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PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
".Fellow-Citizens of the Senate- and Bouse of
Representatives :
. To express gratitude to God; in the namo of
.the people,: for the preservation of the United
States, is mj first duty in addressiog you. Our
thoughts next revert to the death of the late
President by an act of parricidal treason. Tbe
ffrief of tbe nation is still fresh; it finds some
flolace in the consideration that he lived to en
joy the highest proof of its confidence by enter
ing on the renewed term of the Chief Magistra
cy, to which he bad been elected; tbat he
brought the civil war substantially to a close;
that his loss was deplored in all parts of the
Union; and that foreign nations have rendered
justice to his memory. His removal oast upon
me a heavier weight of care& than evr devolved,
upon any one of bis predecessors. -To fulfil my
trust 1 oeea tbe support ana ccnnaencc o: an ;
who aro associated with me in the various de- j
partments of Government, and tb! support and 1
.confidence ol the people, lnere is but oneway
in which 1 can hope to gain their necessary aid;
it is, to state with'frankness tbe principles which
guide my conduct, and their application to the
present state of affairs well aware that the effi-
ciency ol my labors will, in a great measure, de-
pend on your and their undivided approbation
Tbe Union of the United States of America
- was intended by its authors to last as long as
tbe States the)selves'shall last. "The Union
SHALli be perpetual" are the words of the
Confederation. "To form a more perfect
Union," by an ordinance of the- people of the
United States, is the declared purpose of the
Constitution. The hand of Divine Providence
was never more plainly visible in the affairs of
men than in the framing and the adopting of
that instrument. It is, beyond comparison, the
greatest event in American history; and indeed
ts it not, of all events in modern times, the most
pregnant with consequences for every people of
the earth? The members of the Convention
which prepared it; brought to their work the
experience of the Confederation, of their several
States, and of other Republican Governments,
old and new; but they Deeded and they obtained
a wisdom superior to txperience. And when
for its validity it required the approval of a
people that occupied a largo part of a continent
and acted separately in many distinct couveu
tioos, what is more wonderful than that, after
earnest contention and long discussion, all feel
.ings and all opinions were ultimately drawn in
one way to its support?
The Constitution to which life was thus im
parted contains within itself ample resources for
its own preservation. It has power to enforce
tbe laws, puoish treason, and ensure domestic
tranquility. In casa of the usurpation of the
' Government of a State by one man, or an oli
garchy, it becomes a duty of the United States
to make good the guarantee fo that State of a j
ui : v , c ... i ...
I vyuv .uaii iuiui ui ;uvt;i iiujciii, uuu ou in luaiu-
tain the homogencousness of all. Does the lapse
of time reveal defect A simple mode
amendment is provided in the Constitution
self, so that iis conditions can always be made
to conform to the rt"7irt,nient9 i advancing
civilization. No room is allowed even for the
thought of a possibility of its coming to an end.
f
And tbeBe powers of sclf-prc,scrvation have al
ways been asserted in their complete integrity
by every patriotic Chief Magistrate by Jeffer
son and Jackson, not less than by Washington
and Madison. The parting advice of the Father
of his Country, while yet President, to the peo
ple of the United States, was, tbat "the free
Oonsiitution. which was the work of their hanjds,
' might be sacredly maintained;" and the inau
gural words of Piesident Jefferson held up "the
preservation of the General Government, in its
constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our
peace at home and safety abroad." The Con
stitution is the work of "the people of the Uaited
States," and it should be as indestructible as the
people.
It is not strange that the framers of the Con
stitution, which bad no model in tho past,
should not have fully comprehended the excel
lence of their own work. Fresh from a strug
gle gainst arbitrary power, many patnots suf
fered from harrassing fours of an absorption of
the State Governments by the General Govern
ment, and many from a dread that the States
would break away from their orbits. But the
very greatness of our country should allay the
apprehcusion of encroachments by the General
Government. ,t"a. subjects that come unques
tionably withU.irts jurisdiction are so numerous,
. that it must ever naturally refuse to be embar
rassed by questions that lie beyond it. Were
it otherwise, the Executive would sink beyond
the burden; tbe channels of justice would be
choked; legislation would be obstructed by ex
cess; so that there is a greater temptation to
.exercise some of the functions of the General
Government through tbe States than to trespass
on their rightful sphere. "The absolute acqui
esence in the decisions of the majority" was, at
the beginning of the century, enforced by Jef
ferson "as tbe vital principle of the Republics,"
and the events of the last four years have estab
lished, we will" hope forever, that thcro lies lo
.appeal to force. '
The maintainance of the Union brings with
it "the sup"port of the State Governments in all
their rights;" but it is not one of th ? rights of
any State Government to renounce its own place
in the Union, or to nullify the laws of tho Un
ion. The largest liberty is to be maintained in
the discussion of tbe aots of the Federal Gov
ernment; but there is no appeal from its laws,
except to the various branches of that Govern
ment itself, or to the people, who grant to the
.members of tBe Legislative and of the Execu
tive Departments no tenure but a limited one,
and in that manner always retain the powers of
redress.
"The sovereignty of the States" is the lan
guage of the Confederacy, and not the language
of the Constitution.. Tho. latter contains the
emphatic words: "The Constitution, aud the
- Jaws of the Unitcd States which shall be made
in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or
which shall be made under the authority of the
.United States, shall be the supreme law of the
land; and the judges in every State.shall be
bound thereby, anythiug in the constitution or
laws of any State to the contrary notwithstand
ing." .tog
Certaioly the Government of the United
.States is a limited government; and so is every
State government a limited government. With
:U8, this idea of,limitatioti spreads through every
form of administration, general, State, and mu
nicipal, . and rests on the great distinguishing
principle of tbe recognition of the rights of man.
