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Congratulations To Two
Men Of Vision
It is fitting that on this weekend, Durham gets a chance to con
gratulate and honor two men of vision, both of them having
dedicated many years to what is now called North Carolina Cen
tral University. . "
In 1909 when Dr. James E. Sheoard launched the National
Reagan and Unemployment
By Congressman Augustus F. Hawkins
Religious Training School and Chautauqua, he put a dream into
motion as only a man of vision can do.
While Dr. Shepard undoubtedly had many reasons to not
launch his school, he apparently was driven by a compelling
desire to contribute something worthwhile and significant to his
people and his. time.
History, then, has proved him to be a man of vision, and wor
thy of both our respect and admiration.
Cut from a similar piece of cloth, though framed on a different
style, Dr. Albert N. Whiting, too, has been a man of vision.
Taking the foundation planted by his forerunner who guided
the school through virulent racism, the Depression and two
World Wars, Whiting, for the past 16 years, has prepared Central
for a new day.
And just as history has measured Dr. Shepard's contributions
and found them to be both substantial and stable in the final
analysis, Dr. Whiting, too, must be fairly and objectively judged
Men of vision are always "before their time", and it is often
only in retrospect that we understand and appreciate what a
positive and uplifting experience it was to have toiled with them,
struggled with them, or even in smaller ways had them touch our
Such is the case, we believe, with Dr. Whiting, and so we say
We would be indeed remiss, however, if, understanding the im
portance of Central's homecoming, we did not also wish to
Eagles good luck. So1 in closing, we say simply to the Eagles:
BEAT THE BULLS!
We Are Not A Minority t
The word "minority" has become a sickening cliche, an almost
useless catch-all term used wWen we either don't want to be
specific or when we wish to confuse the issue.
? Webster sheds a little lighon the real definition of the word,
and how, its misuse has come to be acceptable.
"Minority: the period .before attainment of majority, the state
i of being a legal minor, the smaller in number of two groups con
stituting a whole, a group having less than the number of votes
necessary for control; part of a population differing from others
in some characteristics and often subjected to differential treat
ment." -.. ). ,
One of the first things to note about these definitions from
Webster is the absence of racial or sexual implications in defining
minority, .The word in its natural state, before it is twisted to
mean something; elseiref
. chosen narlac1ensticsW
Being black has no more to do with being a minority than have
two eyes to do with being a majority, because if being black
' makes us a minority, then we chose to believe that having two
eyes makes us members of a distinct majority group.
So when you get right down to it, the application and accep
tance of the term, "minority" depends upon what characteristics
you chose to apply it to.
For example, the first definition implies the ability to become a
majority, that the term is temporary in its application.
In the second definition, being a minor is almost totally depen
dent upon the whims of the legislature. If you are 18, you can
fight for your country, but can't legally buy whiskey in most
- states. .
In North Carolina, for example, you can be tried in court as an
adult at 16-years-old, several years before you can either fight for
your country or buy booze. But that; too, can be changed.
Now when we come to the third definition, we see where the
corruption has really set in. By this definition, there can only be
one whole, and two groups, one of which is smaller than another.
You can have adults and children, or marrieds and singles, men
and women, or as you stretch the definition, blacks and whites.
But you can't correctly have blacks and other minorities.
In the fourth definition, the issue is still simply numbers:
Democrats and Republicans, pros and cons, and finally as we
consider the definition that speaks to population and differences,
we can have "seeing" and blind, "hearing" and deaf, etc.
' Though President Reagan campaigned
on the promise that his policies of
Reaganomics would produce millions of
new jobs for America, at this the midway
- point in4iis term, America is still waiting
for that promise to materialize. The an
nouncement of the September 1982
unemployment statistics revealed that the
national rate of unemployment has hit'
10.1. This is the highest rate of,
unemployment since 1940. Translated. .
this means that 11.3 million Americans
are out of work.
While millions of Americans are facing '
(he grim realities of coping Vith the
ravages of unemployment, Mr. Reagan
and his wealthy, conservative supporters
are living in a fool's paradise insulated
from the real suffering of the people and
totally uncaring except for lip service paid
to the troubles. : .
Who can forget that when confronted
with the effects of his policies an angry
Reagan lashed out at the media for distor
ting the problem out of proportion by
asking if it was news that "some fellow in '
South Succotash someplace has just been
laid off that he should be interviewed na
tionwide..." There has been much change, if not
progress, in the President's reaction to the
rapidly escalating rate of unemployment.
