PAGE FOUR
I
I More Ways To Kill A Cat?
■ 4 series of editorials in the columns of our
distinguished contemporary, the Raleigh New*
■rod Obmrver, has made it very clear that that
Bjewspapter is opposed to the Pearsall plan,
■hough It takes pains to maintain a respectful
Rttitude toward the promoters of that plan.
But whether as part of its strategy to influ
ence voters in the September election on the
Borstitutional amendments or for some other
Season, the more recent editorials have more
Bbr less openly indicated that the newspaper’s
Biolicy on the general principle of avoiding d««
Segregation does not differ too fundamentally
■rom that of the Hodges •Pearsall group and
vast majority of the General Assembly,
Budging the. General Assembly by the way it
■'o+ed.
|! Bluntly, the New * and Observer'?: line ns of
new seems to be that lust about as much could
Ri» accomplished in avoiding or blocking de
segregation by the state's already adopted
jfcupi! assignment law as by a private-tuition-
B’rant plus-emergcncy-closing-of- the-schools a-
Br-endment, with the added advantage of not
B>P«ning away for the disappearance of the
B-übhc. school in North Carolina.
P The News and Observer * stand seems to Vis'
Bo be as cynical as that of the Pear sail-Hodges
The Other Side Os It
New York 5s not the only locality in which
Negroes trained and qualified for teaching in
sublic schools have been welcomed to apply
'or positions. Some time before the Supreme
"our!, decision created a crisis for Negro teach
ms working in states affected, a definite move
ment had begun in many non-southern lo
calities to employ qualified teachers regardless
yf their racial background. The plight of teach
tr* displaced only because of the progress of
desegregation has speeded up this process.
Earlier in the segregation-desegregation de
bate. throughout the nation southern apologists
for continued segregation used to point out thst
segregation was beneficial to Negroes in the
-.caching profession by citing how many more
STegroes were employed in the public schools of
‘‘Jorth Carolina or Georgia than in any North
urn state, or possibly in a!! of them combined
This rgument neglected the movement going
>n in many parts of the country outside, the
south to add to the number of colored teach
ers already in service, as well as the other fact,
that Negroes in northern communities who ate
smployed in the public school system hold their
jobs on their merits in general, and not by vir
tue of a system which rigidly restricts Negroes
Light Punishment
A* this is written the court martial has just
handed down the sentence of Sergeant Mat
thew C McKeon, amounting to nine months
at; hard labor, reduction to the rank of private,
and dishonorable discharge.
This sentence is subject to review, and Mc-
Keon's counsel had previously declared he
wou.ii appeal any sentence involving dis
honorable discharge,
ft is not easy to arrive at exact justice In a
?ase such as this one. The sergeant should not
Ibe judged by the bare fact that six men were
drowned in the course of the inarch he ordered.
His legal guilt is* necessarily to be determined
not by the fact that; men die, but rather by
the extent, to which Sgt. McKeon was responsi
ble by bis actions for the deaths of those in
his charge There ts no question of murder. No
one has charged that McKeon deliberately
[brought about the deaths of the six marines
[who perished so tragically and so needlessly.
A Savagely Earnest Protest
The Georgia chain gang has s long and un« sledge hammer. By the same token, their prn
savorv history. Not much had been heard of tests is guaranteed as absolutely authentic, and
it lately, however until a few days ago, when , t ig ceftain a!so that thfv had amp!e grounds
some thirty of Georgia's allegedly toughest
criminals broke their own legs or had a leg nr Protf-fit
broken by one or more of their ringleaders, in One is amazed that the commissioner of
protest against what they described as intoler- correction for the State at first said that there
able conditions in Georgia's special prison for was no need for an investigation and therefore
its toughest customers. there would be none. Os course he quickly
■There is no reason to doubt that the rrn-n changed that tune People don’t bust their logs,
whose legs were broken by their own choice or have them busted voluntarily just for fun,
were troublesome and hard-boiled convicts. or to get a vacation, or just to make trouble for
Tljfy had to be a pretty desperate sort volun- someone; and no one but an arrant fool would
tarfJr to break a leg or have it broken with a think so for a minute.