The ancient republics absorbed the individual
.10 the State, prescribed his religion, and con
trolled hia activity. Tho American system
,.rests" on the assertion of the equal right of every
.man. to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi
ness to freedom of conscience, to the culture
:Hperp:sc of all his faeultie3. As a con?e-j
ouence the State Government is limited, as to
the General Government in the interest of Un
ion
as to the individual citizen in the interest
of freedom. m ' -'.
States, with proper limitations of power, are
essential to the existence of the Constitution of
the United States. At tbe very commence-,
nient, wben we assumed a place among the ;
Powers of tbe earth, the Declaration of Inde-
nendence was adooted bv Stares; so also were.!
r. . .. i k it v i j i
tne Articles oi "jonieaerauuii, uuu wueu me
Peonle of tbe United States ordained, and es-
tablished tbe Constitution, it was the assent of
the States, one by one, which gave it vitality, j in tbe name of the whole people, that, on the
In the event, too, of any amendment to the i one side, the plan of restoration shall proceed in
Constitution, the proposition of Congress needs j conformity with a willingness to cast tbe disor
thc confirmation of States. Without States, ders of the past into oblivion; and that, on the
I one great branch of the legislative., government
I would be wanting. And, if we look beyond the
letter of the Constitution to the character ot
our country, its capacity for comprehending
within its jurisdiction a vast continental empire
is due to the system of States. The best sc -
curiry for tbe perpetual existence of the States
is the "supreme authority" of the Constitution
of tbe United States. The perpetuity of the
Constitution brings with it tbe perpetuity of
' . . , . .
, ..,-.i ' ti, h.u 0.;,f
.
without the parts, nor the parts without the wmcu are now resuming ineirp. aces im iue iami
whole. So long as the Constitution of the ' o( the Union to give this pledge of perpetual
United States endures, the States will endure: loyalty and peace. Until it is done, the past,
the destruction of the one is the destruction of
the other; the preservation of the one is the
preservation of the other.
I have thus explained my views of the mu
tual relations of the Constitution and the States, (
oscausu luey uiiiuiu me prmui jie uu nuiuu j.
have sought to solve the momentous questions
and overcome the appalling difficulties that met
me at the very commencement of my adminis-
! tration. It bas been my steadfast object to es-
j cape from the sway of momentary passions, and
j to derive a healing policy from the fundaraetal
j aud unchanging principles of the Constitution,
j I found the States suffering from the effects
I aF nirjW it4i Ui.Qicfonio tn tVitt I !dn t r a 1 ( nr.
ernment appeared to have exhausted itself.
The United States had recovered possession of
their forts and arsenals; and their armies were
in the occupation of every State which had at-,
tempted to secede. Whether tbe territory
within the limits of those States shoud be held
as conqueied territory, under military authority
emanating from the President as the head of i
the army, was the first question that presented
itself for decision.
Now, military governments established for an
indefinite period, would have offered no securi
ty for the early suppression of discontent; would
have divided the people into vanquishers and
the vanquished; and would have envenomed
hatred, lather than restored affection. Once
established, no precise limit to their continu
ance was conceivable. They would have occa
sioned an incalculable and exhausting expense.
Peaceful emigration to and from that nortion of
ot the country is one of .the best means that can be
It- thought of for the rpstnrniiiin nf harmnnv! anrl
that emigration would have been prevented; for
what emigrant from abroad, what industrious
citizen at home, would place himself willingly
under military rule? The chief persons who
would have followed in the train of the army
would have been dependents on the General
Government, or men who expected profit from
the miseries of their erring fellow-citizens. The
powers of patronage and rule which would have
been exercised, under- the President, over a
vast, and populous, and naturally wealthy re
gion, are greater than, unless under extreme
necessity, I should be willing to eutrust to any
one man; they are such as, for myself, I could
never, unless on occasions o:.rreat
emergency
consent to exercise. The wilful use of sush
... . , , . ,
powers, it continued through a period of years,
would have endangered the purity of the gene-
ral administration and the liberties of the States
which remained loyal.
ISesiJes tbe policy of military rule over a con
quered territory would have implied that the
States whose inhabitants may have taken part
in the rebellion had, by the act of those inhabi
tants, ceased .to exist. But the true theory is,
that all pretended acts of secession were, from
the beginning, null and void. The States can
not commit treason, nor screen the individual
citizens who may have committed treason, any
more than they can make valid treaties or en
gage iu lawful commerce with any forei-m Pow
er. The States attempting to secede
,;
placed
themselves in a condition where their vitalitv
was impaired, but not" extinguished their func
tions suspended, but not destroyed.
But if any State neglects qr refuses to perform
its offices, there is the more need that the Gene
ral Government should maintain all its authority,
and as soon as practicable, resume the exereie of
all its funclions. On this principle I have acted,
and have gradually and quietly, and by almost
imperceptible steps, sought to restore the right
ful energy of the General Government and of the
States. To that end, Provisional Governors
have been appointed for the States, Conventions
called, Governors elected, Legislatures assembled,
and Senators and Representatives chosen to the
Congress of the United States. At the same
time, the Courts of tfie United States,, as far as
could be done, have been reopened, so that the
laws of the United States ma be enforced
through their agency. Tho' blockade has been
removed and the ciwtom-houses re-established in
ports of entry, so that the revenue of the United
States may be collected. Tbe Post Office De
partment renews its ceaseless activity.' and the
General Government is thereby enabled to com
municate promptly with its officers and agents.