At first, the President had no plans to at
tack the problem of unemployment and
hardly ever even commented on the sub
1 ject. However, as unemployment reached
post World War II levels, the President
sought first to discredit the unemploy
ment data reported by the U.S. Depart
ment of Labor by deliberately trying to
confuse the public on the topic of whether
the Unemployment statistics should be
seasonally adjusted. In fact, before an au
dience of school children, the President
asserted that the unemployment rate for noulder-Tms SvSSS
noi surprising vuuuiig uwi nwwwu
who has made deep cuts in social pro
grams, the recipients of such programs
being alrgely women and children. It is
'dear that the President feels that a
woman's place is in the home in as Im
poverished a state as possible. " ,
Of course, the President maxes no men
tion of the benefits which have accrued to
our society as a result of the millions ol
women who joined the job market, in the
I960 s ana iyu s. wiiei among mc wo
tributions of these working women are the
billions of dollars in taxes. which have
been deducted from their pay, particular
ly the deductions for the Social Security
trust fund. Not only have women workers
added to their families incomes, but they
have added to the goods and services pro
duced oy tne economy.
More recently, President Reagan has
taken up the idea that 6.5 unemploy
ment is acceptable. This is a continuation
of the irrational ideas coming out of the
White House on the topit of unemploy
ment. This idea seems to fall in the same
category as his attack on the -way the
Department of Labor reports the
unemployment statistics. That is, if you
don't like the way the game is going, then
change the rules to suit yourseir.
When these attempts to downplay
unemployment exploded in the
President's face and he saw that he could
not defuse the issue, the White House
began issuing monthly statements to coin
cide with the release of the unemployment
statistics to the effect that the President,
"remains sensitive to the pligh of the
unemployed." Hopefully the American
people will remain sensitive to the plight
of Ronald Reagan when ht is unemployed
though many will breathe a igh of
March, 1982 was actually lower wan it
had been the previous month. Seasonal
adjustments are applied to the raw
unemployment statistics to take into ac-;
count fluctuations in the number of per
sons actively seeking work. In the sum-,
mer, for instance, seasonal adjustments
are made in the statistics to take into con
sideration the numbers of college students
who enter the job market. Apparendy,
Mr. Reagan must have felt that these job'
seekers wore not really looking for work
and should have been discounted. ; .
When it became obvious that the Labor
Department's methods of analyzing
statistics could not distract the focus of
attention from the millions , of
unemployed Americans, the President i
regrouped for another assault. ' ?
If as they say, "April is the crudest
month, then April, 1982 was among the
worst. Shortly after President Reagan
dropped a bombshell , on the school
children in Chicago (actually it was more t
like laying an egg) and he saw that it had
no effect, he sought out other means of
shifting the blame for the rising'
unemployment. . '
At a White House question and answer
period in mid-April, .the President said,
"Part of the .unemployment is not as 4
much recession as it is the great increase in
the people going into the job market, and,
ladies, I'm not picking on anyone, but
because of the .increase in women who are .
working today and two worker families
and so forth." This was an obvious at
tempt to blame the rising unemployment
rate on working women. Of course, this is
totally ridiculous. Economic realities
aside, any American who wants to work
should be able to do so without our Presi
dent trying to place the blame for our cur
rent economic conditions to their
To Be Equal
Which Way For The Economy?
By John E. Jacob
Executive Director, National Urban League
The Chairman of the Federal Reserve,
Paul A. Volker, recently announced a
shift in the Fed's policy that many believe
means an end to the tight money policy
that has strangled the economy. ,
The Fed can loosen the strings now,
Volker said, because the back of inflation
may have taken longer, but the cost would -have
been more manageable.
For one thing, the costs could have
been spread more equitably. Since
everyone was hurt by inflation, everyone
would have been asked to make sacrifices.
By choosing the high unemployment
amount to a permanent wound inflicted
by a mistaken policy.
Now, with lower interest rates, there is
some hope for recovery. But that recovery
will be short-lived and feeble unless we
develop a full-employment economy.
And that means a Universal Employ-'
has been broken. I ; suspect there: is '' router nives
pganoereasora; ft ngnt money noose jweren and real skills training
may have helped cut the inflation fate but
it has also inflicted such terrible damage
on the economy that policy makers decid
ed to change course before disaster over
. whelms us. -ww. W;-, i-
Everyone knows how bad inflation is;
there has been no way to escape the ser
mons on its evils for years. It is true that
inflation was ruining the economy and
eroding working people's incomes. And it
is true that a large part of our current pro
blems can be traced to the high inflation
rates of the 1970s and early 1980s.
But sometimes the 'medicine is more
dangerous than the disease. That's cer
tainly the case with tight money,medicine.
The prescription of high unemployment
for an inflation-ridden economy promises
a different kind of illness, not a cure.
Exchanging double-digit unemploy
ment for double-digit inflation is no
bargain. In fact, it is even worse for the
Inflation could have been cured
without throwing us into a Depression. It
among certain sectors of the economy. In
dustries like housing and autos were put
through the cruncher. .
