T H R S A I. E M I T E
The Salemite
Member Southern International Collegiate Pres* Association,
Published Weekly by the Student Body of Salem College.
Subscription Price. $2.00 per year; 10c per copy
EDITORIAL STAFF
Hazel Stephenson, ’24 Editor-in-Chief
Flora Binder, '25 Managing Editor
Miriam Br'etz, '26 News Editor
Margaret Marshall, '26 Art Editor
Ruth Brown, '26 Joke Editor
Emily Moye, '24 Exchange Editor
Sarah Herndon, '24 Proof Editor
Elizabeth Tyler, '24 Associate Editor
Marjorie Hunt, "24 Associate Editor
Mary McKelvie, '25 Associate Editor
Lois Crowell, '25 Associate Editor
Slatie HolsL'ouser, ’26 Associate Editor
Sath ££lrd, ’36 Associate Editor
BUSINESS STAFF
Adelaide Armfield, ’24 Business Manager
Ellen Wilkinson, '26 First Assistant Business Manager
Ifiargaret Hanner, '28 Second Assistant Business Manager
Coaitance Allen, '26 Circulation Manager
REPORTERS
Daisy Lee Glasgow, '25 Rosa Caldwell, '26
Lncy Lampkin, '26 Mary Lee Mason, '27
Eloite Willis, '26 Frances Jarratt, ’27
LECTURES ON CURRENT
TOPICS BY MEMBERS
OF HISTORY CLUB
See the Hockey Games Monday
t t :
A small amount of courtesy might not be out of place around the
post office about ten o’clock any morning.
A well-rounded life includes athletics. Is fifty percent the best we
can do?
t t t
The campus is as entitled as we are to “dress up” in the Spring.
Papers and drug-store boxes do not serve as attractive ornaments.
t t }
The S. U. S. campaign was not intended as a two or three weeks
experiment to be forgotten at the end of that time. Its slogan is ap
plicable at anv time, chapel hour not excepted.
t t t
Perhaps the substitution of pennies for nickels in the telephone slot
is not a violation of principles of honesty, but we are skeptical.
^ ^ ^
The return of Mr. Stephens and the visit of Miss Bentham were
pleasant reminders of the interest we have felt in the Barnardo Homes.
The talk by Mr. Stephens at a Y. W. C. A. in the fall was one of the
most interesting of the year. At that time we were eager to help in some
;way but were unable to do so because of other drives which were in pro
gress at that time. Now, however, we are in a position to show in a
material way our interest in the homes which have been established for
these unfortimate children.
No matter how small the sacrifice may be, no matter how insignificant
the gift, they will do far more good than we can realize. Mr. Stephens
has vividly described the needs of these homeless children, and he has
told us of the disappointment they have met in planning for the coming
year. He has expressed the hope and belief that we would come to this
aid in carrying on a work which makes a deep appeal to every heart.
Shall we fulfill his expectations?
See the Hockey Games Monday
T r T
Monday marks another long anticipated day of the athletic calendar
—a day which vies with Thanksgiving in its athletic significance.
Whether or not that day will be enjoyed to the utmost depends to a large
extent upon whether each of us does her part in making it a success.
The players will do their share, of course; they need no urging, for
class spirit of the best kind predominates in the field, but what about the
rooters? Would it be very encouraging to you to be congratulated or
consoled, as the case may be, by some classmates who did not care enough
about the contest to see it?
Veterans in the sport may sometimes be so interested in the game
that they take no notice of spectators; but amateurs, the weak links in
the chain, are almost invariably helped by an occasional cheer.
Those teams have gone out to play their best for their classes and
for our classes. They expect us to be there, and they are working as
hard for the glory of their class as they are for their own victory.
We are trusting to them to do their best; are we to disappoint them
in what they expect of us?
t ^ J
“Give me my flowers while I live” is a sentiment often expressed and
still more often felt. Every body wants some small thanks for her work
and is grateful for even the smallest acknowledgment, but, when we stop
to think, do we remember a disproportionately large number of times
when we have expressed our gratitude for services and kindnesses done?
Take for instance our Student Council girls. We speak of them
with admiration and, perhaps, pride and say “Yes, she’s a fine girl,” but
how many times do we thank them for firmly upholding the standards of
our college? To be perfectly frank, have we ever thanked them? We
could go on through the list and name girl after girl who has given her
best to us and who has received little in return. A word or two of appre
ciation might do much to make their work more pleasant.
o 1 ^ ^ ^
See the Hockey Games Monday
{Continued from page one)
of Poland. This great sympathy for
Russia is due to tlie fact that slie is
the mother of all Slavs, ancl thero
is a decided fear that the old Poli.';li
spirit of conquest may revive. When
Poland and Bulgaria are admitted
to the Little Entente, there will be
a nation of one race from the Baltic
Sea to the Aegean, and from the
Black to the Adriatic.