The courts bring security to persons and proper
ty; the opening of the ports invites tlio restora
tion of industry and commerce; . the post office
renews the facilities of social intercourse and of
V.iKmnce A fit ic it lmrn .. n . 1 .
the restoration of each one of these functions of
the General Government brings with it a bless
ing to tbe States over which they are extended?
Is it not a sure promise of harmony and renewed
attachment to the Union that, after all that has
happened, the return of the General Government
is known only as a beneficence!
I know very well that, this po'icy is attended
with some risk; that for its success it? requires at
least the acquiescence of the States w hich it con
cerns; that it implies an invitation to those States
by renewing their allegiance to the United States!
to resume their functions as States of the Ui.inn
But it is a risk that must be taken; iu the choice t
of difficulties, it is the smalle-t risk; and to di
minish, and, if possible, to remove all danger I !
. ' "rt,1otr
Have telt it incumbent on me to- assert one other
power of the General Governmenr the power of 1
partlon. As no btate can ttrrow a defence over
A - 1
the crime of treason the power of pardon is ex
clusively vested in the Executive Government of
the United States. In exercising that power I
have taken every precaution to connect it with
the clearest recognition of the binding force of
the laws of the United States, and an unqualified
acknowledgement of tho" great social "change of
j condition in regard to slavery which lias grown
i out of the .war.
The next step which I have taken to restore
tbe constitutional relations of the States, has
been an invitation to them to participate in the
high orhce of amending the Constitution. Lvery
patriot must wish, for a general amnesty at the
earliest epoch consistent with public safety. For
this great end there is need of a concurrence of
i it j .u- :..u ,..i
; " u'imvua, huu iuc spirit ui tuuiuai L'm-iuauuu.
ah parties m the late terrible conflict must work;
j together in harmony. It is not too much to ask,
! other, the evidence of sincerity su the future
maintenance of the Union shall be put beyond
t any doubt by the- ratmcation ot the proposed
amendment to the Constitution, which provides
j for; tbe abolitiou of slavery foiever within the
1 ,iraits of our country. So long as tbe adoption
i of this amendment is delayed, so long will doubt
nd jealousy and uncertainty prevail. This is
the measure which will efface the sad memory of
i the I)a.sl? this is the measure which will most cer-
uiiniv can iioiiuiaiion. ana capital, aim securuy
; to Ulose parts ot the Union that need them most
i Indeed it is not too much to ask of the States
, . , . . .!...
! however much we may deure it, will not be for
gotten. I he adoption ot the amendment reunites
us beyond all power of disruption. It heals the
wound that is still imperfectly dosed; it removes
slavery, the element which has so long perplexed
"and divided the countiy; it makes of us once
more a united people, renewed and strengthened,
bound more .than ever to mutual affection aud-
support.
The
amendment to the Constitution
being
... ,. . .. , ,-. , -i
their Places in the two branches of the National
-r . i . , . , , , " , , .
restoration,' Here it is for vou, fellow-citizens
of the Senate, and for you, fellow-citizens of the
llouse of Representatiues, to judge, each of you
for yourselves, of the elections, returns, and quali
fications of your own members. -
The full assertion of powers of the General
Government requires the holding of Circuit
Courts of the United States within the districts
where their authority has been interrupted. In
tho present posture of our public affairs, strong
objections have been urged to holding those
courts, in any of tbe States where the rebellion
has existed; and it was ascertained, by inquiry,
tbat the Circuit Court-of the United States would
not be held within the District of Virginia during
the autumn or early winter, nor until Congress
should have "an opportunity to cousider an act
on tho whole subject." To your deliberation the
restoration of this branch of the civil authority of
the United States is therefore necessarily referred,
with the hope that early provision will be made
for the resumption of all its functions. It is
manifest, that treason, most flagrant ill character,
has been committed. Persons who are charged
with its commission should have fair and impar
tial trials in the highest civil tribunals of the
country, in order that the Constitution and the
laws may be fully vindicated; the tiutb clearly
established and affirmed that treason is a crime,
that traitors should be punished and the offence
made infamous; and, at the same time,, that tbe
question may be judicially settled, finally and
forever, that uo State of its own will has the right
to renounce its place in the Union.
Tfve relations of the General Government towards the
four millions of iihabitants whom the, war has called
into freedom, baVe engaged mv most serious considera-
tion. On the propriety
On the propriety of attempting? to make the
nt-uiuru ciui-iui j inr juuciamauuuui lur jir..L-uuuvtr,
i . 1 . . ...... i. .v.. i 1 : .1. . i :
v uH.iuuonu.M. -
pretations ot that instrument by its authors and then-
' eonfemnoraries. rmd recent legislation hv Confess.
i Vhn, at the first movement towards" independence,
the Congress of the U. States instructed the several
States to institute government of their own, they left
each State to dt-ckle for itself the conditions for tbe en-joj-nient
of the elective franchise. During the period
of the Confederacy, there continued to exist a very
great diversity in ihe qualifications of electors in the
several States; and cvru within a State a distinction of
qualifications pr vailed with regard to the officers who
were to be chosen. The Constitution of the U. States
recognizes these diversities when it enjoins that, in the
choice of members of the House of liepreseutatives'of
the U. States, ''the electors in each State shall have the
qualifications requisite for the most- numerous branch
of the State Legislature."' After the formation of the
Constitution, it remained, as before, the uniform usage
for each State to enlarge the body of its electors accord
inn to its Own illd"melit: ami under tliiu tvsti'm rmr
o p. ' " i " " ? "
State after another has proceeded to increase the num
ber ot its electors, until now, universal suffrage, or
something ne.-ir it. is the general rule. So .fixed was
this reservation of power in the. habits of the people,
and so unquestioned has been the interpretation of the
Constitution, that during the civil war the latePrPsident
never harbored the purpose certainly never avowed
the purpose of disregarding it; and in. the acts of Con
gress, during that period, nothing can be found which,
during the 'continuation of hostilities, much less after
their close, wonkMiave sanctioned any departure by
the Kxecutive from a policy which has so universally
obtained. Moreover, a concession of the elective fran
chise to the freedmen. by act of the President of the U.
