14TK CA:l:::A TIIS-SATURDAY. MAY 22. 1S82 EditorHi - " " Ti:2 City Has The Cart Before The Horse , Mayor Charles Markham is wrong when he says that people who ask serious and even sceptical questions about the city's pro posed civic center and downtown revitalization concept are trying to hinder Durham's progress. 1 " ' hfo. The truth is! that city; officials have the cart before the horse' in this whole question of Durham's urban redevelopment. The entire concept of urban revitalization is a risky process at best. It becomes an almost, foolhardy endeavor to accomplish, piecemeal. And that is exactly what the city is trying to sell a piecemeal approach to urban progress. Consider. ; It is common knowledge that downtown revitalization requires three major features to fly: institutional development, such as ; government, finance and commerce centers, as well as hotels and, a civic center; arts and culture, both as a people magnet and as an aesthetic relief; and medium density downtown housing to ac commodate the influx of new people and to give the area a 24-hoW "life". . In order to understand how all these pieces interrelate, and what sacrifices the rest of the city must make to accommodate this progress, the city must present the total concept in one broad 'comprehensive plan. City officials have not done that. Rather than take an honest, forthright approach to Durham's progress, they have chosen to play a number of political games, trying for example, to minimize the political impact of certain decisions by pretending that they don't have to be made yet. That , is quite unfortunate: . It will -take all of us to pitch in and do tfor part if Durham is to ; progress. But before we can do that,, we must all be in the same wagon, with the horse in the right place. Next week, we plan to look at some serious problems with the city's concept. The Four Great Lies Affinitive Action: , , Black Workers Reaganomics: ,, By Gerald C. Home, Esquire As the spector 6f Reaganomics spreads like a plague from coast to coast, it becomes increasingly clear that the costs J" are not just economic. . - . Dr. . M. Harvey Brenner of Johns ' ' Hopkins University has provided startling evidence of the effects of depression and unemployment on those who work for a living. . . " v. When unemployment rises one percen- tage point, Dr., Brenner said, 4.3 o more men and 2.3 Vo more women are admitted to state mental hospitals for the first time; 4. lo, more people commit suicide; 5.77 more are murdered; 4 more people wind up in state prisons; and, over a six- ' year period, 1.9 more people die from' heart disease, cirrhosis of the liver, and other stress-related chronic ailments, Dr. ' 1 Brenner estimated that the economic slump of 1970, with its 1.4 rise in - unemployment, was linked to 51,570 ad- ; ditional deaths by 1975. Two points quickly emerge: (1) These figures are from the rftid-1970's; with the economic crisis today being deeper, the situation now is much worse. (2) Second ly, the depression has hit the black com munity much harder? Recent unemploy- not to be taken lightly; but when they lock . out black workers because of racism, ob viously something must be done or the kind of figures that Prof. Brenner cites will continue to escalate. As if this court1 case were not enough, black workers also '' .have to contend with other developing: . negative factors. ' This is particularly true in the Deep; South where, as the r plague of Reaganomics deepens, the age-old ques-1 tion of peonage and debt slavery has begun to rear its ugly head. , Under the federal anti-slavery statutes, involuntary I servitude occurs when a ' worker is compelled, by whatever means, . to keep a job'he or she does not want. If the worker is prevented from leaving a job because a debt to his or her employer had not been repaid, the offense is termed , peonage. Many black workers, increas- ' ingly desperate for employment, are fall- , ing into this eternal trap. The Justice Department has been com-i pelled to investigate 46 such complaints nationwide since January 1, 1980 under, the Farm Labor Contractors Registration Act. The Department has received iune complaints from North Carolina, six sometimes a peanut butter sandwich for lunch and an even more meager dinner.1 Coffee costs extra. . ' . Cheap wine 'is more than $6 a bottle, cigarettes are $1 a pack, soap chips are a 1 dollar a piece. At the end of a week's .work, the worker probably will owe the; crew leader money or he may come out with $5 in net income. Because these workers owe their bosses ; imoney, they are often prevented from j ' ileaving,-hence debt slavery. Ua A t Mam f Haitian im. .migrants that have entered this country,; they have become a frequent target of these recruiters. Ironically, Haitians .escaping their home land in search of freedom, often find themselves in chains -in the United Suites. J : While debt slavery spreads like cancer across the South, Mac workers across the country are affected by another plague ' ' "runaway shops", i.e. factories closing down here and fleeing to low wage havens in , South Africa, South Korea and - elsewhere....