4 -THE CAROLINA TIMES SAT; APRIL .
Blacks Destiny
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Uelfare- Fact or Fiction
As the Carter Adnunistration works
to better adjust the welfare problems
that have seemingly become the battle,
cry of millions 6f middle-income tax
payers; it's first task is Jo secure the
actual facts airrounding the ' Welfare
Programs. Before any .meaningful or
effective adjustments can be made, the
Carter Administration must strip the
programs down to the point where it
can be viewed in the bold relief of
truth. . . ,.:... . .-..C::'J:
Heretofore, the
and problems Ihave
jr '.
often distorted by rumors and mis
conceptions that bear little resemblance,,
to the truth as to who really, receives
needed welfare benefits. Of course, such.;
rumors and misconceptions can be re-;
inforced when Business Week Magazine
features on its cover, the $60 billion
Welfare Failure, by' showing a collage
of food stamps, ragged blue jeans,
medicine - and painting of a black
mother with two children accompanied
by a silhouette of a man. s
Even though many protests ; were
made, that picture remains in the minds
of many middle-income persons who
saw it . ; iV ' -
The rumor and misconception that
blacks receive the greater part bsuch
aid should be viewed and compared
with the latest reported FACTS on the
issue. v
The typical family on .welfare is
WHITE, not BLACK,, with 2,800,000
white families receiving public assis
Tax Re-Evaluations
The huge outcry by many Durham
city and county residents about the
apparent unusually high increases
added to their taxable properties calls
for a closer look at how such re-evaluations
were made.
Many widows, senior citizens and
other citizens are now wondering how
some eight (8) to ten (10) thousand
dollar increases have been added to
their property values during the period
of a depressed economy. Many of these
homes have had neither additions nor
TEREMC'E
PUBLIUS TEREN71US AFER
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1977
b (tarn Hands
SVBURBfA ,
tance as of 1974 and as against 1,500,
000 black families.
' Whites also oujhumberblacks, in the
Aid; to Families with Dependent
Children (AFDC) programs. In May
1975, according to the National Center
for Social Studies of the Department of
Health, Education and Welfare, 3,400,
000 families received assistance under
AFDC. Of this total, 1,700,000 were
white; 1,5.00,000 were black.
Consider the Food Stamp Program.
In July jl9,7Ji, full 4,400000 house-
. . - , . - - . ... ,
iniS lOWl, OZ per Cent Were wmte
total, 62 per cent were
households and 36 per cent were black
households. f '
. A far larger percentage of blacks are
poor in - this country than whites. In
1976, 27.1 per cent of black families
had. incomes that. fell . below the. offi
cial poverty line, compared with 7.7
per cent of white, families. This means
that one's chances of being poor are
greater if one is black than white.
However, these figures should not
lead us to conclude that poor blacks
outnumber . poor whites. THEY DO
NOT. The total of poor white famrlies
in 1975 was far greater (3,800,000)
than the total of poor black families
which was 1 ,500,000.. X
. When facts and not fiction become i
part of the bare truths of the Welfare
Programs - meaningful benefits can
then be adjusted, advanced and
proved for the total good of
nation. -
im-
the
improvements or repairs.
Some of the homes, located within
the Durham City limites are very old,
but yet, on the reappraisal, the evalua
tion has doubled, while after spending
millions of dollars on revitalized pro
perties have received substantial de
creases in tax evaluation from this
appraisal.
It may be well at this time to
recall the' old historical warning
that the .''power to tax involves the
power to destroy."
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To Do Equal
Carter's Youth
First,; the good ews; TheCrtef Arjminte "pobi- 'ind mtaorhy. yourig people-would mean
tratioYhas announced a $T,5 biljion. youth jobs y' very strict federal guidelines and the fiwhelingxf
program1' that if expedts vfll create meuimVuI.T program funds 'ough;wmmunity'based agen--r
jobs for -200,000 ' people in the 1 6 ,24 age X cies with a history of serving the disadvantaged, .
bwket$.'-i;j'V:':'."' ' , . -r' ; and' withdeep roots in the affected communities.- .
And the bad news? Well, the program stops . . - , ' By diffusing the yoOth jobs funds to 466,
far short of the. kind of comprehensive youth -'a eovenunental units to distribute.ihe Administra-
development program our nation needs.1 It's an
important first step-toward the goal, but no one
should mistake the initial step forward for the
final destination, h : ;:tv
And it's not an unflawed first step, either.
Unless Congress and Labor Department officials
plug the gaps, the program could well go the way
other well intentioned programs have gone.
That's because the bulk of the money will go.
to some 466 state and local governments for
youth work projects. The history of other
national programs left to local governments to
administer reveals a pattern- of neglecting the
most serious problem areas the programs were
originally intended to deal with.
In the youth job program,' the intent is
clearly to do something to solve the persistent
unemployment of economically disadvantaged
young people. Many are black - teenage black
unemployment is triple that for whites, and in
many inner-cities affects two-thirds and more of
all black teenagers who want to work.
