November 1, 1968
N. C. Essay
P a R e 2
WHAT'S RIGHT ABOUT
THE NEW LEFT
hy Tevry Tiokte
Iri 1962 this writer entered col
lege at Chapel Hill at what had to
be the turning point in the student
protest movement. It was the year
of the last panty raid (I didn't go;
it seemed too much effort for too
little!) and the first of the eff
orts at true social protest. Stu
dents protested the firing of a
Black janitor and demanded the right
to have liquor and girls in the
dorms (both were already there).
Students were gradually losing their
middle-class orientation. The Civil
Rights movement had made initial
success and the Vietnamese War was
still in the early stages of the
American advisors. There were fewer
things to protest, but still, the
times they were a-changing.
One year before in Port Huron,
it does not place as much emphasis
on the solution to problems by leg
islative and economic reforms but
assumes a larger knowledge of Truth
and a willingness to work through
direct and, if necessary, violent
confrontation with the Establishment
to make its Truth prevail
They are loyal to the doctrines
of neither the Capitalist nor the
Communist or Communist-supported is
nothing less than absurd. Lenin
would suffer cardiac arrest from ob
serving the helter-skelter structure
of the SDS. Although there is a
national office (1608 West Madison
St., Chicago) and 7000 dues-paying
members, the national office has
little to do, and does not want any
thing to do, with the various pro
test planned by the local cadres.
The Communist Progressive Labor
Party has occasionally tried to
assume power of the SDS, much as
Lenin did with the Soviets, but they
have had little success with even
finding the local SDS much less
gaining control of it.
1968 ELECTION
ANALYSIS III Part II
(aontihued from last week)
Though many media have criti
cized his unvaried speech, Wallace
is not as stupid as he is pictured.
He knows that the same speech re
peated over and over again will
create a conditioned response and
familiarity with his platform. (A
similar tactic was used by Hitler
and is used by Madison Ave. today).
Wallace has thusfar, dodged
the Negro issues. The Southern Fox
claims that ha has never made
speeches against anyone of the mi
nority races. It is clear, however,
that the Negro problem is not pri
marily one of White bigotry, but in
stead, our economic and lawmaking
system, which Wallace heartily sup
ports. However, because of his re
putation as a segregationist,and be
cause the Negro problem is such a
sore spot Wallace skirts the issue
entirely by the aforementioned cover
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Michigan Tom Hayden had organized
the Students for a Democratic Soc
iety. It was a reorganization of
the old Student League for Indust
rial Democracy, a remnant of the
labor protest of CIO days. The
SDS's basic philosophy was stated by
Hayden in the "Port Huron Statement.
"We seek the establishment of a dem
ocracy of individual participation,
governed by two central aims; that
the individual share in those social
decisions determining the quality
and direction of his life; that soc
iety be organized to encourage in
dependence in men and provide the
media for their common participa
tion." Since that time SDS has led
the ghettos rent strikes, the draft
and war protest, the harassment of
industrial recruiters, and most rec
ently, the occupation of Columbia
University.
The movement which SDS leads is
called, uncertainly, the New Left.
It differs from the Old Left in that
The SDS is a sincere group of
young radicals who want to change
American life. In the words of pre
sident Mike Speigel, "We want to
promote change by developing stu
dents trained to be critical of what
they are and to continually new and
better."
The major criticism of SDS is
its methods. They have risen to
power at a time when their type of
confrontation protest has lost its
effectiveness with the masses of
Americans. (Where are you, Marshall
McLuhen?) Their actions have caused
a strong reaction which is on the
verge of setting back not only the
advances of the New Left but those
of the Old Left as well. The major
duty of these aroused youth is not
to re-evaluate their goals but to
re-evaluate the methods used to
achieve them.
up. The tactics that Mr. Wallace
uses; emotionalism; the "Big Tal
and Action" ploy; the stereo-typed
speech; the ridiculous promises he
makes; and the dodging of the race
question are all too subtle for the
average bluecollar Wallace fanatic
to skeptically question. Though the
name Wallace is quite a phobia among
the quasi-liberals and moderates in
this country (thanks to the biased
news media) it must be admitted
that "01* Lonesome George Wallace"
haS led a more honest, less two-
faced campaign than either Nixon or
Humphrey in that he has had to con
tradict himself far less on his
platform. Perhaps people find him a
refreshing change over his adversa
ries because Wallace makes his plat
forms so blatantly clear and lucid.
The latter-day Huey Long from
Alabama is a representation of the
(CONT. ON PAGE 5)