Closing the Door After the
Horse is Out Doesn’t
Get Black Votes
Black elected officials, ministers, heads or black
ganizations, college presidents and leaders in various
ilks of life were invited to a meeting at the White
ouse. These were blacks from Texas, Oklahoma and
)uisana. The meeting was called by Presidential Assis-
nt Louis Martin at the request of the President.
During the two and a half hour morning session,
cretary of Housing and Urban Affairs, Pat Harris,
ck Watson, Assistant to the President on Intergovern-
:ntal Affairs, Bill Dyess, of the State Department and
imilton Jordan talked to the group. The invited guests
d the opportunity to question these officials. They
Dorted that many tough questions were asked.
It was said that Hamilton Jordan spoke of the many
ings the President has done for blacks; that he has ap-
inted around four black Federal Judges in the South
d one Appellate Court Judge; he has appropriated
20 million for black colleges. This is hardly a drop in
: bucket for the colleges, when one considers the ap-
opriations for scientific research and the arts that the
lite colleges get from the federal government. Jordan
FROM THE
WHITE HOUSE
By ALFREDA L. MADISON
also said that the President has reduced unemployment
among blacks.
Secretary Harris told the group that she is committed
to providing more housing for the low-income people.
At one thirty, the group gathered in the Blue Room,
where the President addressed them. He said that he and
these officals were both elected by the people to serve
their best interests. He stated that not only have many
blacks been elected, but they have moved into more
elevated position. He said that all of this was a result of
the civil rights movement, and that blacks are still in the
civil rights movement, working for more gains.
Mr. Carter spoke of his fight to reduce inflation
hn,; tfip -ouDfry for ten vcar'^. He
said that health care cost is astronomical and that doc
tors and hospital owners are fighting the reduction of
me cost, the oil people are fighting windfall profits tax.
He implored the officials help in putting pressure on
their congressmen to get this proposals through Con
gress.
The President said that Secretary Harris is doing a
superb job in providing low-income housing. He stated
that 2.2 million homes were built in 1977 and the same
in 1978. These provided jobs. The President also said
that one hundred thousand new jobs have been provid
ed for black teenagers.
Mr. Carter got the only applause from the group
when he spoke of the United States’ great interest in
lew Job Initiative
acks Real Partnership
White unemployment is on the rise again. Black
lemployment continues its double-digit status. So of-
?ial Washington is again looking for new ways to
eate j6l?s. Unfortunately, when most people talk
)out creating jobs, minority institutions are not involv-
1 in the discussion. This is evident in government’s new
ivate sector jobs programs. The thrust of this pro-
am is to find jobs for the disadvantaged in the private
ctor. To make it work, government is prepared to pro-
de $400 million to "encourage” 'the business corn-
unity to hire more people.
The program is another wrinkle in the CETA Pro-
am (Comprehensive Employment and Training Act),
would establish private industry councils, made up
ainly of local business and labor leaders, to secure
ore private sector jobs for the unemployed poor and
ensure greater private sector involvement in all
pects of local employment and training activities.
As a condition for funding, the councils must review
d approve all funding plans and proposals, they will
,ve broad responsibiltiy and great flexibility in the im-
smentation of this program. The theory behind this
itiative is that bureaucratic red tap has crippled
Africa. He said th i ^ —“
don’t consider us meVn® Pe°P*e of the world'
of the work of Anaf, ‘^is was because
mind. 'oung, who always speaks his
brag on whauhe AdSdidn’t come to
Administration ‘he
and the group win ‘’“‘h ^e
their hopes and dreaml shoulder to realize
their trust. he will never betray
One elected official -r
concerned about the Federallav^* said that he is greatly
these are spent in the whi ® ‘hat
minority area. He feek .hlf the
shouldbemadeonthe Lila 1'°"?® guidelines
tion. Mayor Morial of Nw nlf
have that situation to worTv ‘hat he did not
they go where they are nlL a because he sees that
still high unemployment. h‘8 Problem is
get many answerslt^hl^m”"!^ didn’t
to Washington lnd the mu & ^
talking with friends. House and meeting and
was realty namjlaigngejjuTi!’’"' *
he Future of
^mbabwe
Can The Elections
Stop The War?
Nyika Tichatonga
Vow that the elections in Rhodesia are over and
ihop Muzorewa has been elected prime Minister the
estion whose answer most people are waiting for is:
n the elections stop the war?
While some may suggest that we wait and assess the
wers of the Bishop, the following examination leaves
: future of Zimbabwe more gloomy. Who are the
^edom fighters (guerrillas)? They are sons and
dghters of the Rhodesian African parents. They are
iwn from virtually all quarters of all tribes within
tababwe. Some are even children of parents who now
ve in the new government.
