North Carolina Newspapers

Hlllttll' t JOSEPH W. HAMPTON, “The powers granted under the Constitution, being derived from the People of the United Sires, may be resumed by them, whenever perverted to their injury or oppression.”—Madison.. Editor and Publislier. VOLUME 1 CHARLOTTE, 'N. C., SEPTEMBER 21, 1841. 1 NUMBER 28 T E R 31 S Ltic ;uh- pa- -t\ie the licrc- the aid 'USt, the; Idep- hic!i rciT- IDV >ea], this iu iu liul IlCXI. wiU r:ix- u^IIy Lrini; prn- ij \ib- Iai'. :on- iniiil ‘c»n- |ech- IgjlK I the h ccr than is- ind a liap tlie for )f the I at an le cf 1. 1)C 1105^/, Infiurc 10 fr-*. I ccnt5. 10 k) r er. le Post i:ed lo )IiS to Ition of Icicved fES. lost on I dispo- l^c., to cnsu- rer, h-- >e "lad licit iii fition to cithor to come ktly rc- l>uri, len 1-tc properly lives, to Ll furni- of the I’eallicrs, lives? the lo so The “ Mccklenburg Jeffersonian'' is published weekly, at Tuo Dollars and h^fty Cents, if paid iu advance; or Three Dollars, if not paid before the expiration of three mokths from the time of subscribing. Any person who will procure M'.r subscribers and become responsible for their subscriptions, aliall have a copy of the paper gratis ;—or, a club of teri sub scribers may have the paper one year for Twenty Dollars in advance, TS'o paper will be discontinued while the subscriber owes any thing, if he is able to pay;—and a luilurc to notify the Editor of a wish to discontinue at least one month before the expira- t.ou of the time paid for, will be considered a new ciigiigLintnt, Original Subscribers will not be allowed to discontinue the puper before tlie expiration of the lirst year without paying for a lull year’s subscription. Adi'crtii-cments will bo conspicuously and correctly insert ed :d One Dollar pn square for the first insertion, and 7Ve?i- tu-flve Ci.rJs for each continuance—except Court and other judicial advortisenu-nts, which will be charged ticenty-Jivepcr cent, higher than the above rates, (owing to the delay, gene rally, attejid:tnt upon collections). A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the year. Advertisements sent iu lor pmblieatioii, must be marked with the numbrr of inscr- T'.aiis desired, or ih- y will be published until forbid and charg id accordingly. Lett, rs to the Editor, unless containing money in suras of Five. Dollars, Or over, must come free of postage, or the aiiiount paid at the othce here will be charged to the writer, iu overv inst;nice, and collected as other accounts. VVeekly Alinauac lor September, 1841. ©lotfe $c aZFattft mtjiatvins. Eaiiwnsr© RESPECTFULLY informs (he cit- izens ofCharlotte and the public gene rally, that he has opened a shop in the town of Charlotte, nearly opposite the “Carolina Inn,” •where he will be glad to rcceive work in his line of business. Clocks, Watches, & c., will be repaired in the most substantial manner, at short notice, on moderate terms, and warranted to perforin w^ell. A portion of public patronage is respectfully solicited. Charlotte, June 1, 1841. 13,.,f 3Ir. lllictt’s Letter. House of ItePRESENTATivES. } Aufust 2^ 1841. ^ Messrs. Blair & Rives: Gentlemen; As the Ediors of the National Intelligencer refuse to publish the enclosed commu nication, you will oblige me giving it an inser tion in your columns. R. B. RHETT. majority to get rid of the inconvenience of the iivo- thirds hitherto required to suspend the rules, and requiring a mere majority to stop debate at any time in the Committee of tlie Whole, and force a bill through the House by the aid of the previous qtiestion. It was against this new and tyrannical rule, which was ordained expressly for the purpose of putting aside the ancient rule, in conformity to which, ]\Ir. Clifford's resolution w’as ofTered last session, with my concurrence and support, that I spoke and protested. How, then, can it be said, with any propriety, that these resolutions are in any sense the same, when one was for a suspension of the rules, the other was to enforce a rule existing? TO THE O’FARRELI. PU13L1U. DA YS. Sun 1 Sun | RISE i SFT, i MOOy'S PHASES- ‘ji 'i'uf^d:iv. 5 1 02 6 I 'J ’ Wediu sdav, 59 5 1 n a 1). II, M. 2.? 'I’liursilav, 00 6; 00 6 1 Last Quarter, S R 57 .AI. ■’4 I'ritlav. 01 () 1 59 5 I New Moon 15 0 46 M, ■.‘"1 i>;ituriiav. 02 6 1 5S 5 j First Quarter, 8 16 M. Suniiav. H i (i 57 5 1 Full Moon, ‘30 11 3M, 3Io!iduv. 01 g! 56 5 i JOHN 0’1^’ARRRL.I.