States', must have been e.ttended to all colored men.
w herever found, and so must have established a change
of suffrage in the Northern. M iddle and-Western States,
not less than in the Southern and Southwestern Such
an act would have created a new f lass of voters, and
would have been an assumption of power by the Presi
dent which nothing in the Constitution or laws of the
U. States would have warranted.
On the other hand every danger of conflict is avoid
ed when the settlement of the question is referred to the
several States. " They eau, each. for itself, decide on
the measure, and whether it is to be adopted at once
and absolutely, or introduced gradually and with con
ditions. In my judgment, the freedmen, if they show
patience and manly virtues, will sooner obtain a par
ticipation in' the elective franchise through the States
thau through the General Government, even if it had
power to intervene. When the tumult of emotions that
have been raised by the suddenness of the social change
shall have subsided, it may prove that they will receive
the kindliest usage from seme of .those 011 whom they
have heretofore most closely depended.
- Hut while I have no doubt that now, after the close
of the war. it is not competent for the General Govern
ment to extend the elective franchise in the several
States, it is equally clear that good faith rtqnires the
security ot the freedmen in their liberty and their pro
perty, their right to labor, and their right to claim the
just return ot their labor. 1 cannot too strongly urge
a dispassionate treatment of this subject, which should
be carefully kept aloof from all party strife. We must
equally avoid hasty assumptions ofany natural impos
sibility for the two races to live sid by side, iu a state
of mutual benefit and -good will." The experiment in
volves us in no inconsistency; let us then go and make
that experiment iu good faith, and not be too easily dis
heartened. The country is in need of labor, and the
freedmen are in need of employment, culture and pro
tection. While their right of voluntary migration and
expatriation is not to be questioned, I would not advise
their forced removal and colonization.. Let us rather
encourage tuem to nonorable and usetul industry,
where it may be beneficial to themselves . and to the
couutr"'": and jnstea1 of ha.ty anticipations ofthecer-
!"in,ty f,f,fa'llure' H re be nothing wanting to me fair
trial of the experiment. J he change in their condition
is the substitution of labor by contract for the status of
slavery. , The freedman cannot fairly be accused of un-
willingness to work, so long as a doubt remains about
his freedom ot choice in nis pursuits, and the certainty
of bis recovering his stipulated wages. In this the in
terests of the employer and the employed coincide. The
employer desires in his workmen spirit and alacrity,
and these etui be permanently secured in no other way.
And if tbe one ought to be able to enforce the contract.
so ought the ouier. mo public interest will be best H
promoted if the several States will provide adequate pro-
adopted, it would remain tor the estates, wiiose j the genius of free government, and ought not to be al
nowms ha vp lippn so Inner in ahpvanee. tr resume, i lowed. ' Here, there isoio room for favored classes or
tection and remedies for the freedmen."- Until this is'in
some way accomplished, there is no chance for the ad
vantageous use of their labor; and the blame of ill suc
cess will not rest on them. , . "
1 know that sincere philanthrophy is earnest tor the
immediate realization of its remotest aims; but time is
always an element in reform. , It is one of the greatest
acts on record to have brought four millions ot people
into freedom. The career of free industry must be
fairly opened to them; and then their future prosperity
and condition must, after all, rest mainly on themselves.
If thev fail, and so perish away, let us be careful that
f the failure shall not be attributable to any denial of jus-
i j:ce
In all that relates to the destiny ot.the freeoinen.
we need not be too anxious to read the tuture; many
incidents which, from a speculative point of view,
1 1 - - -I -11 l .11. a 1
miffin raiMs aniui w, quieiiy whuc mmM.-i.
V ... that slavfrr i at an iiul nr mnr it pnil the
..nP r,f its evil, in tbe noint of view of nnblieeeo-
ivii-. r - J J " ;
niimv. becomes more and more apparent. Slavery was !
essentially a monopoly of labor, and-as siich locked the
liad but the second besttbatice of findiug it ; and the
foreign emigrant turned away from the region' where
his condition would be so precarious. With the de
struction of monopoly, free labor will hasten from all
parts of the civilized world to assist ia developing vari
ous and immeasurable resources wbich have bitherto
laiu dormant. The eight or nine States nearest the
Gnlf of Mexico have a soil of exuberant fertility, a cli
mate friendly to long life, and can sustain a denser po
pulatiou tluin is found as yet in any part of our coun
try. Aud the future influx oY population 'to them will
be mainly from the North, or from the most cultivated
regions of Europe. From the sufferings that have at
tended them during our late struggle, let us look away
to the future. wh"ich is sure to be laden for them with
greater prosperity than has ever before been known.
The removal of the monopoly of slave labor is a pledge
thatlhose regions will be peopled by a numerous and
enterprising population, which will vie with any in the
Union in compactness, inventive genius, wealth and
industry. -
Our Government springs from and was made for the
people not the people for the Government. To them
it owesallegiancc, and from them it must derive its
courage, strength and wisdom. But. while the Gov
ernment is thus bound to defer to the people, from
whom it derives if existence, it should, from the very
consideration of its origin, be strong in its power of re
sistance to the establishment of inequalities. Monopo
lits. nernetniHes and class lfn-islation are contrary to
' i i --n . .