But Is It In
Som« ortric* are saying that the 14th Amend
ment w«« adopted by coercion; some allege
that It was adopted as the Tesult of fraud. It
is crorte possible that, it would not have been
adopted except under unusual circumstances
existing at the time. So w« may be glad that
it did become n part: of the law of the land. It
would have rough sailing if it were up for
adoption now, we fear.
The purpose of the 14th Amendment was to
tnakA ririjisn* out of people Who had been
’ THE CAROLINIAN
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Mrs. A. M. Hinton .Office Manager
Opinion* expressed is by-e«tP«»ns published la fUa a*w*»anet <a« s»i neeeMMnly those «f th* pels
lieetfea.
boys. Maybe more so, since it sems to be
based on the implication that North Carolina
can obey the Supreme Court by continuing to ;
practice racial segregation while naming it
something other than racial segregation, and
so maintain th« public schools intact with seg
regation as ironclad sx ever, or nearly so. Or
f appears that tne News and Observer s advice
"** that more drastic measures to fight deseg
regation should not be adopted at least until
it is seen how much segregation can be main
tained by the pupil assignment law* the pur
pose of which was obviously to maintain as
complete racial segregation as possible as long
as possible within the framework of the pre
sent public school system as far as possible
The most charitable interpretation which
can. be made of the News and Observer’s posi
tion is this! That it is strongly opposed to en
dangering the present public school system;
that it places preservation of the school sys
tem intact above other considerations; that
it believes that if people of North Carolina can
be convinced that they can keep the public
school system operating substantially as it I*
now by application of the pupil assignment
law, if is the newspaper's duty to try to do so.
to schools for Negroes only and mans those
schools entirely, as a matter of policy, with Ne
gro teachers. (It has not been too many years,
however, since the principals of the Negro
schools in Richmond, Virginia, were all white.)
The South has no ground for pride in the
number of Negro public school teachers work
ing in the South, since the policy is part and
parcel of the general segregation pattern.
On the other hand, the apologists for segrega
tion should be reminded that the relatively
small number of Negroes teaching in the non
southern public schools, even if it were not be
ing steadily increased is to an undetermined
but large extent offset by the many other ave
nues of employment open to educated Negroes
which are absolutely closed to them in the
South. Opportunity in public employment is
hermetically sealed to southern Negroes except
in the limited area in which segregation makes
way for Negro workers in public service of a
professional or clerical nature to be employed
in serving other Negroes. This is to say noth
ing of the infinitely wider Opportunities for
employment of Negroes in the North in pri
vately operated industry and business,
To some extent the Marine Corps itself has
been on trial along with Sergeant McKeon.
There seems to be much evidence that the ill
fated sergeant was following disciplinary prac
tices which were common in the Marine Corps,
and these have been vigorously defended in
the testimony given by witnesses. At one
point in the trial it appeared to observers that
an attempt was being made almost to imply
that the six young men who died did so de
liberately just to get. their sergeant in trouble.
* We believe the public will think that Ser
geant McKeon got off very lightly in receiv
ing the sentence handed down by the board.
In view of the fact that he was found guilty
by the board of negiegent homicide and drink
ing on duty, though acquitted of manslaughter
The sentence is quite gentle. But in any case
we think it will be some time before, a marine
sergeant disciplines a platoon of recruits by
marching them into a. creek at night.
slaves, History may show that there were
punitive elements in its proposal and approval
by some; but it is certainly true that it was
aimed by accident or design, to bring about
an eminently worthy objective; and if it: was
joined to the Constitution of the United States
at the only period of our national life when
that could have been brought about, there is
all the more reason to be. thankful that it did
happen.
THE CAROLINIAN
“Our Failure in Civil Rights Legislation
It.
