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14 THE CAROLINA TIMES SAT., SEPTEMBER 6, 1980 BLACKS DESTINY IN OWN HANDS Kyu JU U I in BE Business In The Black All The Candidates Have Read Blue Print For Black Unemployment Mao Tse Tung has made history with his "Red Book" considering it the epitome of communist thought. Qaddafi of Libya likes to think his "Green Book" is the golden word of Islamic ideology for socialism. Now comes the "Blue Book", a plan for progress by the capitalists in this country. Color lined blood red, bold white and blue pinstripe is The Economy and the President 1980 and Beyond. Edited by the biggest bank in America's chief economist, Walter E. Doadley, it hails a new day and direction for the American economy. At least, that is the un mitigated intention Of its intoxicating engineers. Even the uninitiated must note the extreme different direction of this third book dictated to the docile masses. Men and women, who are deemed worthy of gainful employment and such, are eloquently expounded in both the Red and Green books. But lo and behold, brothers and sisters are beneath consideration in the plot of the bible of the capitalist authors of the "Blue Book." Big unemployment figures must be maintained, the Blue Book preaches, if they are to make America strong again. Walter E. Hoadley, executive vice president and chief economist for Bank of America, chosen to edit the contents of papers presented at a conference for forty of the nation's top experts in economics and business, claims six to seven million unemployed people are chronic unemployed tht don't want to work." Walter wishes away the full employ ment criterion cultivated since the 1940s of four per cent unemployment for the nation, by stating some economists and experts like himself believe there is an additional "two to two and a half per cent more people in the population who do not want to find jobs, making six and a half per cent the real unemployment goal for the future. By Charles E. Belle Findings such as these would mean, by rule of thumb, two and a half times this figure or a steady rate of sixteen and one-fourth per cent unemployment for black America. The big bank boys think big! This right wing rationale cannot be bothered with the current constantly climbing almost two million unemployed in the black American com munity. Consideration, according to the "Blue Book" must be given to capital generation to get the supply side of the productivity curve developed in this na tion. No one needs to knock on. the door of a banker to know capital is required to run any industry in the world. Where the difficulty comes into play is the price to be paid for the capital. The cost is too high if the predominately white upper class is call ing for the poor people to pay for the much needed increase in productivity in America. All Americans, engineers and idiots alike, know that when machines replace men and women on the produc tion lines, productivity and the unemployment lines go up! America needs trained talent! Politically speaking, the "Blue Book" plans to put liberal white clean air anti nukes with white conservative voters to boot out current black, brown, minority and other poor peoples' political leader ship. Laying back and letting Carter oi Reagan, both of whose camps are clam mering for the "Blue Book" plan, run away with the up-coming Presidential race will be ruinous to those who would treat mankind with equality and humanity. Economically speaking, the "Blue Book" plan , as presented in the Economy and The President 1980 and Beyond, is forceful and effective for tur ning America around at the expense of those deemed expendable. Everyone in terested in everyday economics should read it if only to see where one fits in to the master plan. Samuel COLERIDGE - TAYLOR Born August 15, 1875, in England; son of an Englishwoman & a Negro Physician from West-Africa. He attended college from 1890 to 1897 & his first published piece was "In Thee, O Lord" in 1891! In 1903 he became a professor at Trinity College and that fall he came to America where he won much acclaim. In the summer of 1912 he fell ill with Pneumonia and died on September 1 at the age of 37. Continental Features Giving Minorities And The Poor A Health Care Break By Congressman Augustus F. Hawkins If someone who lives in my District gets sick, chances are they would have to receive care at a hospital outpatient department, an emergency room of a private or public hospital, or at a public clinic. More than likely this same person would have to travel a great distance to get to a public health care facility, would have a long wait before receiving assistance, and might not receive the wide range of services provid ed by private care health facilities (since public health care funds are often quite limited). Additionally there is also a greater likelihood that my constituents would be treated by a properly licensed, nonphysician provider (nurse practitioner, physician assis tant, nurse midwife or child health associate), because increasingly, nonphysi cians are far more likely to treat the inner city poor than are physicians. What all this means is that even with the over-all improvement of health care delivery in this country, since the establishment of public health insurance plans, if you're a minority or if you are poor, the availability and quality of health care services will be considerably less than those services available to the affluent. A major problem in this situation is the in adequate distribution of physicians within the nation's inner-cities. In fact, even when the poor can pay for the services of a private physician, in many instances no such practi tioner is available within the poor person's community. On closer examination, this significant lack of primary health care manpower within inner-city communities is appalling, because it is leading this nation into a "two-tiered" system of health care. In this kind of system the emphasis is in placing nonphysicians in the inadequately served areas, in the underserved areas, or in the disadvantaged areas, while the affluent con tinue to have access to