I monopolies; the principle of our government is that of
equal laws and treedom ot industry, w nererer mono-
poly attains a foot-hoM, it is sure to be a source of dan-j
eer. discord and trouble. We shall but fulfill our du
ties as legislators by according '"equal and exact justice
to all men,' special privileges to none. The govern
ment is subordinate to the people; but, as tbe agent
and representative of the people, it must be held supe
rior to monopolies, which, in themselves, ought never
to be granted, and which, where they exist, must be
subordinate and yield to the government.
The Constitutian confers on Congress the light to re-
fulate commerce among the several States. It is of tbe
rst necessity, for tho maintenance of the Union, that
that commerce should be free and unobstructed. No
State can be justified in any. device to tax transit of
travel and commerce between States. The position of
many States is such that, if (hey were allowed to take
advantage pf it for purpose of local revenue, the com
merce between States might be injuriously burdened,
or even virtually prohibited. It is best, while the coun
try is still young, and while the tendency to dangerous
monopolies of this kind is still feeble, to use the power
of Congress so as to prevent any selfish impediment to
the free circulationof men and merchandise. A tax on
travel and merchandise, in their transit, constitutes one
of the worst forms of monopoly! and the evil is increas
ed if coupled with a denial of the choice of route. When
the vast extent of our countryiscousidered.it is plain
that every obstacle to the free circulation of commerce
between the States ought to be sternly guarded against
by appropriate legislation within the limits of the Con
stitutidh. The report of the Secretary of the Interior explains
the condition of the public lands, the transactions of
the Patent Office and the Pepsion Bureau, the manage
ment of our Indian affairs, the progress made in the
construction of i he Pacific Railroad, and furnishes in
formation in reference to matters of local interest in the
District of Columbia. It also presents evidence of the
successful operation of the Homestead Act, under the
provisions of which 1,160,533 acres of the public lands
were entered during the fiscal year- more than one
fourth of the whole number of acres sold or otherwise
disposed of during that period." It is estimated that the
receipts derived from this source are sufficient to cover
the expenses incident to the survey and disposal of the
lands entered under this Act, and that payments in cash
to the extent offrom forty to fifty per cent, will be made
by settlers, who may thus at any time acquire title be
fore the expiration of tho period it would otherwise vest.
The homestead policy was established only after, long
and earnest resistance ; .experience proves its wisdom.
The lauds, in the hands of industrious settlers, whose
labor creates wealth and contributes to the public re
sources, are worth more to the LT. States than if they
had been reserved as a solitude for future purchasers.
Tile lamentable events of the last four years, and the
sacrifices made by the gallant men of our Army and
Navy, have swelled tbe record Jf the Pension JJureau
trt an unprecedented extent. On the 3Uth day of June
last, the total number of pensioners was 85,9i?U. requir
ing for. their animal pay, exclusive of expenses, the sum
of $8,023,44. The number of applications that have
been allowed since that date will require a large increase
of this amount for the next fiscal year. The means for
the payment of the stipends due, under existing laws,
to our disabled soldiers and sailors, and to the families
of such as have perished in the service of the country,
will no doubt be cheerfully and promptly granted. A
grateful people will not hesitate to sanction any meas
ures having for their object the relief ot soldiers mutilat
ed and families made - fatherless in the efforts to pie
serve our national existence.
The report of the Postmaster General presents an
encouraging exhibit of ?the operations of tbe Post
X)ffice Oepartment, during tbe year. The revenues
of the past year from the loyal States alone exceeded
the maximum annuaL receipts from nil tbe States
previous to the rebellion, in the sum of $6,038,001;
and the annual average increase of revenue during
the last tour years, compared with the revenues
of tbe four years immediately preceding the rebel
lion, was $3,533,845. The. revenues of "he Jaet
fiscal year amounted to $14,556,158, and the expen
ditures to $13,694,728, leaving a surplus of receipts
over expenditures of $861,430. Progress has been
mad iu restoring the postal service in the Southern
States. The views presented by the Postmaster
General against the policy of granting subsidies to
ocean mail steamship lines upon established routes,
and in favor of continuing tbe present system, which
limits the compensation for ocean service to the
postage cartings, are recommended to the careful
consideration of Congress.
It appears from the report of the Secretary of the
Navy, that while, at the commencement of the pre
sent year, there were-in commission 530 vessels of
all classes and descriptions, armed with 3,000 guns
and manned by 51,000 men, the number of vessels
at prrscnt in commission is 117, with 830 guns and
12,128 men. By this prompt reduction of the naval
forces the expenses of the Government have been
largely diminished, and a number of vessels,- pur
cbasecLfor naval purposes from the merchant ma
rine, have been returned to the peaceful pursuits of
commence. Since the suppression of active hostili
ties our foreign squadrons have been re-established,
and consists of vessels much more' efficient than
those employed on similar service previous to tbe
rebellion. The suggestion for the enlargement of
the navy yards, and especially fcr the establishment
of one in fresh water for iron-clad vessels, is de
serving of consideration, as is also the recommenda
tion for a different location and more ample grounds
for the Nanl Academy.