The Young Slav World of Central
Europe must be recognized as a
genuine force. There is, in the first
place, a natural richness in the
countries composing the Little
Entente which affords the ability to
furnish food and munitions for
great armies. In the second place,
the countries lie between the con
tinents of Asia and Europe, and all
direct means of communication must
pass through them. Therefore, we
see that the Little Entente, at first
only defensive, is called upon to
play a political, military, and econo
mic role of importance to many
nations.
An Appreci.\tion of the British
Labor Party
Helen Ford discussed, in a gen
eral way, the things for which the
Labor Party in England has stood
for since its formation in the latter
nineteenth century. The first part
of her talk was concerned witii the
dependence of the British Isles on
each other for food supplies because
she raises only sixty per cent of what
she consumes and literally lives by
her ships. Formerly, the colonies
were a great source of material aid,
but with recent years and their
development politically and econo
mically, they refuse to be thought
of as existing merely as England’s
base of supplies.
As a direct result of such a con
dition, the question of the unem
ployed faces the country, while two
million men are trying to subsist
without work. Lloyd George and his
party attempted a settlement of af
fairs by granting a pension of
fifteen or twenty dollars a month to
workingmen. The amount was in
sufficient for the support, and al
most for the bare existence, of the
families, and the proposition failed.
A brief history of the party is
necessary to the understanding of
its platform and ideals. In 1867, a
movement was begun for Labor
representation in Parliament, and in
1874, the election of two coal miners
were the first fruits of the attempt.
The number grew steadily, until, a
few years later, definite steps were
taken by the Fabian Society to
create an independent political
party. Out of the fifty candidates in
1906, twenty-nine were elected, and
these men formed an independent
party at first with no definite plat
form. Finally, a program and a
constitution were formulated, and
the number of Labor represenatives
increased to sixty-one in 1918, and
one hundred and ninety-one in 1924.
All sorts of men are sitting in Par
liament, and practically all in
dustries and professions are repre
sented. It is of peculiar significance
that each person is an expert in his
own line.
'Die movement does not come
from one class, nor is it narrow and
socialistic. One thing it is revolting
against is the inequality of circum
stances which makes it possible for
one-tenth of the population to con
trol nine-tenths of the wealth, a
condition wliich they attribute to
neither greed on the part of one
class, or lack of capability on the
part of the other.. It stands for the
establishment of a co-operative com
monwealth, steady employment, and
decent wages. It condemns the old
methods as worthless, the old
parties corrupt, the entire syitcm as
unfit for future functioning. The
old order could not deliver the
goods and is “being put to bed” by
disciples of the new.
Why Do South Americans
Dislike Us?
“Lr.tin Americans not only dislike
us. They hate us I” With such an
cmphatic statement as an intdouc-
tion, Eli^iabeth Tyler stated fact
after fact which was undoubtedly
the result of careful research work,
and thorough investigation into the
attitude of the South Americans to
wards the neighborii’ig republic of
the United States.
First of all, the latter country is
unpopular on account of commercial
relations, in which she conducts
herself in a not very polite or con
siderate manner; and further, on
account of her continued exploita
tion of southern resources. But the
unpopularity occasioned by her
commercial attitude is not so deep
seated or so serious as the decided
unfriendliness with which Latin
America regards the foreign policy
of the United States. Therein lies
the real trouble, which began in the
early nineteenth century with the
passage of the Monroe Doctrine,
designated as the “American Illu
sion” and regarded, not as a docu
ment issued for the protection of a
weaker country, but as a means of
realizing the ends of the nation
pa.'jfiing it. Her aggressive policies,
her refusal to join the League of
Nations, her actions in regard to
the Pan-American Union—all these
help to increase the dislike which
these peoples feel. In the Pan-
American League, the northern
nation has insisted on being the
leader, and also on approving all
the countries represented. At the
recent meeting in Santiago, a fer
vent protest against such a condi
tion was registered, and a bill, pro
viding for the eligibility of all dele
gates to the presidency, was passed
over the objections of the United
States.
W'eaker nations, for a number of
years, have suffered from the
methods of this larger republic.