physicians in solo or group practice. An important question in addressing this issue, and vital to improving health care delivery within inner-city communities, is the role that federal policy can play in encourag ing a more equitable geographic distribution of primary health care manpower. Some of these questions are now being discussed because the Health Professions Educational Assistance Act of 1976 is due to expire this year, and its extension is being considered by the Congress. It was President Kennedy who in 1960 told the Congress of the severe physician shor tage this country was experfencing. Congress acted to resolve the problem, and today there is talk about an oversupply of physicians. The oversupply has not resulted in their equitable distribution, however. And this is why the extension of the Health Professions Educational Assistance Act, sensitive to underserved and disadvantaged areas, is so vital to the in terests of minorities and the poor. In resolving some of the inequities of physician maldistribution due in part to cur rent policies and practice, and fostered in some respects by Federal legislation, I think there are some obvious things needing con sideration in discussions concerning the Health Professions Act. First of all, since Federal legislation has dramatically increased the supply of physi cians in the nation, through its providing of Federal funds to medical school training and education, I think we must provide greater Labor Day Statement A. Philip Randolph Institute Blacks, workers, and liberals remain a vibrant force for progressive social change, Norman Hill, president of the A. Philip Randolph Institute noted in a Labor Day statement issued in New York. Hill stressed that the vitality of the coali tion of blacks, labor, and liberals "has been renewed in the face of an ultra-conservative challenge; which has us, it? avowed hgoakthv launching of an attack against programs that seek to aid workers, the poor, and the elder ly." He urged blacks and workers to join together "to elect the kind of leadership that is responsive to the needs of working peo ple' and called for an extensive voter registration and get out the vote campaign. Hill's Labor Day message recalled the words of A. Philip Randolph, the leader of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and prominent civil rights advocate who died in May, 1979. Hill quoted, the following passage from one of Randolph's last public statements: "The vast majority of black people are workers, and the trade union movement, even with all its imperfections and failings, is the most effective and most powerful defender of the interests of all American workers, black as well as white. " Hill, a long time civil rights and trade union activist, is a leading figure in the A. Philip Randolph Institute, an organization with 180 affiliates in 36 states whose membership numbers over 15,000. The full text of Mr. Hill's statement follows: This year's Labor Day, which signals the .beginning of the 1980 Presidential Cam paign, is a particularly appropriate time in which to stress the underlying basis of the work of the late A. Philip Randolph: the alliance between blacks, workers, and liberals. At a time when many politicians appear to be retreating from firm commitments to social programs which can help alleviate and overcome the ravages of poverty and help to surmount the plague of unemployment, this election year provides us with a rare oppor tunity to demonstrate that the alliance for progressive social change remains a vibrant political force. Only such an alliance can help elect a President and a Congress which are sensitive to our needs. In this election year, we can take comfort in the fact that the bonds between labor, blacks, and liberals appear to have been sttngttfmd'V,i1ieMre&rii Democratic Na-. tional Convention. MoreoVer, the vitality of this coalition has been renewed in the face of an ultra-conservative challenge which has as its avowed goal the launching of an attack against programs that seek to aid workers, the poor, and the elderly. It is above all important for us to do our share in getting out the vote and helping to elect candidates who have on the basis of their record won the endorsement of labor. We live in a time of shifting political allegiances; but the one ally of blacks that has been constant is the labor movement. This is something we should remember in our work to get out the vote. As A. Philip Randolph noted in his last Labor Day message two years ago, "The vast majority of black people are workers, and the trade union movement, even with all its imperfec tions and failings, is the most effective and powerful defender of the interests of all American workers, black as well as white." Those of us who watched the Democratic Convention saw the dedication with which labor delegates supported the struggle to put a call for a twelve billion dollar jobs pro gram into the party platform. Such a jobs program would be of immense benefit to black workers who are disproportionately suffering the ravages of the current reces sion. While the election of a President, Gover nors, Senators, and Congressmen is a par ticularly important immediate task, we should also be mindful of the fact that our struggle for justice does not and should not end at the ballot box. There are too many other important struggles that need to be waged. At this very moment, blacks and Affirmative Action Fact Or Ruse? By Gerald C. Home, Esquire Affirmative action, i.e., increasing the in tegration of blacks at all levels of United States society, is misunderstood frequently. For example, one would think that affir mative action in higher education would mean the integration of a Harvard or a University of Georgia in the first place; it would mean breaking down the barriers that have kept blacks from such august institu tions. But somehow, at least in certain circles, there has been a decided emphasis on "integrating" and pressuring the historically black institutions moreso than the hide bound white ones. Hence, "integrate" Fort Valley State or Albany State and not Univer-, sity of California, Florida A&M