In tbe report of the Secretary of War, a general
summary is given of the military campaigns of 18C4
and 1865, ending in the suppression of armed re
sistance to the national authority in the insurgent
States. The operations of the general administra
tive Bureaus of the War Depart ment during the past
year are detailed, and an estimate made of the ap
propriations that will be required for military pur
poses in tbe fiscal year commencing the 30th day of
June. 1866. The national military force on the 1st
of Mar, 1865, uumbered 1,0;0.5J6 men. ' It is pro
posed to reduce the military establishment to a peace
looting, comprenenaing hfty thousand troops of ail
arms, organized so as to admit of au enlargement
hy filling up the ranhs to eighty-two thousand six
hundred, if the circumstances of the country should
require an augmentation of the army. Tbe volun
teer force ba3 already been reduced by the discbarge
from service of over eight hundred thousand troops,
and the Department is proceeding rapidly in tbe
work oflurtiier reaucuon. lhC war estimates are
- edaced from $516,240,131 to $33,8I4,4C1. which
amount, ia tbe opinion of. tb Department, is ade-
States wbem it prevailed against tbe incoming of free suojeci so presses usen on m.uu, iu i vbuhu
industry. Where labor was the property of the capital- but lay before you my views of the measures which
ut th white- man was excluded from emolovmeut. or are required for the pood character,- and, I might
quate for a peace establishment. The measures of
retrenchment In each Bureau and branch of the
service exhibit a diligent economy worthy of com-
mendation. Reference is ah?o made in the report
to tha necessity of providing for a uniform miliUa
systeii and to" the propriety of making suitable pro-
vision for wounded and disabled officer and soldiers,
The revenue svstem of the country is a subject
of vital interest to its honor and prosperity. and
should command tbe earnest consideration Con-
eress. The Secretary of tbe Treasury will kiy be -
fore you a full and detaiiea report or me receipts
f and disbursements of the last fiscal year, of the first
j quarter of tbe present fiscal year, of. the probable
receipts and expenditures tor me oiner vnree quar
ters, and ' tbe estimates for the year following the
f j 18C6- , ra;ght content myself with a
I v 1 " v wv. f
1 reference to that report, in which you will
find all
the information required for your deliberations and
decision. But the paramount importance Jf . the
almost sav. for the existence of this people. Iue
life of a cepublic lies certainly in tbe energy, virtue,
and intelligence of its citizens; but it is equally true
tbat a good revenue system is the life of an organ
ized government. I meet you at a time wben tbe
nation bas voluntarily burdened itself with a debt
unprecedented in our annals. Vastus i its amount,
it fades away into nothing when compared with tbe
countless blessings that will be conferred upon our
country and upon-man by tbtj preservation of the
nation's life. Now, on the first occasion of tbe meet
ing of Congress since the return of 'peace it is of the
utmost importance to inaugurate a just policy, which
shall at once be put in motion, and wbich shall
commend itself to those wb6 come after tis for its
continuance. We ruust aim at nothing less than the
complete effacement of the financial evils that neces-.
sarily followed a state. of civil war. We .must en
deavor to apply the earliest remedy to the deranged
state of the currency, and not shrink from devising
a policy wbich, without being oppressive to the
people shall immediately begin to effect a reduction
of the debt, and, if persisted in, discbarge it fully
within a definitely fixed number of years.
It is our duty to prepare in earnest for our recov
ery from the ever-increasing evil3 of an irredeemable
currency, without a sudden revulsion, and yet with
out untimely procrastination, for tbat end we
must, each in our respective position, prepare the
way. I hold ittfce duty of the Executive to insist
upon frugality in the expenditures; and a sparing
economy is itself a great national resource. Ufthe
Knnla (n n-Vi?li nii li!tv ho a Kann rriran f A ICCI1A
noteSCcured by bonds of the United States, we may
. A. ,... j , '
require the greatest moderation and prudence, and
the laws must be rigidlv enforced when its limits
are exceeded. We may, each ore of us, counsel our
active and enterprising countrymen to be constantly
on their guard, to liquidate debts contracted in a
paper currency, and, by conducting business as
nearly as possible on a system of cash payments or
short credits, to bold themselves prepared to return
to tbe standard of gold and silver. To aid our fellow-citizens
in the prudent' management of their
monetary affairs, the duty devolves on uj to dimin
ish bylaw ths amount of paper money now in cir
culation. Five years ago the bank-note circulation
of the country amounted to not much more than two
hundred millions; now tbe circulation, bank and
national, exceeds seven bundredmillions. The
simple statement of the .fact recommends more
strongly than any words of mine could do, tbe ne
cessity of our restraining this expansion. Tbe
gradual reduction of the currency is tbe only meas
ure that can save the business of the country from
disastrous calamities; and this can be almost im
perceptibly accomplished by gradually funding the
national circulation in securities that may be made
redeemable at the pleasure of tbe Government.
Our debt is doubly secure first ia the actual
wealth and still greater undeveloped resources of
the country; and next in the character of our insti
tutions. The most iutelligent observers among
political economists have not failed to remark. that
the public debt of a country is safe in proportion as
its people are free; tbat the debt of a republic is the
safest of all. Our history confirms and establishes
the theory, and is, I firmly believe, destined to give
it a still more sigual illustration. T.be secret of this
superiority springs not merely from the fact that in
a republic the national obligations are distributed
more widely, through countless numbers- in -all
classes of society; it has its root in the character of
our laws. Here all men contribute to tbe public
welfare, and bear tkeir fir share of the public bur
dens. During the war, under the impulses of patri
otism, the men of the great body of the people, w ith
out regarc to their own comparative want of wealth,
thronged to our armies and filled our fleets of war,
and held themselves ready to offer their lives for
the public good. Now, in their turn, tbe property
and income of the country should bear their just
proportion of the burden of taxation, while in our
impost system, through menns of which increased
vitality is incidentally imparled to all the industrial
interests of the nation, tbe duties should be so ad
justed as to fall most heavily on articles of luxury,
leaving the necessaries of life as free from taxation
as be absolute wants of the Government, economi-c-lly
administered, will justify. No favored class
should demand freedom from ossessmcnt, and th
taxessh'culd be so distributed as not to fall unduly
on tbe poor, but rather on tbe accumulated wealth
of the country. We should look at the national
debt just as it is not as a national "blessing, but as
a heavy burden on the industry of the country, to
be discharged without unnecessary delay.