What are the freedom fighters fighting for? Some are
ing that the guerrillas are fighting for particular
ders. Some say that they are fighting to remove the
'ites and install a black majority rule. Among those
o have such views are the internal leaders. Because of
:h views, they have found reasons to call the freedom
hters to come home and join them. The guerrillas are
; against a system which has been in existance for the
St 88 years and which has reduced the Africans to a
sition of second class citizens in their own land. The
icks have suffered socio-economic oppression and
istration. They have been reduced to subsistant
lorers in white owned farms and industries while the
ites have accumulated for themselves and their
Idren huge profits. Whites live a life of luxury,
inomic superiority and social comfort while the
:rage African family continuously lives below the
verty datum line (bread line),
iducationally, the system has persistently denied
rican children opportunities in school. Racial
crimination has technically denied Africans facilities
ich are enjoyed by whites. For example, until now,
ricans could not enter white schools, white hotels,
ite hospitals and could not own land in the so called
ite areas. The question of land was perhaps the big-
t bone of contention which drove thousands of
mg men to arms. Under successive governments in
nbabwe since 1890 there have been introduced
rliamentary acts after acts on land: the land appor-
nment act which resulted in the creation of the tribal
St lands: the land husbandry act which reduced the
mber of stock an African family can own: the crop
which specified the type of crops the Africans could
1 to the grain marketing board; and most hated Land
lure act divided the country into two equal halves,
5 for whites and one for blacks. Notwithstanding the
t that there are seven million blacks and a quarter of
lillion whites.
!n order to put into effect these laws, the whites had
involve some blacks into the system. This was done
way of hsdck policemen, black soldiers, district
ssengers, chiefs and headmen and some black
mbers of parliament who are often given huge sums
money. As early as the 1960’s, a few blacks have been
5wed to sit in the same parliament with whites and
se often have been labelled as stooges by the majority
blacks. Even Muzorewa and Sithole have condemned
se blacks members of parliament. So far, these
fibers of parliament have failed to make changes in
government slru^iuic and poulical m ^1...
)we. In the internal settlement, the black members of
liament have increased to 72 out of a 100—a group
enough to bring about real changes in the constitu-
1.
Towever, a technical examination of the provisions
the internal settlement constitution reveals that for
te some time to come, these blacks will not be able to
ke any tangible changes in the structures and systems
he government. Whites will continue to control such
posts of the government as defense, law and order,
ince, judiciary, public service. These are the very in-
iments the whites have been using for the past 88
rs to keep them in power. The only difference now
ig that the whites are no longer answerable for the
fering of the black people since they can now claim
f are no more a government.
'he question now arises, if the young people fled to
IS against the oppressive instruments, how are they
ected to lay down arms if the very same instruments
e not been destroyed.
previous job programs and discouraged private sector
participation. Currently, the government estimates that
four out of every five jobs in the labor market are
created through the private sector.
The general aim of this program is sound. Just how it
will be implemented is a source of great concern. We are
told that the success of this program requires a
“partnership’^ with the private sector. But that could be
a code word. In the past, private sector has meant the
white folks. There is no explicit language concerning the
minority private sector...'fet, since the target group of
unemployed is basically Black and other minority
citizens, special attention must be given to minority
firms and other minority institutions who can increase
their employment potential through active participa-
By Dr. Berkley G. Burrell
tion. On the job training activities are specifically
covered under the new program.
If the partnership concept is to work, maximum par
ticipation by the minority private sector is essential.
Otherwise, white people will get the jobs and the money
to provide them. This is unacceptable. We are tired of
having people take the legitimate interests of black
America and transform them into a funding rationale
for white organizations. And that could very easily hap
pen with the private sector job program.
The National Alliance of Business (NAB), not just a
white business group, but one tied primarily to big
business, is trying to position itself as the primary
organization to put blacks and other minorities back to
work. In effect, NAB becomes the proxy for black
thfng"wfneeV"'* institutions. That’s the last
duMs*jobllodar aid if lln “ P''°-
tional resources The
resources are available Thl°" additional
resources be shared with ml If thlf will the existing
of partnershin will are not, the rhetoric
contradictory!^ Most minoritv firms
where the nrLram L ml ♦ r,^ firms are located in areas
the exclusion " ' ‘ ® unilaterial role to
me exclusion ot other existing structures
Minority institutions must become full nartners in
thf Se"sfclor*’'‘’f"'“®®"’®"‘ government. In
se1t.l^r m L jobs programs, the minority private
Irem.nJIlh L ^ constructive role in
Imllrces n'th equitable share of the
Inoihpr *^‘berwise, we will be frozen out of yet
Ihe miloritvL'f"''^ institutional capacity in
f nfr Sn?s if ''“‘‘‘‘‘"g is ‘be key.
the*^ hi linnsi of ‘be answer, we had better get down to
It is only when the system has been removed that
these people can lay down their arms. To remove this
system, one needs to have control of the powers of
government—the armed forces, police, the judiciary.
the public service, financial administration and
economic planning. Under the Internal settlement, these
instruments shall remain in white hands. It is therefore
inconceivable that the new government will have reason
enough to convince the freedom fighters to stop the
war. ^
Another important factor to note in this argument is
Continued on page 19
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