14 THE CA3XCA TTS SATURDAY, OCTOBER p. 1932 LETSUvStf TOGETHER FOR A SAFE COMUMTV black (mHwmzs THAT CARE ABOUT THE 1 BUCKFUWSHOULD HELP IMPOSE C2DER WiERE NEEDED. MM TV y To Be Equal Black Voting Power By John E, Jacob Executive Director. National Urban I ensue. Editorial The Durham Committee Erred The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People can meet privately whenever it wants to, for as long as it wants to, md to discuss whatever it wants to. It cannot legally use public acilities for private meetings. Our position is based on the spirit and intent of the public neetings law, and policies of the Durham County Library System. The issue arises from the fact that the Committee voted to oust . a reporter for The Carolina Times from its regular meeting last week. For years, the Durham Committee has had a stated confiden- iality policy, especially regarding its endorsement meetings. In hese meetings, Committee officials dutifully ask participants not o discuss the proceedings when they leave. But almost just as dutifully, Committee endorsement decisions and other particulars about the meetings are often reported the next day in local media. To our knowledge, The Carolina Times has not reported a Durham Committee endorsement prior to an election, which essentially is the basis for the so-called confidentiality policy. The thinking, according to Committee officials, is that "if the white folks know who we have endorsed before election day, they (the white folks) will turn against those candidates." The recorij does not justify this position, certainly jfiQt in recent year's .''""'f, , - -sT.s' '?', Consider the most recent elections It was known, and dutifully reported in local media that the Committee had endorsed, for ex ample, Ms. Karen Galloway, Mickey Michaux, Mrs. Elna Spaulding, Kenneth Spaulding and the Durham Civic Center referendum . Each of those candidates won, as did the civic center bond issue. As a matter of fact, the bond issue probably would have failed except for the overwhelming black vote "delivered" by the Durham Committee. So, the truth of the matter is that even the Durham Committee's own members don't respect the organization's policy of confidentiality. They all say they do. They all pay lip service to it. But someone almost always anonymously reveals what happened in the meetings. At The Carolina Times, we have not sought to solicit help from "anonymous" sources in covering the Durham Committee. We have sought to cover the organization openly, fairly and honestly But apparently our prior efforts have not been sufficient, as Committee president Willie Lovett said recently: "I have'some concerns about the newspaper's motives." We have a number of regrets about this situation. First, it is regrettable, that Committee members chose to act emotionally rather than reasonably in implementing its policy. They, according to Lovett, asked our writer to put the Commit tee's confidentiality rule above his responsibility to dd his job, which is unfair on its face. We don't believe that either Mr. John Edwards jwhp apparently raised the issue, or Mr. Maceo Sloan, Jr., who apparently supported it, would be willing to put their jobs and careers on the line for the organization. Secondly, it is regrettable that the organization didn't exercise its option of moving its meeting to a private facility, and then closing it to anyone it didn't want there. While , we disagree with the Committee's so-called yen for secrecy, we recognize, as a matter of law, that our access to the organization and, the public's right to know its business, ends at the door of its right to privacy. ; But we, black people, must practice both the spirit and the let ter of the law, as we are prone to insist that white people do. In ousting the reporter, we believe the Committee made a serious er ror in judgment. We only hope that the organization will correct its course, and when it wants to meet privately, it won't meet in a public facility. The black vote. has been described as a. "sleeping giant" whenever elections are the topic of discussion. It's time for that sleeping giant to wake up. , I here is no task of greater immediate importance for the black community than the job of getting every eligible voter registered and voting. That is especially important in 1982 for ; a number of ' reasons. . First, a strong black voter turnout in this November's elections will send a powerful message to leaders of both par lies that they'll have U adjust thejr policies to attract black : voters in 1984. That crucial Presidential race effectively begins the day after this year's election. ' Second, the slakes are high in 1982. ' Fvery member of ihe House of Represen tatives, a third ofthe Senate and many governors' offices are on the block. Third, this year's vote is being seen as an indication of America's acceptance of current policies of both parties. Observers will be reading the results for signs of the political costs of high unemployment, ris ing poverty and shrinking 'government. The black vote lakes on'greater impor tance as the media and the politicians scan ii for signs of apathy or activism. Fourth, new coalitions are emerging between blacks, other minorities, women and labor. The black influence on those coalitions directly depends on ;, demonstrating power at the polls. Finally, whatever the election results, the