Mexico lost large portions of terri
tory at various intervals; the
Panama Canal construction brought
about more trouble and the United
States was charged with fomenting
a rebellion in Northern Columbia;
but the most serious charges have
come about because of the occupa
tion of Haiti and Santo Domingo.
For one hundred and eleven years,
the little republic had been free.
Then, the United States govern
ment began interference; there was
an attempt on her part to gain one
of the most important harbors; and
rebellions became numerous. The
new constitution, which granted un
heard of powers to the President,
must be ratified by North America
before it might become legal; and
when the Haitian Legislature re
fused its approval of the document,
a popular election was called, and
the people compelled, by military
force, to vote in favor of it. The
proceedings were kept secret for
some time, but by 1920, the news
had spread and there was an in
vestigation, as a result of which
there was reported “large number
of natives being killed, but nothing
;erious.”
Haiti must ratify all acts passed
by the United States. Practically
all of her freedom—political and
otherwise—has been taken away,
and the State Department has re
fused to give audience to the
Haitian delegation.
Santo Domingo refused to accept
a treaty similar to that made with
Haiti. Troops were sent, at which
action her president resigned and a
new election took place. Conditions
continued worse; the second execu
tive resigned at the seizure of the
customs; and the troops went so
far as to seize both customs and
internal revenue.
The entire situation is deplot"
able, and doe'; not redound to the
credit of the country who has been
at least l.irgely responsible for the
wretchedness existing. Officials in
the government and missionaries-'
men well acquainted with conditions
—have authoritatively stated that
there has been more disease and
povertj’ since American occupation
than ever before. Over two thou
sand natives have been killed to
twelve or thirteen Americans. The
people are without funds, the press
is strictly censored, and freedom is
a thing unknown. This is the testi
mony of American witnesses. Hoff
long shall such a state of affairs be
alloM'cd to continue?
What Does the Teapot Dome
Scandal Signify?
“The words ‘Teapot Dome’ have
been mentioned so often in connec
tion with the v/ord ‘scandal’ that the
two have become almost synony
mous. It has also become so coffl'
mon to add to them ‘oil,’ ‘graftj
and ‘politics’ that a self-respecting
citizen blushes .at the sight of h*®
wife’s teapot. Prominent men have
been so put to shame that anyone
whose signature had a ‘D’ at it*
beginning and a ‘Y’ at its end i*
prone to duck his head and stick
his finger in his mouth when anyone
inquires his name. Newspapers are
flooded with scareheads and caf'
toons; no public man is safe ^
minute from the dread approach oi
an ‘official investigator’; Washing'
ton reeks with oil.”
Miriam Brietz could have chosen
no more suitable introductory para'
gra})h than the above, and her en
tire report of the recent Oil Scand®*
was characterized by the sa0>®
clever style. She began at the ver}'
beginning, in the year 1908, whe®
President Roosevelt created the
conservation policy which was
the purpose of withdrawing certain
lands—not all oil lands, but coa*
and forest as well—from publi'^
entry and maintaining them for th*^
good of the nation or of a certain
department. Following this policy^
Taft in 1912 withdrew naval
serves numbers one and two, o>*
lands in California; and in 191«>
Wilson withdrew the Teapot DoB>®
lands, also for naval reserves.
Stealing from government land*
began and in 1920, a bill allowing
the lands thus stolen from to
leased and, therefore, worked mof®
quickly was introduced by Senate*
Overman of North Carolina, a®®
passed.
Josephus Daniels, then Secretary
of the Navy, refused, however,
alloy/ these naval reserves to
leased. In 1921, Wilson went out o*
office and with him Daniels. F®
became Secretary of the Interim**
and Denby, Secretary of the Navy'
In the same year, an order turning
over the nav^ reserves to the D®"
partment of the Interior was s®'
cured from Harding, which actio**
passed unnoticed by most peopl®’
Senator Harrold of Oklahoma wro^®
a letter to President Harding p*'*’
testing against the transfer and tb®
President turned the letter over
Fall, who filed it. If proceedio?"
had stopped then, even though
transfer of reserves was dleg®^'
there would have been no natio**'
wide scandal and probably no
vestigation. But fate, it seems,
the honesty
ci
working against
some men.
The affair progressed, involviJ*^
Fall, Doheny, Sinclair, McLe®®'
and others. The two Califor®’*
reserves and Teapot Dome wef*"
turned over to private interest*'
The lease was consummated at ^
private sale without notice to t^®
state of Wyoming and other •’’J
terests. There was no possibility °^
competitive bidding. The necessity
of leasing the lands was question®
—but even if there had been
reason for their lease, there
{Turn to paf4 tkr»»)