It is estimated by tbe Secretary of the Treasury
that the expenditure for the fiscal year ending the
30tb of June, 1866, will exceed the receipts $112,
194,947. It is gratifying, however, to slate tbat it
is also estimated that the revenue for the year end
ing the 30th of June, 1 807. will. exceed the expendi
tures in the sumtf $1 1 1,C82,818. This amount, or
so much as may be deemed sufficient for the purpose,
may be applied to the reduction of the public debt,
which, on the 3 1st day of October, 1865, was $2,740,
854.750. Every reduction will diminish the total
amount of interest to be paid, and so enlarge the
means of still furlber reductions, until the whole
shall be. liquidated; irnd this, as will be seen from
the estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury ,'Tnay
be accomplished by an mini payments even within a
period not exceeding thirty years. I have fait.h that
we shall do all this within a reasonable time; that,
as we have amazed the world by the suppression of
a civil war which was thought to be beyond the
control of any Government, so we shall equally show
the superiority of our institutions by the prompt and
faithful discharge of our national obligations.
Tbe Department of Agriculture, under iis present
direction, is accomplishing much in developing and
utilizing the vns',' agricultural capabilities of the
country, and for information respecting tbefetails
of its management reference is made to the annual
report of the Cornraissioner.
I have dwelt thus fullv on our domestic affair
because of their transceudant importance. .Under
any circumstances, our great extent of territory and
variety of climate, producing almost everything tbat
is necessary for the wants, and even the comforts of
man, make ns'singularly independent of the varying
policy of foreign Powers, and protect us against
every temptation lo "en:angling alliances," while at
the present moment the re-establishment of har
mony, and the strength that comes from barmour,
will be our best security against "nations who feel
power and foreign light." -For myself, it has been
and it will be my coiutanf aim to promote peace and
amity with all foreign, nations and Powers; and J I
have every reason t.o believe tbat thev all. without
exception, are animated by the same disposition.
Our relations with the Emperor of China, so recent
in their origin, are most friendly. Our commerce
with his dominions is receiving new developments:
and it is very pleasing to find that tbe Government
of that great Empire manifests satisfaction with our
policy, and reposes just confidence in the" fairness
which marks our intercourse. The unbroken bar--monybctweeo
the United Stales and the Emperor
of Russia is receiving a new mmnrt frnm an ntrr.
1 a. '.. .is it. . i t
prire designed to carry telegraphic lines across the 1 hnd on the east and the west the two c"et ocean,
continent of Asia, through bis dominions, and so to ! Other natiotu were wasted by civil wars for ag
connect ns with all . Europe by a uew channel of ia- ! before they could establish for tbeinselve Ihe ce
tercourse. Our commerce with South America is cessary degree of unity; tbe Intent conviction that
about to receive encouragement by a direct line of.;
mail steamships to the rising Empire of Brazil. The i
distinguished party of men of science who Lave re
ctntly left our country to make a scientific explora
tion of the natural history ond rivers and mountain
ranges of tbat region, Lave received from the Em
peror that generous welcome which was to have
been expected from bis constant friendsh p for the
United States, nnd his well-know n zeal in promo
ting the advancement of knowledge. A hope is en
tertained that our commerce with the rich and
j populous countries that border tbe Mediterranean
4 sea may be largely increased. Nothing will be
; wanting on the part of this Government to eitend
the protection ot our flag over tbe enterprise of pur
f fellow-citizens. We receivo from tbe Powers in that
region assurances of good will; and his worthy of
note that a special envoy bas brought nt tnesaagos
' of condolence on the death of our late Chief M;.-
j istrate from tbe Bey of Tunis, whose rule includes
i the old dominions of Carthage; on tbe African coast,
1 0ur domestic contest, now hannllr n.UA h.. la
Our domestic contest, now happily ended, has left
gome-trace in our relations with one at least of tha
great maritime Powers. The formal accordance of
belligerent rights to the insurgent States was un
precedented, sod has' not been justified by tbe issue. "
But in the systems of neutrality pursued by tbt
Powers which made that concesion, there was a
marked difference. Tire materials of war for tb
insurgent States were furnished, iiva great measure,
from tbe workshops of Great Britain; and British
ships, manned by British subjects, and prepared for
receiving British armaments, sallied from Ibe ports
of Great Britain to make wnr on American com
merce, under he shelter of a-commission from cbc
insurgent States. These ships, having once escaped
from British-ports, ever afterwards entered them in
very part of tbe world, to refit, and so "to renew
their depredations- The consequences of tbls eon
duct were most disastrous to the States then in re
bellion, increasing their desolation and misery by
Ihe prolongation of our civil contest. It hnd, more
over, the effect, to n gteat extent, to drive tbe
American flag from (.he sea, and to transfer much of
our shipping and our commerce to tbe very Tower
whose subjects bad created ibe necessity for such a" .
change. These events took place before I was called
to tbe administration of the Government. Tlie sin
cere desire for peace by wbich I am animated led
me to apprere the proposal, already made, to submit
tbe question wbich had thus arisen between ibe
countries to arbitration. These questions are of
such moment that they must have commanded the
attention of the great Powers, and are so interwoven
with the pcae and interests of every one of Ibem
as to have ensured an impartial decision. I regret
to inform you tbat Great Britain declined the arbi
trament, but, on the other band, invited us to tbe
formation of a joint commission to settle mutual
claims between the two countries, from which those
for ihe depredationbeforc mentioned should be ex
cluded. The proposition, in that very, unsatisfac
tory form, has been declined. "
The United Stalestfiid not present tbe subject as
an impeachment of the good faith of a Power which
was professing the most friendly disposi'ion, but as
involving questions of public law, of which the set
tlement is essential lo the peace of nations; and,
though pecuuiary repartition lo their injured citi
zens would bare followed incidentally on a decisiou
against Great Britain, such compensation was not
their primary object. They had a higher motive,
and it was in the interests of peace and justice to
establish important principles of international law.