—~ C. D. Halliburton’s
SECOND THOUGHTS
* (Continued from last week*
It is true that a vote for the
Democratic nominees for pres
ident and vice-president would,
not so much be a vote to send
to or keep in Congress the
white supernmeists who are
there or may go there. If that
were so only a very few Ne
groes would cast votes for the
Democratic candidates for the
t.wo top executive offices in
our government. But it is true
that should the Democrats win
the national election for presi
dent they would likely main
tain and very probably in
crease their majority in one
or both houses of Congress, and
that would intrench in their po
sitions of legislative Influence
and power the southern Demo
cratic members of the Senate
and the House, Who by the
seniority rule have influence
and power disproportionate to
their numbers whenever the
party to which they belong,
actually or nominally, has a
majority in Congress. A lot of
Negroes are soberly consider
ing that fact.. It will not keep
those who live in the right
places from voting for individ
ual Democrats as members of
the House and the Senate, But
it will have its effect on the
presidential balloting, (it is a
striking fact that ail three. Ne
gro members of the House of
Representative?, are technically
CAPITAL CLOSE-OP
By CONSTANCE DANIEL
'The biggest, problem, now,
is to get over the river bet,wen
the two races so that there can
be better understanding.'’
—Thurgood Marshal!
Liberia's 109th “Declaration”
Year
On July 26, the Embassy of
Liberia marked the 109th an
niversary of Liberia's official
request, (July 26, 1846) to the
nations of the world for recog
nition as a free and indepen
dent sovereign State, with, all
the rights and privileges of
such a State.
This request—Liberia's De
claration of Independence—un
like that of former subject na
tions, Including the United
States, is not a declaration of
political independence, since
Liberia has been ‘free, sove
reign and independent," sine*
the first American Negro im
migrants landed near Capa
Mesurado and took possession
of territory ceded to them on
December 15, 1821, by six na
tive West African kings.
The anniversary of the De
claration of 1846, Liberia's
manifesto of membership rights
in the Family of Nations, was
the occasion of the Embassy's
recent, observance, of the De
claration since Ambassador
George Pad more took office,
here, as his country's envoy to
the United States.
Secretary Mitchell fs Address
Jhih Insurance Confab
Secretary of Labor James P.
Mitchell will address the 36th
Annua! Convention of National
Insurance Associations, at the
Statler Hotel, here, on August
30, when the President's Ban
quet, honoring the presidents
of *>B member companies and
associations is held in the ho
tel's Presidential Ballroom
Some 600 or more delegates
*nd gu«tfs from 3ft States and
of the same party as Slam-land
and Talmadge.i
On the other hand (speak
ing for myself), I feel that vot
ing for Eisenhower Is voting
against TVA, is voting against
the policy of conservation of
our natural resource lot the
benefit of the people as a
whole. A vote for Eisenhower
is a vote for the philosophy
summed up in Secretary Wil
sons' famous pronouncement
that what is good for General
Motors is good for the nation,
while GM .is under suspicion of
being a trust. I feel that a vote
for the Republican candidate
for president is a vote in sup
port. of a tax policy which will
be angled as much as A plausi
ble in favor of the rich individ
uals and corporations. I a Ist
believe that it .would be a vote
in approval of an administra
tive policy which is against
participation of the executive
in any positive.way in promot
ing legislative action in the civs*
right* field, though he will be
ready to follow a moderately
progressive civil rights program
within the strictly executive
sphere.
So w r e stiU weigh the pros
and cons of voting for Eisen
hower. But there is still an
other question, and an impor
tant one, Eisenhower seems at
least as worthy of trust in the
matter of crvii rights alone as
the District of Columbia are
scheduled, to attend the con
vention of the Insurnaee As
sociations. which were incor
porated here in 1921, but have
not met here, since
Everyone.'s Victory
The Arlington, Virginia
decision, which was everyone's
victory and no one's victory,
was significant to us as it quite
precisely reflected the analysis
ol integration situations as
discussed by the Negro educa
tional hierarchy (as close as
were getting to names) sev
eral years back, i.e., that area
conditions are the controlling
factor in how and how fast.