> announces to his custom ers and the public generally, that he has dispo sed of his entire stock of Groceries, Liquors, &c., to Mr. John B. Roueche of Lincolnton, and will close his business in Charlotte on Thursday of the ensu ing April County Court. Until then, howev'cr, he will continue in business at his old stand, and be glad to accommodate his customers with every article in the Grocery line, on the most reasonable terms. J. O’F. gives this early notice of his intention to close business, in order that all Avho owe him, either by note or book account, may have due time to come forward and make settlement, w’hicli he earnestly re quests them to do between this and July Court, for his notes and accounts must positively then be closed. Charlotte, March 5, 1841. 1-tc To the Editors of the Piational IntMigenccr: Gentlemen : In your report of the proceedings of the House of Saturday last, the 21st inst., after recording the grounds on wliich I asked to be ex-, . . , , • j . , , c«ocd irotino- on the rrsoltitmn \Tr * ic-qtured a vote of two-thu'ds oi the members Sergeant, proposing to take SrH^nk KlPou^ ol i the committee of the Whole oij the State of the i operation ot the other, and Union, “on Monday nevt” you slate: j overthrow that protection to the minority the After Mr. /7Ae« had read W« protest to the reso- "'‘'‘•■‘'.■•“"f*!' 0", to which we ob- lution, and requested that it be entered upon then resolntioiib. lUitead of being similar, record j reality, antagonisUcal, “Mr. /?uiis of Kentucky ro.sc and asked him if he ; And look, too, gentlemen, to tlie circumstancc-s had not voted for a similar resolution to the one un- i under which these resolutions were introduced, der consideration during the first session of the last'' containing, as they do, a most vivid exemplification PROSPECTUS. PROSPECTUS OF CJjr atntoln BcguftUcan. IT was tlie intention of the undersigned to issue a Prospcctus some time previous to the commence ment of the present (the oth) Vohime ot this paper ; hut ::ome arrangements becoming necessary, and v. hich could not he etlecled at an earlier day, this rpii-pectr.*- was unavoidably delayed until the pre- tinif. 'I'he undersigned has now thje gratitlcation of be ing able to assure the friends of the paper, and of the cause in which it is engaged, that the Lincoln Kepublicanis now placed on a >urc tonnd;vtion ; and that nothing is wruiting to ensure its long continua tion, but the ex«'rtions of its friends ; and he would take this occasion to call upon ihcin to bcotir them- telves in its behalf. He cannot deem it necessary tn say more than that the I.incoln Kepuhlican will continue to pur sue the » i)ur.'e it has heretofor»; marked out. Its doctrines ore, and will ])e, the doctrines of the Re- ; •■hh :an >'ciiuol of '08 & -i9; and it will, as hereto- 1 .>re. endeavor to show, that every departure from ti.ein, hi the administration of the alVairs of the Go vernment. is subversive of the rights of the States ;iud of th*' liberties of the people ; and therefore, it iS only bv a striet adherence to tliem, that those ri'ihts anil those liberties e;ui be jue.-erved. These nre tlie upiuioa^j of the uiidersiga'^d ; and so long a-, tae paper remains under his control, su 'h shall the docU-ines it. will en i- ivor to inculcate. Though not personally hiter;'sted. tlie undersign- •' ed cannot retVahi from calling on tlie opponents of ^11 Xationid liank. a high and ruinous Taritf. a Dis- ^iitrihution of the proceeds of the Public lands, an as- ^^^iiin})tion o!’ the State Debts l-y the General Go- '^V'M’iiinenf. and of Ai)ol;tioni>m and all its horrors— on tlie iHeiids of tState Rights Republicanism, the un'-omjiromi.-^ing opponents of all the dangerous doc trine of Kederalisin. to rally around and sustain the i{epul>!ican presses of tlie country. For, it is obvi- uus, that to the supineness of the Democracy in this T' spect, anil to the vigilance of the Federalists, may be traced the defeat of the Republican party at the l iie elections: and in a cl*ange of conduct, andin ihat only, may the Democracy hope tor a change ot’ power. Tinns.