The correspondence will be placed before you. The
ground on which tbe British Minister restJ his jus
tificivtionjs, substantially, ilmt Ibe municipal law of
a nation, and' the domestic interpretations of that
law, are the measure of its duty as a neutral; and
I feel bound to declare my opinion, before you and
before the world, that that justification cannot be
sustained before tbe tribunal of nations. At the
same time I do hot advie to any present. attempt at
redress by acts of legislation. For Ihe future,
friendship between tho two countries must rest on
tbe basis of mutual justice.
From tbe moment of the establishment of our free
Constitution, the civilized world Imsiccu convulsed
by revolutions in tbe interests ot democracy or mon
archy; but through nil those revolutions tbe United
States have wisely and firmly refused to become
propagandists of republicanism. It is the only
government suited to our condition; but we have
never sought tJ impose it on others; -and we have
consistently followed. Ihe advice of Washington to '
recommend it only by the careful pn serration and
prudent use of Ihe blessing. During all the inter
vening period the policy .of "European i'owcrsandof
tbe United States has, on the whole, beeu harmo
nious. Twice, indeed, rumors of the invasion of ,
some parts of-America, iu ihe interest of monarchy
have prevailed; twice my predecessors have bad oc
casion to announce ibe view of this nationHn re
spect to such interference. On both occasions tbe
remonstrance of the United States was respected,
from a deep conviction, on the part of European
Governments, that ihe system of non-ietcrference
and mutual abstinence from pnpngandism was tbe
true rule for the two hemispheres. Siuce those
times we have advanced in wealth and power; but
we retain the same purpose to leave Ihe nations of
Europe to choose their own dynasties und form ibeir
own systems of government. This consisted mod
eration may justly demand a corresponding moder
ation . We should regard it as a great calajuity to
ourselves, to the cau.- e of good government, and to
the peace of ihe world, should any European Power
challenge the American people, as it we're, lo tbe
defence of republicanism agai.-.st foreign interference.
We cannot foresee and are unwilling to consider
what opportunities might precut theuisekr; what
combinations might offer to protect odrselveJ against
designs inimical to our form of government. The
United States desire to act in the future as they. have
ever acted heretofore; they never will be driven from
that course but by the aggression of European Tow
ers; nnd w-e rely on the wisdom and justice of those
Powers to respect the system of. nonhterference
wbich has so long been sanctioned by time, and
which, by its good results, bas approved itself to
both contiaents.
The correspondence between the United Slates
and France, in reference to questions which have
become subjects of discussion between toe two Gov
ernments, will, at a proper time, be laid before Con
gress. Wben, on the organization of our Government,
under the Constitution, the President ot the United
States delivered his Inaugural address to tbe two
Houses of Congress, he raid- to them, and through
them to Ihe country and to mankind, that "the pre
servation of the sacred fire of liberty aud the destiny
of tbe republican model of govern me nAaxTp,t7'
considered as deeplyt jjrha3-firfally staked on
lbcexperinwit full uietl to the American people."
And the Hou?e of Representatives answered Wash
ington by tbe voice of Madison : "We adore Ihe
invisible hand wliich 1ms led the American peeple
through so many difficulties, to cherish a cousciuus
responsibility for the detiny of republican liberty."
More than seventy-six years have glided away since
these words were spoken; the United Stales hare
passed through severer trials than were foreieec;
and now, at this new epoch in our existence as one
nation, with our Uu4on purified by sorrows, and
strengthened by conflict, and established by the vir-,
toe of the people, Ihe greatness of the occasion in
vites us once more lo repeat, with solemnity, Ihe
pledges of our fathers' hold ourselves answerable
before our fellow.-mcn for the success of ihe repub
lican form of goverunient. Eiperience has proved
its sufficiency m peace and in w hi; it bas vindicated
its authority through dangers, and affliction, and
sudden and terrible emergencies, which would have
crushed any system that bad been less firmly fixed
in the heart of the people. At the iutiuguraiion of
Washington the foreign 'clatiotis of liie country
were few, and its Irnde ri repressed by hostil
regulations; now all the civilized nations of the
globe welcome our commerce, ariH ihrir Govern
ments profts towards us amity. Tben our cooniry
felt its way hesitatingly along nn untried path, with
Stales so little bound together by lapid means of
communication as to be hardly known to one another,
and with historic tiaditkus extending ovtr very
few years; now intercourse between tbe Stales is
swift and intimate; Ihe experience of centuries has
been crowded into a few generation., nnd bas created
an iniensc, indestructible nationality. Then our
jurisdiction diii not reach beyond the inconvenient
boundaries of the territory which bad aoalered in
dependence; now, through cctsions of lattJs, first
colooiz?d by Spain and France, the country bas ac
quired a more complex character, and bas for Its
natural limits ihechnin of Lakes, the Gulf of Mexico,
our form of government iaIbe best ever koon lo
the vorld, has enabled us to emerge from civil war
within four years, with a complete vindication or
tbe constitutional authority of Ihe General Govern
ment, and titb our local liberies and Ste iaistita
tious unimpaired. The throngs of emigrants that
crowd to our hores are w itneses of the confidence
of all peoples in onr permanence. Here Is the great
lane of free labor, where industry is blessed w ith
unexampled rewards and the breaa oi mc wormi.
man ix ivocf .n n.l hi- lllO CO n IC 1 0 U ?U i; IUBV
the