Federal Judge Albert .Ryan's
ruling to end racial segrega
tion in the schools of Arling
ton ,& few minutes drive from
7v ashing ton, was uudeiucu! ed
b.v the Judge's statement that;
m granting an injunction end
ing racial bars as of January
31 1567, ho iuui taken iuto
consideration the fact that
only 7 percent of Arlington
County’s pupils about 60 boys
and girls, all told —are Negro,
But the judge also maintained
that his ruling did not nullify
any state or local rules for as
singmenl, of pupils to schools
no long as the assignments
were not based or> color.
The case was about as un
typical as any case South of
the “Line” could be. But is
should be helpful for purposes
of evaluation.
M'eritt Employment and
the Quakers
"Merit Employment, Why
and How" is the title of a 16-
page illustrated pamphlet, re
cently released by the Ameri
can Friends Service Com
mittee, which is calculated to
quicken the interest of average
Americans in the manner in
which the employment of their
any of the Democratic hopefuls
that, have any chance of norm -
nation. But. tv hat are the odds
that Mr. Eisenhower, if he de
feats the Democratic nominee
land 1 believe he will, grant
ing he i,\ the candidate and on
his feet at the time of the elec
tion), will be the president the
four years following January
1957?
I could vote for Eisenhower.
Under no circumstances do l
wash to vote for Nixon for pres
ident if and when I mark my
ballot for Eisenhower, though.
Harold Stassen is trying to
help out. ii he succeeds, maybe
one of my mental conflicts will
in solved. If Nixon is Eisen
hower's running mate I shall
certainly want to hear more
from the President's physicians
before I cast a Republican vote.
Should Hardman somehow
win the Democratic nomina
tion, it is possible that I shall
not need to hear more from
the physicians. But there is
Eastland, and both Han Jinan
and Eastland belong to the
party in which the laU er has
too much influence, which can
not possibly be diminished too
much if there is a Democratic
president (It cannot be dimin
ished but- so much no matter
how the election goes.)
What to do? Well, anyway, I
don’t have to make up my mind
today.
fellow- Americans of minority
origin affects the Nation and
themselves as well as the
minorities involved.
The ten paps of thought
provoking findings, moderate
ly but. attractively and effect
ively offered, are a question
and narrative-answered synop
sis of the Service Committee's
ten-year .experienc in the pro
motion of merit employment in
key industrial centers through
out the country.
At the conclusion of its brief
introduction the pamphleteers
state that visits by Committee
representatives with a wide
variety of employers and em
ployers' representative:; in all
sections of the country, lead to
the conclusion '"that the ma
jority of employers believe m
merit employment--but need
help in implementing a policy
they know is right •
Interviewers report that
''many employers have asked
the Committee’s job opportun
ity staff for how-to-do-it sug
gestions." The pamphlet is of
fered to outline “some success
ful techniques and procedures"
for employers seeking "to im
plement. their convictions," but
cautions that “there .is no de
tailed outline applicable to
every situation involving min
ority employment*'—simply a
broad framework within which
<pch employer “may tailor the
complete plan to fit his needs."
The pocket-sized publica
tion- -wise and unpedantic—is
much needed in these times
when the all-important matter
of minority employment has
become a controlling factor in
the health and education of
the Necro—and. less urgently
—of other minorities in Ameri
ca,
WEEK ENDING SATURDAY, AUGUST 11, 1955
Gordon Hancock : s
BETWEEN the LINES
State Rig titers VVin
The adjournment of Con
gress without the passage of
the civil rights bill was a great
victory for the. state lighters.
The working agreement be
tween the representatives of
the Old South and the conser
vatives of the North is an ef
fective obstruction to civil
rights iegistaion.