-,i: In 1979, there was a 23 increase in the flow of U.S. capital to other lands. In primary and fabricated metais, me m- ment statistics released by the government trom boutn Carolina, rour trom nonaa .ease Was 1 15 over the year before, to confirm that this social plague, far from, and two from New York. Sadly, many of, .'the tune of $1,8 billion. The outflow of It is sad to see that even in 1982, as we approach Century 21, so many of. our decisions as a people are based in the self-defeating concepts of what we Call the four great lies of control. The four great lies of control are the basic tenets of racism that have seriously warped ottr perceptions of ourselves and this ill nmui nb iiiwi iiv uw wn ! That whStA rurr1 br rmninrpcnt all-tnnwino nrartirifllv infallible, and that racism is an aberration of character, ,MWM That success for blacks in this country is based more on our abilities to keep secrets from whites than upon skill and execu- 1 tion. But, of course, if you believe this lie, along with lie number one; success is impossible. That progress for blacks in America can be measured only in the jight .of white benevojencew Thus, there are no really talented, ii: skilled or committed blacks, only blacks upon whom whites have F?f smiled. kl ' That above all things, blacks cannot trust each other, which, of course, leaves us in the psychologically suicidal position of try- . ing to trust whites. x Our pathological belief in these lies, fueled greatly by the insis tent preaching of them from America's three major institutions of control the schools, mass media and the church causes us triTnot-.lo rAcsviiwc trt i4onu on1 rtteni V"ntrJ1iiiHnc ; that we can make to each other, and to spend our energies curry ing favor rather than developing winning strategies. ..i v a vw . .. b. j . WW . nia a l i aiiii mr 1111 a f ww ii..,.... - f ji iil v u local current controversy. declining, is .rising unabated. A case decided by the U.S. Supreme Court just days ago, American Tobacco Company v. Patterson, insures that this trend, will con tinue to afflict blacks,: Because of per vasive Discrimination"? blacks are usually the last to be hired. And as the depression, deepens, they are the first to be fired. In this case, the Supreme Court made it more difficult to challenge the fairness of seniority systems that have been in place , since the Civil Rights Act of 1964. By a vote of -5 to 4, the Court held that such seniority systems were legal, regardless of their effect on women or blacks, as long as they were not ; adopted for a ( discriminatory purpose.' Once again, the 'critical area of civil, rights law is being bogged down in the muck of attempting to divine what is the intent Or "purpose" of racists. Psychoanalysts have devoted years to this subject without making headway, while : black plaintiffs, .are supposed to demonstrate evidence of "intent,, in these cases more often than hot black crew leaders persecuting black farm workers. North Carolina dramatize! and ,. illustrates all of these unfortunate tenden cies. ' v.--.':. In the "Tarheel State" the migrant season generally begins in April with the cabbage ; crop, which is followed by ! cucumbers, peppers, tobacco, apples and sweet potatoes. The season ends about the -first week of November, usually after the first frost. f v;J;?' ' : v Crew leaders begin recruiting laborers in Florida after the citrus season ends, telling them there is plenty of work .available in the Carolinas. Yet, the recruiting is not limited to Florida, and .the workers are not always accurately told .where they will be working. The recruiters ' go to such major cities as Atlanta, Philadelphia and New York and make a jbeeline for half-way houses and mission shelters, seeking men who are down and uu ' .Wages are customarily $45 per week;., the worker usually lives in a sub-standard , shelter, gets eggs and grits for breakfast, court! Seniority systems fire an important tool capital in petroleum, totalling $16.2, was a 36ft hike over iy8. McGraw-Hill pointed out the increase; in the flight of capital abroad is about four times the increase that was forecast. All the while U.S. industry is withering on the vine and black workers are suffering even more ' About 200,000 autoworkers alone are! on "indefinite" layoff. Chrysler workers were forced to vote approval of a 13 cut in wages amounting to $622 million. Ford and GM workers are being coerced to '.follow suit. And the auto industry is becoming a model for all labor contracts with employers demanding! "give backs" and concessions no matte? how much in profits has been earned. President Reagan has not lifted a finger ;to halt this tide and, indeed, has en couraged it, bizarrely seeing unemploy ment as a cure for inflation. But black workers know that the most immediate cure for unemployment and inflation is retiring the laziest President in recent times. Why You Should Vote Jt. , By Congressman Augustus F. Hawkins there is no struggle, there is no progress. Those who propose to favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation are men who want crops without plowing up the ground, they want rain without thunder, and lightning They 'want the ocean's majestic waves . without the: awful roar of its waters. ' . " . , Frederick Douglass " NORTH CAROLINA BLACK PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION During the past few years, blacks and other minorities have begun to seriously question the effectiveness of their par-,, ticipation in the electoral process. Indeed, today as at no time in our history has there been such widespread skepticism, about whether and to what extent exercis ing the right to vote makes any difference' in the efforts of blacks o improve their economic status or to obtain a more equitable allocation of public benefits. After playing such a critical role in the , election of President Carter in 1976, blacks expressed considerable disillusion ment with the