policy cards arc in for reshuffling. Big decisions are waiting to be made on future budgets, the fate of domestic pro grams, New Federalism, social security, and others. The bigger the black vote, the better chance blacks have of being at the table when the cards arc cut. The stumbling block to higher levels of black voter parti :ipation has always been apathy due to feelings of powcrlessness' and the realities of poverty. Many people feel their vote doesn't count, and many others arc simply too busy with the daily , struggle to survive lo participate in the electoral process. But powcrlessness and poverty are the reasons why all eligible black poeple should register and vote. A large black vote means polnical power, along with the opportunity to do something about changing policies that lead to poverty and unemployment A recent study by the Joint Center for Political Studies shows that blacks make up twenty per cent or more of Ihe popula tion of 86 Congressional districts. That means high black voter turnout can deter mine the outcome of those races. Sixty of those districts are in the South, the cradle of the New Right. In twenty of those districts, the Joint Center finds that the current representatives have voting records opposed to the sentiments of the majority of black people. In many other districts, Ihe incumbents' records demonstrate varying degrees of indif ference to black interests. Congressmen and local officials too can ignore black interests because the black voter turnout in their districts is so low they can win without black votes. It's up to .black voters to teach them that this view is .mistaken. If a few representatives from districts with signifi cant .numbers of black voters lose their jobs this November, it could have a very healthy effect on the thinking of their eol . leagues. . But is is not enough, simply to talk about the importance of the black vote. F.ach and every black person has a respon sibility for maximizing that vote and the power that flows from it. v ?; , We can begin at home, by making voter registration and voting a family project. And just as every adult has to take his oi lier citizenship responsibilities seriously, so too should each parent make sure thai the family's young people are taught i he importance of voting. I ess than 40 per cent of black youth 18 to 24 register, so we will never have enough political clout unless we gel those young people to Lhe polls. '. , There's a lot more that can he done anil is being done by black communities to in crease the black vote, and all blacks should take part in those efforts. The Bogus Veto By Congressman Augustus F. Hawkins For almost two solid weeks this sum mer, thousands of Federal workers and, indeed, the nation sat on the edge of their seats after President Reagan vetoed a $14.1 billion appropriations bill. With many Federal employees and their . families dreading paylcss furloughs, the apprehension and fear brought about by the President's reckless veto will not soon be forgotten. In much the same manner that millions of senior citizens were horrified last year at President Reagan's proposed changes ,;in the Social Security system (and Iheae tual'abandonmcnt of the Social Security . minimum benefit which was subse quently revived by Congressiooal action), thousands of Federal workers and their families were left to contemplate paylcss pavdays. Almost immediately, the Federal agen cies reacted to the news of the veto by is suing furlough alerts affecting approx imately 100,000 workers. In President Reagan's estimation, the $14.1 billion appropriation bill was a "budget-buster". However, this was not the view shared by many Republicans in Congress. Senate Budget Committee Chairman Peter V. Domenici denied that, the bill was a "budget buster". Senator Mark Hatfield, Chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee said, "Bv no and subsequently would have added more than $1 billion to the Federal deficit; The real reason that the President vetoed the bill, however, was that it in eluded money for .programs such as education for the handicapped, urants to needy college students and conimuniiv service jobs for the elderly. The veto was overridden by the House and the Senate and these programs, along with .all the other budget items listed in .the bill will be getting the necessary funding. As experience is the best teacher, per sons affected hv ihe hnltui vii, uill n,i .m I'uiiy mm, 1 ivnuviii nuiuiui, ; nwwywi'i T " M MVV, Ml. ,111111 n me In explaining why he vetoed the bill, 'ttltrvvay IhMt senior citizeVts are still uar csident Reagan said the bill would of the Administration's intentions reuar- t f t ..... t 't l-.t' r oing ine social security system. , President Reagan talks about cuiiim taxes and reducing the Federal deficit, but if one examines his actions we see a Presi dent who recently rammed a $98 J billion tax bill through Congress - the lamest peace time lax hike ever. Further, we see that the Federal deficit has increased 4500' in ihe three short vears from 1979 to 1982. More and more Americans are beginn ing to see that the Reagan program is nothing more thaii the politics of fear and confusiqn designed to deliberately "trick the general public while lining the pockets of the wealthv. responsible account can this be called a budget-buster as it has been characterized by ihe bean-counters