The defeat of civil rights
legislation is a defeat for the
cause of righteousness: it is a
defeat of the democratic for
ces of the world, ft is an in
vitation to communism, and he
ia poorly informed who does
not set how the communists
will take lull advantage of the
situation,
it becomes more and mon
a puzzle how tins great country
can play such dangerous poli
tics; how thu Old South is rif
ting so pretty in. Washington.
We hear from the past how
Nero fiddled while Rome was
burning. We wonder sometimes
if our great democracy is not
on fire while the Old. South
fiddles and Congress vacillates
in times of great danger. Is it
really later than they think ‘
The whole nation in general
and Congress in particular, seem
to be afraid to irk the Old
South and the amazing thing
is. that the Old South is not
worse than it is. It is no won
der that the Old South holds
the Supreme Court in con
tempt: instead of the other way
around
One of the brightest aspects
of the whole ugly situation is
tiie way the state righters are
trying to be decent in their ap
peal —£ov public approbation.
They do not appeal in the
name of white suprmacy but u
the name of "state rights:" this
appeal lends an air of respect
ability to a dangerous and dia
bolical objective,
The fight, the Old South has
chosen t,o make for the per
petuation of white supremacy
is not made in the name of
white supremacy, but. in the
name of slate rich Is which in
its last analysis means the
right of the Old South to hold
the Negro down and to hold
him down perpetually. In other
words, stale rights are none
other than the rights to eter
nalize the subjugation of the
Nc—roes of this country
When we see our fond hope*
of civil rights legislation blast
ed in the Congress of th6 na
Along The Colonial Front
By A 3. SIGGINS, BRITISH
JOURNALIST
Bit Fight In Nigeria
LONDON (ANP . Dr A/D
kiwee, prime minister of the
Eastern Region of Nigeria,
whom everybody calls ''Zik", is
the central figure m a fight
which may retard Nigeria's
progress to self-government.
As there is on action for li
bel due to be heard shortly,
many things are not being said
by both sides. But you can take
it. from me that plenty will be
said before the fight is ovet
In articles which I wrote
when in Nigeria in 1952, I
hinted at what was going on.
But 1 realized shat, quite a few
good mn- both European., and
Africans--were striving hard
to do right in the midst of
great, difficulties.
I stayed some months wop
my ear close to the ground I
got enough mate* at w; a "•.' el
and many articles
might have caused a sensation
but would have done little if
any good at all.
I did not write any sensa
tional articles or a book for
the n-ason I have given above.
What. 1 did predict, however,
was that none of the leaders of
that tim would survive and
that many split* in existing
political parties would take
place.
And T saw then that the
Great African Rift was widen
ing and, under existing con
ditions and with existing
machinery, was unbridgeable.
Zik was moving between
Catholicy and Moral Re-
Armament in an endeavor to
find allies and financial Hack
ing He sought, also Moslem
help and get some, But Zik
was committed irrevocably to
hope in the East.
Western ways and could see no
SENTENCE SERMONS
BV REV. FRANK CLARENCE LOWRY FOB ANP
THE OVERCOMING SPIRIT
1. The English language is
very descriptive, a word or
phrase to tn. every cose, noth
ing so vague to be beyond ex
pression and no type of
thought beyond its embrace
2. The term, ‘'overcome" cov
ers a multitude of things, such
as bad disposition::, bad tem
pers and many other destruc
tive aides to sins, sins of com
mission and ommission of the
head and heaiL combined,
bringing unhappiness to some
one, out of a thoughtless or
evil design
3. Every rational being with
his right of choice can over
power and overcome this evil
flow, that some times strikes
with vehement strength and in
flicts a shattering low blow,
4. These moral and spiritual
deficiencies, all men should
strive, to overcome, for the ga
mut of life with such impe
diments cannot successfully be
run.