benefits that accrued from that critical support. Nevertheless, I firm ly believe that blacks, as Voters, can in fluence policy direction through a choice of candidates and issues. Today, many American say: What dif ference does their vote make in the level and kinds of benefits they receive from government? In fact, there are those who sincerely ; believe that the government benefits and services: that they receive andor lose have no . relationship . to whether or not they vote. Yet, according to a recent report ; by the Rockefeller Foundation, all of the major studies of the relationship between black electoral participation and the distribution of public benefits suggest that electoral par-' ticipation does indeed make a difference. . One study conducted by William Keech found that black participation brought about changes in the outcome of elec tions, "in the distribution of public ser vices, including garbage collection, street paving, recreational facilities, and fire stations; in the employment of blacks by the city government" and in the elimina tion of some forms of discrimination. , To put the strength of the black voter into perspective, one need only consider the 1976 Presidential election in which President Carter," who was the over whelming choice of black voters, received ,90 of all black votes cast. As a result, in 13 states, black votes for Carter exceeded his margin of victory -r these same 13 states accounted for 216 electoral votes. This fact takes oh even greater significance when one considers the fact that President Carter won the presidency by a mere 36 electoral votes. Moreover, while blacks did not have the same impact in the election of Presi dent Reagan, it should be noted that in a few southern states, the black vote Reagan received exceeded his margin of victory. For example, in Arkansas, Presi dent Reagan won the state by only 4,285 votes blacks in Arkansas cast 8,000 votes for Mr. Reagan. Over the course of the last 18 months President Reagan, supported by his Con gressional allies, has systematically begun to dismantle - programs which benefit minorities, women and the poor. This process was undertaken on an "alleged" mandate by the people: for change. If voters, particularly black voters, do hot send the President and the Congress another message the only change the poor and the middle class will feel is the other side of the Administration's budget cut ting axe. ; Every change which Reaganomics has brought about thus far was made possible because too few elected officials on the local, state and federal level refused to take a stand. However, this year the hands that once picked cotton can if we ;want to to pick public officials who Vill be responsive to our needs. We can 'Select people who are concerned about a fair tax system, rather than one that favors big business and the rich. We can select officials who are concerned about our children's education. We can select "officials who have compassion for the elderly and the poor. . As Maudine Cooper, a vice president of the National Urban League, recently said, we have to let people in our community know that one vote counts, whether they cast it for a Republican or a Democrat.' iiOne snowflake might not make a dif : ference, but it takes a bulldozer to move a Jot of snowflakes sticking together. VALUE FORUM -: realizing the worth of your possessions q Bimgo You SiiouH Knoi? COTT... M Served as secretary to Booker L Washington at Tuskegee. In 1917, during World War I, he became Assistant Secretary of War, dealing with army segregation here and abroad. Under his guidance was set up the first Jraining camp for negro officers at Ft. Des Moines,' Iowa. The south reacted with race riots . ? and in Houston, Texas, 64 negroes of the 24th intan- try were court-martialed on November, , 1977. Continental Features Is Your Appraiser A Professional? By Dexter D. MacBride, ASA ' Executive Vice President AmericanSociety ofAppraisert Your accountant it a CPA; r your lawyer has pawed the' State Bar; your doctor is an MD. What about your appraiser? Does your appraiser have a designation such as ASA? That designation tells you the person using it has been tested (intensive, written tests) and certified, is a Senior, -Member of the American Society of Appraisers. He or she has a minimum of five 'years, fulltime, appraisal experience.' , Neither federal nor state governments test or certify appraisers,, although some states require real property ' appraisers to hold real estate brokers licenses.,. Other than that, the appraiser, in order to '. be classed in the professional ranks, joins an organization that tests and certifies and,' when he or. she is qualified (sufficient appraisal exper-' ience), willingly submits to! (Continued on Page 16) v 1- LE; AUSTIN Editor-Publisher 1927-1971 (USPS 091-380 , (Mrs. j VMm Austin Edmonds Editor-Publisher KtnnathW. Edmonds ' Osneral Manager L.M. Austin Production Supervisor Milton Jordan Jordan A Associates EdltorM Advertising Contuttint Curtis T. Perkins Contributing Editor-Foreign Affairs Published every Thursday (dated Saturday) (except the week following Christmas) In Ourhsm, N.C., by United Publishers, Incorporated. Mailing address: P.O. Bos 3825, Durham, N.C. 27702-3825. Otllcs located at 023 Old Fayettavino Street, Durham, N.C. 27701. Second Class Postage paid at Durham, North Carolina 27702. Volume 80, Number 20. POSTMASTER: Send address changes M THE CAROLINA TIMES. P.0, Box 3825, Ourhsm, N.C. 27702-3825. 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