Newspapers / Fayetteville State University Student … / Nov. 19, 1981, edition 1 / Page 5
Part of Fayetteville State University Student Newspaper / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
Page 5 The Voice November 19,1981 YOUNG EXECUTIVES NEEDED. /. Excellent Flituie. ob Satisfaction. w We’re the United States Coast Guard. Although we’re small—about 38,000 strong—our work is some of the most important in the country. As you probably know, we’re in the business of saving lives and property.. But we’re also charged with protecting our coastlines, our Great Lakes, our waterways. Regulating the 200-mile fishery conservation zone. Intercepting narcotics trafficking. Monitor ing the vessels that traverse all of our major ports. All big jobs. Requiring top people. That’s why we need good, qualified, am bitious men and women. Put your Bachelor’s Degree to work. We’re especially interested if you have a techni cal degree—in engineering, science, mathemat ics, or computers. We’ve got plenty of work that takes your special talents and skills. Once you finish officer’s candidate school— 17 weeks in Yorktown, Virginia—we’ll give you a job with responsibility. You’ll work with advanced equipment and technology. The benefits. And the rewards, a starting salary of more than $16,000 that can in crease by over 40% in your first three years with normal promotion and seniority raises. • Free medical and dental care for service members. *A living-quarters allowance. •Tuition assistance for off-duty education. ‘Thirty days of paid vacation a year. •A generous retirement plan for those who make the Coast Guard a career. All this, plus the reward of working with a group that saves lives, property and protects the environment. To apply: Mail c»upon or call Lt. Stephen Jackson, 800-424-8883 toll free. [ COAST GUARD OCS Commandant (G-PMR-3) 2100 2nd St., S.W., Washington,D.C. 20593 1 Please send me more information about the opportunities for men and women in the Coast Guard OCS program. Name _ Street _ City Phone # . State _Age_ _Apt_ - Zip. I 1HE COASTGUARD. Help Others. HelpYourself. J From The Grassroots (Continued from Page 3) owned franchises in that city did the same. Gary Mayor, Richard Hatcher, chairperson of the Black mayor’s con ference, authorized a move to ban Coke machines from 194 Black con trolled city halls. When more than one hundred stores in Chicago’s metropolitan area joined the boycott, Coke president Donald R. Keough, announced his readiness to give Black entrepreneurs “a piece of the action.” The agreement represented a “promise that the free enterprise system can do more to develop opportunity for all elements of society.” • Coke’s “moral covenant” with PUSH including the following provisions: increase the number of Black-owned distributors to 32 within 12 months, establishment of a venture capital fund of SI.8 million for Black petty capitalists, the elevation of a Black to Coca-Cola’s Board of Direc tors, double the amount of advertising capital spent with Black agencies, quadruple the amount of financial deposits within Black banks, and the hiring of 100 Black blue-collar em ployees. The total package amounted to $34 million. Black newspapers widely publicized the boycott, calling it a “wonderful reunion fellowship” of Martin Luther King, Jr.’s old colleagues, including Mrs. King, Lowery, Hosea Williams, Andrew Young, Maynard Jackson and Jesse Jackson. William Raspberry, never at a loss for words, proclaimed the historical deal “as important to Black America as the boycott of the Mon tgomery, Alabama, bus company a quarter of the century ago. The reality behind the rhetoric is somewhat dif ferent. Coke’-s white investors were furious with what was described as “outright blackmail” and “a $30 million giveaway plan.” On September 3, Coca-Cola President Keough infor med the Atlanta Constitution that the corporation had neither bowed to “pressure” from Black leaders, nor had given the boycott more than “two minutes attention because we never considered it a real issue.” By October, 1981, Coke officials informed the media that any money lent to Blacks for venture capital will be at high market rates. No forced changes in bottling franchise ownerships will oc cur. Black advertising was increased to only $2 million from the previous $1.2 million figure. No loans will be made to Black-owned banks except at com petitive rates. Even the one hundred additional jobs may not materialize, because Coke “might be replacing Blacks with Blacks,” declared a com pany executive. The conspicuous failure of the Coca-Cola boycott sym bolized more than ever before the utter bankruptcy of “Black Capitalism.” The lack of any basic grassroots orientation or support of the Old Guard was illustrated at the 11th an nual Congressional Black Caucus weekend in Washington, D.C. on Sep tember 25-27, 1981. The self-described “Black leadership family” included over 1,000 Black doctors, lawyers, politicians and bureaucrats. One par ticipant suggested that the Black Struggle in the 1980’s would be led by “cadres of Black professionals. Joe Madison, an NAACP official, stated that the militancy of the old days “during the Montgomery bus boycott were passe’. “We’ve got to develop technical militants out of these middle- class affluent Blacks who have received training, acquired good educations and have worked themselves into the main stream of economic life.” Neither the multitude of fashion shows nor the $150-a-plate awards banquet could provide the cultural cohesian necessary to forge new unity among this ‘Un- talented Tenth.” Frequently they quarreled among themselves on a variety of public issues. Representative Gus Savage correctly denounced Ver non Jordan, publisher John H. John son, NAACP president Margaret Bush Wilson and Rev. Leon Sullivan for sit ting on corporate boards and sharing in the “ill-begotten super profits” from doing business in “fascist South Africa.” At state levels, Black Democrats joined forces with white Republicans in reapportionment cases to increase the percentages of Blacks and/or Whites within their respective Congressional districts. The most vocal advocate of the growing legislative detente between these unlikely forces is Julian Bond, a democratic socialist and the most “progressive” Black elected official in the South. The Atlanta Con stitution charged that “the cynical coalition” of “ghetto Black politicians and country club Republicans” sought “to gut Atlanta for the sake of electing (Bond) to the Congress,” while simultaneously extending GOP hegemony across the state. W.E.B. DuBois once termed Black leaders the “Talented Tenth.” Given the lack of originality and utter con fusion among the current crop of Black leaders, a new title is needed-“the Un- talented Tenth.” (Dr. Manning Marable teaches political economy at Cornell University and is an activist in the National Black Independent Political Party.) Former hostage demoted to honored guest Kathryn L. Koob, a former hostage in the American embassy in Iran, was to be the parade marshal at the Univer sity of Iowa’s homecoming parade. However, after members of the Moslem Student Association protested that such a parade marshal would stir up anti-Iranian feehngs, the parade committee decided to change her status to honored guest. Instead of riding in the first car of the parade, Ms. Kobb, an employee of the U.S. International Communication Agency, rode in the second car.
Fayetteville State University Student Newspaper
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Nov. 19, 1981, edition 1
5
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75