6. The Adversary of men's
tiorn, it is no time for cry-ba
byism. It is no time for weep
ing and gnashing the teeth. It
is time for the Negro to gird
his armour on and prepare to
renew his determination to
fight, unto the bitter end for the
rights and opportunities vouch
safed unto him by the Consti
tution of the United States
The Negro is not going to be.
carried to the skies on flowery
beds of eti.se, while others
fought to win the prize and
sailed through bloody sea.-: The
road to freedom is rough and
rugged and (hua it has been
from ancient, days.
When the white man came
to America he faced the In
dians with their tomahawks
and if the Negro cannot fate
the Negrophopes and outlast
them then ther-e :s some Ques
tion ax to our worthiness for
the citizenship we seek.
H has been said that ■'you
cannot whip a man who comes
back to, oile more round
The Negro roust keep coming
back until every foe, is van
quished.
Ah of the responsibility for
our advancement does riot rest
Btor- the Congress of the Unit
ed. States, with its effective
coalition between represents-
WvesUvs of the Old South and
the reactionary North. A great
responsibility rests upon Ne
gro? themselves
There is an answer t.e the
Dixiecrals and demagogues;
there an answer to the Tal
madges and the Byrds and all
the rest who are committed to
massive resistance to the edict
of the Supreme Court. These .
enemies of Negro advance are
■All elected at the ballot that
has been placed in his hand.
The ballot is power) It has
put the Negrophobes in the if
place of power and it will take
thorn down.
There is sill an answer for
the very discouraging situa
tion made by the side-tracking
of the civil rights bill, which
died on the steps of the Senate
-killed by the adjournment of
Congress.
The Negroes' indifferent em
ployment of the ballot is one
of the greatest mysteries of rue
current situation. Throughout
the nation there are millions
and millions of potential Ne
gro voters who could turn the
tide of Negrophobism which ;•>
now' running at full swell,
State righters win temporari
ly!
That is where we split i
realized that the Western tin
tioris could not help African ;
to gain the full stature of man
hood while the. present world
set-up was maintained as tin-’
possessed neither men n
money enough.
Many Africans accepted m:
plans for a new alignment., tiv
Pacific, and Indian Ocem:'
Peoples’ Federation, V -T r, >
United States of Oceania a.
the dynamic core, linked to -■
United States of Africa be
tween the Tropics of Cam r r
and Capricorn and to z Medi
terranean Peoples' federation,
but others firmly believed that.
Western nations could cue
them all the capital they need
ed to become independent.. And
Z;k was among those.
1 remember at one meeting
at the Niger Club I war. asked
whether 1 thought, Nigeria. was
ripe for indepudence. l re
plied that no country could be
independent I then asked ho\«
my interlecuter hoped to. find
the capital necessary for Ni
geria. to become independent
He said that thy hoped Britain
would give it—or lend it—to
them.
“Thai " I replied “would be
a funny kind of independence ’
Strange as it may seem, how
ever, it was exactly the kind of
‘ independence" many Nigerian
laders, including Zik, visualiz
ed.
One wonders whether Afri
cans will learn by the lesson
Now the fallacy of such “in
dependence’ j being exposed,
though
Capital for the development
of all undeveloped countries
must be created, as no nation
or group of nations can find
th vast sums needed so urgent
ly alone.
souls is ever watchful for *
chance to inveigle and an- ..
trance, and if prospective vic
tims aren i watcuiuj every
moment, they will soon find
themselves over-balanced with
a lot of Satin's torment.
ti. The most powerful force at
man’s command if his "WILL",
arid with this every lav. of God
he can fulfill, hut what »
travesty to allow it to commit
fraud and with diabolic du
plicity rob his God
7. This faculty with which
only mankind is endowed,
should cause every human bc
inr to be exceptionally proud,
.for he can willingly grow in the
likeness of his Maker and con
tinue to advance in His high
est favor.
8. The OVERCOMING spirit
then becomes his delight, for
gladly for his God and Master
will he courageously fight; and
think not of self as he enters
the fray but desires only io be
found faithful each successive
day.