al OMB (Office of Management and Budget)." Perhaps most revealingly, though. Senate Finance Commit lee Chairman Robert Hole w as quoted as saying, "I don't suggest we're busting the budget, but I don't waul to bust the President either." Dole's statement is instructive in thai il shows the dilemma of many Republicans who are finding ii increasingly difficult to choose between the legitimate concerns of their 'Constituents and empty allegiance to their party ancr President Reauan I Preside "bust the budget by nearly one billion dollars." The simple fact is that the $14.1 billion appropriation bill was not a budget-buster. And by their votes on (he veto override, twenty-one Republican Senators showed their disagreement with the President's contention. On the House side, eight v-one Renuh lean members Congress voled to override Ihe President veto. The truth is that the bill is $3.2 billion lower than the budget ceiling established in the 1982 ReaganRepublican budget adopted by the Congress. If the President's proposed appropriation had been adopted, I he-bill ihen would have ex ceeded budget authority by $250 million of . Civil Rights "Journal Taking The Bull By The Tail By Br, Charles E. Cobb taw x v'w' W HARRISOW Bom in 1874. on a farm in Clay County. Mississippi, he studied at Roger Williams University. Nashville. Tennessee and at Chicago University; He was admitted to practice law i.n 1902! He Dracticed in the U. S, Supreme Court and was Special LS Judge of the Superior Court. (Oklahoma! and was president of more than one impor- t tant Negro civic organization! Continental Features While Wall Street booms, Main Street USA is overflowing with the unemployed. The latest report indicates that 10.1 per cent Of all Americans are employed. This number is rivaled only by the unemploy ment suffered during the first Great Depression. However, even this extremely high figure does not reflect the desperate situation being faced by minorities. The jobless rate among black adults is over 20 per cent while black teenagers are 50 per cent unemployed. This is a national tragedy, and is the true, measure of our economic woes. The Reagan administration's inability to put the foundation back in the nation's economy has become crystal clear. We the people must demand an end to political name-calling and grandstanding and re quire the president to address our greatest problem, jobs. ; 1 -, The president has side-stepped this issue long enough and unless we lake a stand it is almost a certainly that images of 1929 will become a present reality. This ; administration's band of economic ad visors have failed miserably, and only add insult to injury by asking us to "stay the course". The current course is one of economic disaster. Inflation has slowed and interest rates have begun to drop, but what does that ' mean if there are no jobs or food on the table? But even these small improvements 'arc not due to the president's economic policies. Instead they arc acts of despera tion on the part of the Federal Reserve , System, to save the economy. Most recently our so-called leader has attempted to take credit for what I con sider a temporary surge in the stock market. He has galloped across the coun try in a frail attempt to convince the public that Wall Street has confidence in his economic plan. The president is grabbing for straws and in the process has raken "the bull by the tail" and is attempting to ride ii into a November political victory. I.cl'us hope he ends up with no. more than mud on his face. . 'tf there is no struwile there is no progress. Those who propose to favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation are men whpwant crops without phfovins up the around. They want rain without thunder and lightning. The want the ocean's majestice waves without the awful roai"if ivs waters. - Frederick Douglass csaCiHiaaan f USPS 091-380) , (Mrs.) Vivian Austin Edmonds . Editor-Publisher Kenneth W. Edmonds General Manager ' Milton Jordan Executive Editor C. Warren Massonburg Advertising Director . i.M. Austin Production Supervisor Curtis T. Perkins ' Contributing Editor-Foreign Affairs ''' .'.'.'-V. -. " -.. : Published every Thursday (dated Saturday) (except . the week following Christmas) in Durham, N.C.. by United Publishers. Incorporated. Mailing address: P.O. Box 3825. Durham. NX. 27702-3825 Office located at 923 Old Fayetteville Street. Durham. N C 27701. Second Class Postage paid at Durham. North Carolina 27702. . . Volume 60, Number 42. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to THE CAROLINA TIMES. P.O. Box 3825. Durham, N.C. .27702-3825. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year. $12.00 (plus 48c sales tax lor North Carolina residents). Single copy 30c. Postal regulations REQUIRE advance pay ment on subscriptions. Address all communications and make all checks payable to: THE CAROLINA TIMES. NATIONAL ADVERTISING REPRESENTATIVE: Amalgamated Publishers. Inc., 45 West 45th Street. New York, New York 10036. Member: United Press International Photo Service. National Newspaper Publishers Association. North Carolina Black Publishers Association. Opinions expressed by , columnists in this newspaper do not necessarily represent the policy of this newspaper. This newspaper WILL NOT BE RESPONSIBLE lor the return ot unsolicited pictures.

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