rhode Island only 2 votes. But it was
adopted, and the new government was
Then what happened? Within two
years ten amendments uere adopted.
The original Constitution had only seven
chapters. From 1791 till now only nine
other amendments have been necessary,
arid tliat, too, though in the meantime
we have passed through the ordeal of a
civil war, have covered a continent, won
island possessions in two liemisplierea,
and constructed the Panama Canal.
These ten earliest amendments related
to such fundamental matters as the total
separation of Church and State; provid
ing for liberty of speech and li Derby of
tlie press; guaranteeing trial by jury ami
an orderly and speedy trial; prohibiting
depriving any citizen of life, liberty, or
property, except by due process of law;
proliibiting taking private property for
public use without just compensation;
compelling witnesses in favor of tlie ac
cused to be obtained and counsel to be
provided for him; proliibiting excessive
bail or fines or cruel and unusual puii-
Less Common Sense Now?
,\11 tliese and otlier most important
provisions were absent from the original
document, jet it was adopted with all
its imperfections on its liead. What mar
velous faith, marvelous courage, mar
velous good common sense our fathers
Shall we liave less faitli, less courage,
less common sense after 130 years of ex
Why should not we imitate their ex
ample? The emergency in 1789 was se
rious ; tlie emergency in 1919 is far, far
more serious. Our fathers wanted to set
up an efficient Government in one small
country, even if its Constitution was im
perfect, and then they set at work to
We want to set up a world league to
bring peace to the whole world and pros
perity to tlie wasted lands and impover
ished and starving peoples of a whole
continent. Wiiy not, then, accept, even
an imperfect document, start tlie I.eague
going, and better it as time shows that it
can and ought to be bettered?
Tlie covenant of the League iias been
adopted unanimously by the delegates
from over a score of nations ditt'eriug in
race, climate, language, religion, and
LEE’S MORAL COURAGE
Soon after the fall of the Confed
eracy there occurred tliroughout tlie
South an attempt, marked by much
heated controversy, to fix tiie blame
for tlie loss of the Battle of Gettys
burg. Many writers claimed that this
critical struggle, and with it the war,
would liave been won had it not been
for tlie disoliedience and tardine.ss of
General Longstreet. In order to settle
tlie matter, repeated appeals were
made to General Lee for some state
ment on tlie subject. For a long wliile
these efforts were in vain. Lee would
say nothing. Finally, however, he
iiroke ids silence with just one sen
tence; “I alone am to blame.”
What a contrast between the cliief
figure of the Lost Cause in America
and tlie fallen leader of tlie lost
Deutsclitum! How mucli more digni
fied would Wilhelm appear before tlie
world if he, instead of sliifting tlie
responsibility for the great war upon
his ministers, liis generals, upon Rus
sia, upon every one save himself,
would repeat the words of the great
American: “I alone am to blame.”
—N. Y. Evening Sun.
government—an almost unparalleled dip
Most important of all, tlie alternative
in 1919 is more appalling than that of
1789. Adopt the proposed plan—or pre
cipitate chaos. Neither the Senate nor
the nation will be willing to accept chaos.
—W. W. Keen, N. Y. Times.
WE ARE RICH IN CAROLINA
Forty-six million dollars invested in
automobiles in North Carolina on June
30, 1918. It almost exactly equals the
value of all the .school, college, and
cliurch property of the state.
We liave accumulated our wealth in
automobiles in the brief space of ten years
or so, liut our wealtli in scliool and
cliurcli property repiesents tlie slow effort
of two and a half centuries.
Our motor car wealth in 1915 was 8
million dollars; in 1918 it was close to 50
million dollars, in round numbers, flere
is nearly a six-fold increase in three years.
We iiave been buying cars at the rate
of 12 million dollars a year. AVhich is just
about the total annual cost of county
government in North Carolina and several
millions more than the cost of our state
government. And just as everywhere
else, we buy cars witli a whoop and pay
taxes with a groan.
The number of our cars has risen from
16,000 to 77,000 in three years—from
1915 to 1918. Which is to say, we liave
been importing new automobiles at the
rate of about 20 thousand a year, or some
200 a day counting Sundays.
The increase of cars in the Linited
States has been a little more than tliree-
fold in five years, it has been nearly
five-fold ill North Carolina in three years.
And wliile we have been indulging our
fancy in cars, we have been piling up
savings in liberty bonds, victory notes,
and war stamps to the amount of 201
million dollars. At tlie same time we
have nearly trebled our bank account
savings in all banks, state and national.