Targeting the program to fit the needs of
i' -. -
CoaoNsnan Hdnlibs' Colcon
Affirmative Action Fighting Another Battle
The case of' trying to provide equal
educational opportunities to minorities in'
this country, wfll face its severest test, when the
United States Supreme Court reviews the ruling
of the California Supreme Court's- Bakke de-
cision. .-.'.;- ,
AUen Bakke, who' is white; appb'ed for'
admission to the University of California's
" medical school at Davis, Mr. Bakke was re-'
fused admission. , ' .
He brought suit against the university, charg
ing that minority students "less qualified" than
he , were admitted to the school, thus pre-empting
the slot to which he otherwise might have
had access. :; . V .
There is evidence,, however, - that Bakke's
accusation falls pretty short because while he
has unfortunately fqcused his case, against the
wims Muucms wnu idiiKcu ueiow jum. were
admitted due to their nrnt amaltk nr Mliti,v.i
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A Renewed SuDDort of the Black Press
The National Newspaper Publishers Associa
tion, representing some 200 Black Newspapers
in the U. S., Canady, and the Virgin Islands,
held . its Mid-Winter Workshop recently in
Washington, D. C. The event also marked the ;
Sesquicentennial (150 years) of the Black Press
and was the occasion for some soul searching
introspection. (.
The NNPA's theme, "The Search For a Black
Idology - The Role of the Black Press" was
indeed appropriate for these uncertain times
when the Black Press is becoming more and more '
the object of criticism, especially by young
blacks, some of whom are questioning out-'
right whether there is, indeed, a continuing
need for such a medium.
It was interestinn to observe some of the ,
; representatives of the Black Press, many of
whom are legendary or near legendary figures,
wandering casually through the lobby, haHs
and meeting rooms of the International Innn
when the conference was Iheld. They were
casualty exchanging greetings, enjoying a
brief heaijyJaguh, engaging in small taUc, or
off in a corner lost in serious conversation, or .
solemnly eating, singly and , in groups, their
minds racing ahead to next meeting; or
seminar.
There were, to name a few:' energetic. Dr.
. Carlton' B. Goodlett, NNPl president who . is
i also publisher "of tTie-' Sun-Reporter 'in:' San'
Francisco; blunt talking, but shrewd William
O. Walker, NNPA chairman, Black Press
Archives, antj publisher of, the Geveland Call
and Post; John H. Murphy, III, slender, pre-;
occupied, he of the famous Baltimore Afro
American Murphy clan; John H. Sengstacke,.
of the Chicago Defender, his strong bulldog-ue
'jaw symbolizing the toughness and tenacity
"that has kept the Black Press alive and thriving
for a century and a half; charismatic John H.
. Johnson! of Ebony-Jet magazines; Ms. Ophelia
De Vore Mitchell, still looking more like the,'
famous beautV' consultant v whose De ' Vore -4
' f "If there is no struggle, there is . no progress. Those who propose to
favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation,. are men who want crops
without plowing up the ground. They, want rain without thunder and
lightning. They want the oceans majestic waves without the awful roar ,
of its waters." ' r " . . '.. : ' ' '
Frederick Douglass
.1
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Jous program
. tion inevitably leaves the program .vulnerable to
subsidizing jobs for ycfurigsters not in urgent
. need of assistance while neglecting other young
sters who desperately need help.
- While an urban neighborhood -improvement
"". program .will be set up; putting young people to
work refurbishing . inner-city neighborhoods,
more money and more jobs will go to a similar
program for parks and recreation areas, most of,
which, are removed from central city Areas where
youth unemployment is highest.
' And while a large block of money has been
" set aside for experimental projects, the Labor
V Department has to take steps to ensure that the
same old universities and thinktanks with no real
ties to minority and poor communities won't re- '
peat past performances by slumming off most of
the funds. .
. Despite these and other faults, the program;
holds great promise; it's an important first step. ",
Still on the horizon is a comprehensive youth
employment program that aims to provide every
young person with the education, skillsj training
power.
What Bakke is doing though, is raising the
whole question of the access of minorities to.
equal opportunities through the affirmative
action process. ': -
.And the consensus among civil and human
rights groups is that the United States Supreme
Court's decision in this case will prove to be as
monumentaUy important as the school dese
gregation decision in 1954. . '
At this point no one knows which way the
Court wfll go in this matter. There are those that
believe that the Court should not hear the case,
because the University's development of the
record is poor, ill-timed, and ill-advised. The Uni
versity feels otherwise, and has so moved.
The irony in the University's position, is that
rt of affirmative action "in faculty t
hirins ai
rffy Student' admission has been
. lukewarm at 'best ;and evert down-right hostile m
some instances
Girls in the SO's and 60's were among the
most sought after models in the nation, publisher
of the Columbus Times; Mrs. Lucfle Bluford,
' whose gentle demeanor gives no indication of
: true occupation editor of the Kansas City
Call; quiet, efficient Longworth Quinn; editor
publisher of the Michigan Chronicle, one of the
nation's most successful black newspapers..