—Two Dom.ars and Fifty Cents, if paid in ailvance; three ilollars if T)ayment be withheld tln’ce mondis. A'o paper will be discontinued until all arreara ges are j)aid. A hiilure to order a discontinuance, will be con- £;idered a new engagement. Postage in all cases niusl he paid. ROBT. WILLIAMS OX, Jn.. Editor, l.incolnton, Jidy M. 1841. WilViVLvx JS&asar ©o* ’Vype and Stereotype Fouiulry? 71 Fidtun, Corner of Gold Street. New-York. rilllFi Subscribers take this method of announc- A ing to their friends and the public generally, that, having purchased the extensive and well known .oW Is the cit- [lie gene- vinthff tli«i recciv^c aes, laner, jtftted igc fan by ly by 9^ Siajor formerly owned by Messrs. Conner and Cooke, they have removed the same to their present central po sition. Having made extensive revisions, additions, and alterations, they are now prepared to execute orders of any magnitude they may be favored with, with promptness, and on as favorable terms as at any other Foundry in America. To their new Spe cimen Book, which has been recently extensively circulated, they vrould respectfully rcfer. All articles manufactured by them shall be of a material equal, if not superior to any manufactured in this country—and undergo a thorough examina tion as to appearance, ranging, dressing, and proper ly assorting. All articles exhibited in the Specimen Book, Ibrmerly issued by Conner and Cooke, toge ther with sorts to Fonts sold by them, can now be I furnished from this Foundry without delay, with many since added. 1 WILLIAM HAGAR & CO. arc agents for the sale of the Napier, Washington, and SmithiPresses, which, together with Chases, Cases, Composing Sticks, Furniture, Ink, and every article used in the printing business, will be kept on hand, and furnished at manufacturers’ prices. N, B.—No machine cast Tj’pe manufactured at this Foundry. New-Yorif, February 25,1841. 3-3m Notes of Hand and Laud Deeds ; also Clerks’ and Sheriffs’ Blanks, printed, and for sale at tiie Jefiersonian Office. The publishers of the Globe have recently given to the country an exposition of the motives which prompted the attempt bj' the Federal party to ])ros- trate their establishment, by tlie lawless abrogation of their contract as Printers to the Senate. They showed that there were already six Federal news papers—to which a seventh is about to be added— published at Washington—all dev'oted to the dis semination of Federal principles, and the defence of Federal measures. And to make this overwhelm ing battery of Federal presses at the seat of gov ernment tell with the more eft'ect throughout the Union, the character of the Globe was tol)e tarnish ed, its means impov^erished, and its political influ ence destroyed, by a sweeping denunciation oi‘ in famy on the part of the Federal leaders in the Sen ate—by throwing the dead weight of an expendi ture of 1^40,000 in preparation to do the Congress ional work, on the liands of its publishers, (the prin ters whose contract was violated.) and by having this whole work of defamation and ruin accomplish ed by the judgment of the Senate of the Union to give it the sanction of the highest tribunal known to our countr\\ The work was done by a caucus packcd majority of Federalists, and tlie Editors of the Globe are let\ to sustain their establishment by the patronage they may recieve Irom political friends tor the papers they publish. "We will not a.sk or re ceive the s-:ort ol’ lumping contribution by which the banks and Federal politicians sustain their presses. We will abandon the publication of the Globe, if it cannot be supported by the regular subscription price of the paper. If such ol' our Democratic friends whose circumsUmces do not justify a sub scription to the daily or semi-Aveekly-paper, will pa tronize the cheaper publications issued by us—the : Extra Globe—the Congressional Globe, and the Appendix—we shall be enabled to maintain as here- toti>re, our corps of Congressional Reporters at the cost of S3.000 per annum, and to draw to our aid some of the ablest pens in our country. We trust, under these circumstaces, and at a time when the greatest interests of the country, and its tuture des tiny, are put at stake upon the events with which the first year of the present Administration is preg nant, that no individual who has the cau.se of De mocracy at heart, will hesitate to meet this appeal, when at the same time he will leel as.sured that this trifling tax tor his own advantage, will sustain in triumph at Washington