Worse, it was the most vulnerable in
dividuals and families minorities, unskill
ed workers, young people who paid the
highest price. They were singled out for
high unemployment while others reaped
the benefits of lower inflation.
Construction worker and blue-collar
workers had double-digit unemployment
before affluent occupations felt the pinch.
And black joblessness was in the double
digit range for many years without
anyone showing much concern.
And whatever harm inflation caused
the total economy, high unemployment
means over $300 billion a year is lost in
goods and services that might otherwise
have been produced.
! That's quite a bill, and it will be paid
far into the future since we have shrunk
our economic base by that amount. The
lost jobs, lost opportunities, and our
weakened position in foreign markets
rnnortiinitie : have tn tacit thA fart
that many jobs lost in the last decade will
never come back they are victims of
We have to concentrate on creating the
jobs of the future and giving people the (
skills to hold them. And that won't hap-
pen through reliance on the free market or
pushing for balanced budgets by cutting 1
human resources investments.
The way to balance the budget is to put
people to work. By ending unemployment
eleven million people move off the
unemployment rolls and onto the tax
So while the inflation-fighters beat a
retreat over a road littered with casualties
from their. tight-money policy, the next
phase will be crucial. All signs point to a
feeble economic recovery, when what
Americans and a recession-ridden world
need is a strong, sustained period of
growth. And the way to inaugurate that is
through a job training system that gets
people working and producing again.
Tax Exempt Discrimination
Credit former Transpor
tation Secretary William T.
Coleman, Jr., with a
masterful argument before
the Supreme Court in the
Bob Jones University-:
Schools tax exemption case.
No one can predict how
the current Supreme Court
will rule from day to day on
any major issue. But even if
it relics on the "intent"
reasoning it has turned to in
certain civil rights cases,
Coleman seems to have
Now where does that leave us?
Blacks are not, by definition, a minority, because we fit into
any of the demographies, political, social, economic or even
moral categories that anyone else in this country fits.
What are we then? . , , '
We are Americans with a special interest which makes us just
like industrialists, farmers, unionists, management or any of the
other special interest categories in this country.
We are not a minority, and we should stop accepting that label presented a maMiificentiv
because the acceptance narrows our vision and hinders much of impressive argument,
our progress. - Appearing at the invita-
. t - tion of the Supreme Court,
Coleman contended that
the Internal Revenue Ser-;
vice's decade-old policy of :
denying tax exemptions that ':
discriminate racially should
The Reagan administra
tion has sought to restore
tax exemptions to these in
stitutions, and thus to hun
dreds more that . might
discriminate against blacks.:
Reagan's Justice Depart
ment, siding ' with pro
segregationist groups in
such a major legal challenge
to school desegregation for
Things Voir Should Know
wr Movent .
A renowned machinist and a
leader of The New Knights of Labor,
which began v appointing Negro
organizers In 1875. At Its peak this
Onion had 60,000 Negro members,
and the movement largely grew out
of a meeting of 200 delegates at
Union league (fall, Washington on
December 6, 1869 to form the Col
ored National Labor Union.
the first time since the
Holmes . case out of
Mississippi, holds mainly
that the IRS has no grounds '
to deny tax exemptions
because the Congress has
not passed spedfic laws re-
quiring it to do so.
In addition, there is the
argument which holds that
as religious institutions,
these schools have the right
to discriminate i against
blacks and others because
their religious beliefs call
for such an anti-American
Coleman argued convinc
ingly that the Supreme
Court and the Congress
;have shown repeatedly that
it is the law of the land and
the intent of the federal
government that racial
; discrimination is un
constitutional, i , He pointed out that Con
gress, while not having
spedfically passed a law
telling the IRS to deny tax
exemptions to Bob Jones
University, has refused to
. stop that IRS practice
although it has ended other
actions it did not agree with
when they were brought to
As recently as last year
when the passport case in
volving the CIA and Phillip
Agee came up, the Supreme
Court used the apparent ap
proval by Congress of cer
tain administrative prac
tices to consider them to
have Congressional ratifica
tion. And when President
.Reagan, battered by
criticism of his action
favoring schools that .
discriminate, took his lame
plea to Congress requesting
specific action on legisla
. tion for the IRS to refuse
tax exemptions, the Con
gress told him in une
quivocal terms that it felt
the IRS had sufficient
Coleman, chairman of .
. the NAACP Legal Defense
and Educational Fund, has
made it unlikely that the
Supreme Court will back
administration's blatant bid
to turn back the dock in the
field of school desegrega
tion by giving aid and com
fort to the religious bigots.
This is an NNPA Editorial:
(Mrs.) VMmi Austin Edmonds
Kenneth W. Edmonds
C. Warren Massenburg
Curtis f. Perkins
Contributing Editor-Foreign Affairs
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