Moreover, we liave given more than three
million dollars out of hand to the various
war benevolence funds—the Army Y, tlie
Red Cross, the Armenian Relief Fund,
and the like.
The various cliurcli boards are now'
calling on us for five millions more for
church extension, church missions, and
church schools. Undoubtedly we liave it
to give. It is not a question of ability,
it’s a question of willingness. A tight-
fisted response would be a lasting re
As Tarheels count riches, we are no
longer poor in Nortli Carolina, We are
riclier tlian w'e ever were before—almost
exactly 12 times riclier than we were in
1915. Tliis figure represents our bank
account savings at that time as compared
witli our savings of all sorts today; 266
million dollars today against 22 millions
tliree years ago!
If we do not answer with cheerful
alacrity to the call of our churches the
groundlings will have a chance to roar
UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
LETTER SERIES NO. 172
SOURCES OF THE CREED
Last week we printed The American’s
Creed. We are presenting herewitli the
doctrinal origin, sentence by sentence, of
that statement of political faith. This
explanation can be found in the Con
gressional Record, No. 102, April 13,
“Tlie United States of America.”—Pre
amble Constitution of the United States.
‘ ‘A government of the people, by the
people, for the people.”—Preamble Con
stitution of the United States; Daniel
Webster’s speech in the Senate, January
26, 1830; Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg
‘'Wliose just powers are derived from
tlie consent of the governed.”—Thomas
Jefferson, in Declaration of Indepen
“A democracy in a republic.”—James
Madison, in The Federalist, No. 10;
Article X of the Amendments to Consti
“A perfect Union.”—Preamble to the
Constitution. “One and inseparable. ”—
Webster’s speech in the Senate, January
“Established upon those principles of
freedom, equality, justice, and humanity
for which American patriots sacrificed
tlieir lives and fortunes.”—Declaration of
“I therefore believe it is my duty to
my country to love it.”—Edward Everett
Hale’s-“The Man Without a Country.”
“To support its Constitution.”—Oath
of Allegiance, Section 1757, Revised Stat
utes of the United States.
“To obey its laws.”—Washington’s
Farewell Address; Article VI, Constitu
tion of the United States.
“To Respect its flag.”—National An
them, The Star-Spangled Banner; Army
and Navy Regulations; War Department
circular on Flag Etiquette, April 14,
“And defend it against all enemies.”—
Oath of Allegiance, Section 1757, Revised
Statutes of the United States.
Our per capita investment in automo
biles on June 30, 1918 ranged from $38.07
in Greene and $33.93 in Pitt, two cotton
and tobacco counties in tlie coastal plain,
to 70 cents in Graham and 38 cents in
Yancey, two mountain counties tliat foot
The average for the state was $19.13
per inhabitant counting men, women,
and cliildren of both races.
The counties ranking higliest in motor
car wealth per inliabitant fell into two
marked groups; (1) in the great indus
trial area of the mid-state and (2) in the
cotton and tobacco area of the east.
A comparison of our wealth in schools
and automobiles in North Carolina in
1915 appeared in the University News
I Letter Vol. H, Nos. 14 and 16. Just as
soon as the 1917-18 Report of the State
I .Superintendent of Public Instruction
i ;omes from the press we shall bring these
j .;omparisons up to date.
The contrasts were striking in 1915;
they will be startling for the year 1918.
In 1915 we had more horsepower in
automobiles than in mills and factories
of all sorts and we were spending more
on the upkeep of our cars than on the
upkeep of our schools. Twenty-seven
counties had more money invested in
motor cars than in school properties.
In three years we multiplied our motor
car wealtli by six—nearly. It remains to
be seen whether or not we have done as
well by our schools during this period.
OUR WEALTH IN AUTOMOBILES
Per Inhabitant on June 30, 1918
Basel 1 on the last report of the Secretary of State.
SAMUEL JAMES CALVERT, Northampton County
University of North Carolina.
Counties Per Inhab.
.... 15.48 .
Edgecombe ... .
.. 25.97, .
. . 25.20,.
. . 21.90..
.... ' 63
The following counties are omitted for lack of authoritative population figures
due to the formation of new' counties and the changes in territory of old counties
since 1908; Avery, Hoke, Caldwell, Chatham, Cumberland, Lee, Mitchell, Moore,
Robeson, and Watauga.