Newspapers / Fayetteville State University Student … / Sept. 30, 1982, edition 1 / Page 5
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September 20,1982 The Voice Page 5 From The Grassroots ■ This calculator thinks business. TheTl Student Business Analyst. If there’s one thing undergrad business students have always needed, this is it: an affordable, business-oriented calculator. The Student Business Analyst. Its built-in business formulas let you perform complicated finance, accounting and statistical functions—the ones that usually require a lot of time and a stack of reference books, like present and future value calculations, amortiza tions and balloon payments. It all means you spend less time calculating, and more time learning. One keystroke takes the place of many. The calculator is just part of the package. You also get a book that follows most business courses; the Business Analyse Guidebook. Business professors helped us write it, to help you get the most out of calculator and classroom. A powerful combination. TT-iink business. ~ With the Student Business Analyst. Texas Instruments ; NSC Ti-xfi'- In'-rrumcnt'- (Continued from page 4) Corporation to buy supplies for its local automobile plant from Black vendors. At the NAACP convention of June 28-July 2 in Boston, delegates en dorsed “Operation Fair Share,” a campaign to hold nationwide boycotts against businesses that resist affir mative action efforts. Despite these new economic initiatives, however, the general thrust of the organization remains the same: support for liberal Democrats, voter registration, affir mative action and other modes of democratic efforts. Even with its new “anti-Reagan economic agenda,” the NAACP still suffers from its traditional crisis of confidence. When William Perry, the NAACP President of Miami, Florida, introduced a proposal for a “Black Monday”-a plan to have Blacks and Whites to buy exclusively from Black businesses on June 28—national of ficers were furious. Local Whites in the NAACP opposed the idea and Earl Shinhoster, Southeastern Regional director of the NAACP, sent a testy mailgram to Perry on June 23, suspen ding him “immediately and in definitely.” Perry’s explanation that the Black Monday “was not intended to be a boycott, just a campaign to support Black businesses” did not satisfy his authorities. Shinhoster argued that “any unit of the NAACP is a subordinate unit to the national organization. Autonomy (of the local branch) only extends to issues that are within the scope of the organization.” Hooks gave Perry “five days to explain what happened and why his suspension should not be made permanent.” Meanwhile, Perry resigned as president and promptly organized an Operation PUSH chapter in Miami. Perry infor med the Miami Times that Jesse Jackson and PUSH “provide its local units with more autonomy than the NAACP gives its branches.” The Urban League has continued in its role as the rightwing of the Black Movement. When Reagan was elected, former League director Vernon Jordan made the most pathetic concessions to the conservative trend. Reagan deser ved “the benefit of the doubt,” and it was “dangerous” in Jordan’s words to criticize him. Jordan was willing to wait and see whether “equality can be achieved by conservative means, to look at conservative approaches to see if they will help Black people.” Jor dan’s successor, John E. Jacob, has moved the organization only slightly to the left. Jacob denounced the recent draft report of the Department of Housing and Urban Development which called for an end to Federal aid to inner-cities. He revived a 20-year- old proposal developed by League director Whitney Young which called for “massive federal efforts” com bined with “local public-private sector efforts” to retard unemployment and urban decay. Jacob called for joint Democratic and Republican party ef forts to encourage “investments in human capital, urban infrastructure and economic resources needed to get the national economy moving again. In Philadelphia, on June 9, 1982, the “Hire One Youth” Prograrn was laun ched by the Rev. Leon Sullivan, chair person of the Opportunities In dustrialization Centers (OICs). The stated goal of “Hire One Youth” was to encourage the private sector to hire 300,(XX) “disadvantaged young people” during the summer and an ad ditional 700,000 youths by the middle of 1983. “I am appealing to the patriotism of America companies, large and smeill, in this critical and urgent time of need to put the youth of America back to work,” Sullivan explained to the press. “Im mediate bipartisan action on the part of President Reagan, the Congress and the private sector is necessary.” Behind Sullivan’s appeal for jobs was an omnipresent threat of urban rebellion. “America must act now to put the unemployed youth in jobs before chaos and disorder erupt in our cities,” Sullivan states bluntly. “The unemployed youth problem is social dynamite and it is about to explode.” Sullivan reminded corporations that a $3,000 tax credit was available to all employers who hired Vietnam-era veterans, cooperative education students, involuntarily terminated CETA workers and teenagers from “economically disadvantaged” areas. For all the media and political sup port, it seems unlikely that the effort will generate one-fifth of the number of permanent jobs it seeks. Sullivan’s OIC is a product of Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society programs. From 1964- 1980, the OIC network of job training and industrial education programs received more than $500 million in Federal funds. According to one sour ce, only 13 percent of those trained in the Philadelphia OIC were working in training related jobs. Many of the OIC’s nationwide “suffer from mismanagement and poor program performance.” Under heavy criticism since the mid-1970s, the Reverend Sullivan authored the so-called “Sullivan Principles” which provide loose guidelines to justify continued U.S. corporate investments in South Africa. Sullivan has been a useful tool for both the Republican Party and U.S. corporate interests in a number of ways. For example, in early 1981, Sullivan testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in sup port of former Secretary of State Alexander Haig. Since the mid-1970s, Gulf Oil and other major corporations have funnelled tens of thousands of dollars to Sullivan. It would appear, given Sullivan’s history, that “Hire One Youth” is less a strategy to end Black joblessness than a program to pacify the Black ghetto while main taining the process of capital ac cumulation within Black America. Under-Employment Under-employment is affecting 24 percent of the 1976-77 college graduating class, says the National Center for Education Statistics. Of the 930,0(X) persons who received bachelor’s degrees that year, 68 percent are employed full-time and 5.8 percent are unemployed. The average salary for ^11-time workers is about $11,500.- -Campus Digest News Service.
Fayetteville State University Student Newspaper
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Sept. 30, 1982, edition 1
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