And so they were gathered there, a group
of intelligent hardworking men and women
whose watchword is commitment - commitment
to the ideal of making this country one in which
every man and woman is treated as a decent and
deserving child of God and country, where all
are equal under law.
They are wothy successors to the founding
fathers of Black Press; the fiery Rev.. Samuel
Cornish; Presbyterian minister, and John Russ
.wurm, .the second black college (Bowdoin)
graduate in the history of the country. In March,
I827in New York City, conditions for blacks
were . almost, as . wretched as they were for the
chattel slaves "hi the soum. TJie 'to riots
in which lareelv mobs of immigrant lrh tnAt
to the streets and killed more than 1,000 blacks,
was yei ro come. , . ...
U..A 1 . . ... .1
ui ciumuymem. nousine . ana social con-
- ditions for , people of color were such sympa-
meiic. ooservers were appalled. It was at that
time that Russwumi and Cornish started
Freedom's Journal, the first black newspaper
in this country. . - 'it
..,r,vvr',','i
It was designed to give a voice' to the Voice
less, to agitate ' against the .wretched living
conditions of blacks in the north and to cham-
' pwn the abolitionish . cause against 1 hated
slavery in the south.
! v,. . . , .-'
Today, the Black Press is yet the advocate
against prejudice and discririnaUon;for.
' decencv.equality, fraternity. .' V" '
Yet,, the ever lengthening, stream of young
blacks, armed with degrees in journalism and
'communications! from the f,natloiC&liiets'.:.
By VO:i L.J03U
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JlXICUTIYI CIIECTCI,
NATIONAL UXIAU
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and work habits to enable him to become a fully,
productive member of our society.' v - - jf-i
That's something that" requires more than .
just creating Work opportunities; it means a care
fully designed program geared to the needs, of:
youth. - , , . t
: And.a central part of such a plan should be.
an educational 1 component ; that repairs the
damage done to so piany youngsters by inade
quate schools. Alongside of the jobs, there
should be classes that teach bask: reading, writing
and math . skills needed for today's decent jobs.
; ' And part-time jobs' should not be neglected
either. Providing work opportunities need not
encourage dropping out of school if jobs and
stipends become available to enable young
people to continue their schooling; That's the
difference between an emergency crach program
to get kids off the streets and into work ex
periences,, and a comprehensive long-term pro
gram that seeks to widen individual opportuni
ties and encourage independence. -.
With enlightened .foresight and close co
operation with minority groups and community
based national organization, the Administration's
program can be refined and sharpened to ensure
success. Then, it can serve as a base from which a
truly all-encompassing program to serve our
; nation's youth can be developed.
It4 tbbrftie University of California at
Berkeley for example, four years to come up
with an affirmative action plan that projected
hiring 178 minorities andor women in 30 years!
The plan estimated that within that time, the
following might be hired: 97 women, 20 blacks,
42 Asians, 10 Chicanos, no Native Americans,
and nine-"others". This could hardly be caUed
moving "with all deliberate speed!"
Lest someone get the notion that paralysis
and immobilization has struck the minority
community, it should be noted that a prestigious
array of talent has been organized to battle this
thing down to the wire, Included is the Con
gressional Black Caucus, the N. A; A. C. P., the
National Urban League, and the Mexican -
: :n American lesal Defense Fundr,!
, , . snowii
And they arc all ready to bite the bullet!.
FCC
ties are unsure where to place their hearts and
skills. They are idealistic and sensitive to
black confcerhVbut decry their limited options:
going to the white press for a decent salary and
limited reportorial freedom or working with
the Black Press with wide-ranging freedom to
write, V report and investigate - a young
reporter's delight - but small salary.
The Black Press is aware of this. A broad
capital base jis needed but there is difficulty,
yet, in securing the blue chip national adver
tising that makes this possible. But NNPA - the
Black Press is tackling this thorny problem head
on with the never-say-die spirit that has charac
terized its astonishing survival in the past.
Washington, D. C.'s first elected mayor in a
century, Walter Washington, told NNPA: "There
has never been a time in the history of this coun
try that we needed the Black Press more."
And successful black publisher John H.
Johnson put his finger on a crucial point. "We
deal' with stories and events that the white
pressL does hot ' always deem important or
worthy." - ':
The Black Press needs no new ideology, just
a continuing vigilance and vigor and a renewed
support from all of us.
L Iv AUSTIN
Iditor'- PubUsher; 1927-1971
Published 1 every Thursday (dated Saturday) at
Durham.' N. C, by United Publishers, incorporated.
Mailing Address; P. O. Bon J825, Durham, North
Carolina 27702. Office located at 4)6 fast Pettigrew
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Member: United Press International Photo Service,
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.Carolina , Black Pubhshers Association,' Carolina
Community Newsservice. , 11 ,
' Opinions expressed by columnists In this news
paper do not necessarily represent the policy of this
newspaper. This newspaper will not be responsible
for ftc return of unsolicited picturei '
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