and not Florida State, Virginia Union and not University of Virginia. Lately a number of housing activists have been railing against what they consider to be another misguided "affirmative action" policy. This is a policy engineered by the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) which provides handsome incentives to encourage blacks to move from the cities to the suburbs. The Regional Housing Mobility Program, as it is called, is in operation in twenty metropolitan regions throughout the coun try. This program operates on a $1.3 million budget with funds scheduled to dramatically increase in the next fiscal year. Pursuant to this program, persons who meet the relevant requirements pay 25 of their income for rent. HUD picks up the rest of the tab. What is the objective to this? Wasn't one of the goals of the civil rights demonstrators to break down housing apartheid? Shouldn't the government be encouraged to engage in more of this kind of subsidy program instead of carping against this one? Housing activists, such as Henry DeBer nardo of Community Legal Services in Philadelphia and Dorian Bell of the law school at Washington University in St. Louis, respond with a resounding "no" to all this. They allege that with the growth of the "energy crisis," rnany whites no longer see living in far-away suburbs as being chic . (Continued on Page 15) opportunities for selective recruitment and admission of minority and poor students from underserved areas. We must also encourage medical schools to emphasize training in rural and inner-city primary care practice, and to encourage their graduate students to serve in rural and inner city areas because of the specialization in this kind of medical education. (Primary care is continuing medical attention provided by general practitioners). And lastly, as difficult as this may be, there must be a way to state in this Act that those students who have their medical educa tions paid for through Federal funds ought to commit themselves to serving in an underserved area for a certain period of time. Or that as a condition for funding, a medical school's admissions criteria should select students who upon graduation would more likely locate themselves in an underserved area. At stake in this issue, is not just the health of the majority and affluent population, but the health of the minority and poor as well. As difficult as it may be to broaden the opportunities for improved health care delivery to minorities and the poor, in the in stance of extending the Health Professions Act, we have that opportunity. I intend to make the best use of this op portunity that I can in the Congress this year. Resource: Clearinghouse For Civil Rights Research; Spring, 1980; The Maldistribution of Physicians and the Availability of Health Care For the Poor. Congressional Quarterly; May 3, 1980; pp. 1183-1187. By Norman trade unionists are continuing their effort to bring trade unionism and its economic benefits to the South. Many black workers are forced to live in poverty or near-poverty because they work for non-union employers like J. P. Stevens. Such union-busting employers seek to pre vent blacks and all workers from earning a decent wage. They are very well aware of the . fact that black workers who belong to unions earn nearly one-third more than non union blacks. Moreover, blacks who belong to unions enjoy a high degree of job security, good fringe benefits, and protection from dangerous occupational hazards. Their non union counterparts frequently enjoy none of these benefits. 1980 is in many respects a critical one for blacks and workers. The steadily mounting drive against collective bargaining rights for public employees, the assault on the Occupa tional Safety and Health Administration, ef forts to undermine the Social Security system, and an attempt to enact a tax cut that would benefit the rich and the corpora tions while unleashing a new, unprecedented inflationary spiral, have all come to a head in the candidacy of Ronald Reagan. In the past, the alliance of blacks, labor, and liberals has been able to meet the challenges that have been posed to the gains won by workers, minorities, and the poor. However, if we do not meet and defeat this conser-, vative challenge in the voting booth this' year, next year's Labor Day may find us in retreat, defending programs we already have won rather than fighting for new gains to better the lives of blacks and all working people. This need not, however, be the case. But in order for us to elect the kind of leadership that is responsive to the needs of working people we must act now to register black voters and in November to get out the vote. We must demonstrate in a convincing way that there is still a mass constituency for full employment and the kinds of policies that will create economic stability and prosperity. North Carolina Black Publishers Association L.E. AUSTIN Editor-Publisher 1927-1971 USPS 091-380 Published wary Thursday (dated Saturday) at Durham, N.C., by n Publishers, Incorporated. Mailing address : P.O. Box 3825, Durham, N 27702. Offics located at 923 Fayettevillt Street, Durham, N.C. 27701. cond Class Postage paid at Durham, North Carolina 27702. POSTMASTER: Send address changes lo THE CAROLINA TIMES, P.O. 3825, Durham, N.C. 27702. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $12.00 (plus 48 1 sales tax lor Ni Carolina residents). Single copy 30t. Postal regulations REQUIRE adva payment en subscriptions. Address all communications and make all che payable te: THE CAROLINA TIMES. NATIONAL ADVERTISING REPRESENTATIVE: Amalgamated Publlshe Inc.. 45 West 45th Street, New York, New York 10038. Member: United Press International Photo Service, National Newspa .Publishers Association, North Carolina Black Publishers Association. Opinions expressed by columnists la this newspaper do not necessa represent the policy of this newspaper. This newspaper WILL NOT BE RESPONSIBLE for the return of unsollcli pictures.
The Carolina Times (Durham, N.C.)
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Sept. 6, 1980, edition 1
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