the 'long-tried and faithful press of his party. The extra GLOBE will be pubhshed vreckly for six months, commencing on Wednesday, the 19th May, and ending on the 19th Nov'eniber next, making tAventy-six numbers, Ihe last of which will contain an index. Each number will contain six teen royal quarto pages. It will contain principally political matter* The political aspect and bearing of the measures before Congress during the specitil session will be lully developed, and when the pro ceedings are considered of much interest to the pub lic, they will be given at length. The CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE and AP PENDIX will begin with the extra session of Con gress, to commence on Monday, the 31st of May next, and will be continued during the session. The CoNGRESdiONAL Globe will give an impartial history of the proceedings of both Houses ot Con gress ; and the Appendix will contain all the speech es on both sides of important subjects, at full length, as written out or revised by the members themselves. They will be printed as tast as the business of the two Houses furnishes matter for a number. It is cer tain that w'e will publish more numbers of each than there will be w'eeks in the sesson. They will be is sued 'n the same form as the Extra Globe, and a copious index to each. Nothing but the proceedings and speeches ol' Congress will be admitted into the Congressional Globe or Appendix* These w’orks being printed in a suitable form for binding, with copious indexes, will tbrm a vauable, indeed, a necessary, appendage to the library of the statesman and politician, giving, as they do, at an extremely moderate price, a complete epitome of the political and legislative history of the period. Subscriptions for the Extra Globe should be here by the 26th May, and for the Congressional Globe and Appendix by the 6th June next, to insure all the numbers. TERMS. For 1 copy of the E.xtra Globe . . . . $i “ 6 copies do 5 “ 12 do do 10 “ 25 do do 20 And so on in proportion for a greater number. For 1 copy of the Congressional Globe, or Appendix 50 cents. “ 6 copies of either . • • • 50 “ 12 do do 5 GO “ 25 do do . . . . . 10 00 And so on in proportion for a greater number. Payments may be transmitted by mail, postage paidj at our risk. B y the regulations of die Post Office Department, postmasters are authorized to frank letters containing money for subscriptions to newspapers. The notes of any bank, current in the section of country where a subscriber resides, will be recieved by us at par. |I3=* No attention will be paid to any order unless the mo^iey accompanies it. BLAIR & RIVES. WASHtNGTaN City, April 20, 184t. Congress ? “ I Mr. nhett replied: No, nev’cr!] “ Mr. Davis rejoined : he would then read fhc re cord upon Mr. Rhett, btit objection being made, Mr, D. was not allowed lo do so. It is as follows: “ ‘ A motion was made by Mr. Clifford that the rules in relation to the order of business be suspend ed, to enable him to mov’e the following resolution: Resolved, That the rides of the House be so far sus pended that the Committee of the Whole House on the State ot the Union be discharged from the con- bideration of Senate bill (No. 127) entitled ‘A bill to provide lor the collection, safe-keeping, transfer, and disbursement of the public revenue ’ from and after Monday next, unless the same shall be report ed at an earlier dav ; and that said bill, with such of their operation and principles. The Independ ent Treasury bill—for the purpose of drawing which out of the Coniniittec of the Whole, Mr. Clifford introduced his resolution to suspend the rules—had been imder debate one month and five days, consecutively: and the resolution proposed to allow three more days for continued debate. Scores of speeches had been delivered on it; and by a com putation made by a member then on the floor, two- thirds of the tirne taken up in the debate had I m consumed by the majority op losed to the bill. Jt was tiiis fair scope for free debate—the ample tin and liberal indulgence given to the jftinority to ex press their opinions, that doubtless influenced those members of it who joined tho . ajority in suspend ing the rules to bring the debatato a close. Now, turn to the circumstances tmder ^j'hicK ‘’he resolu tion on the Fiscal Bank bill was introduced last Sa turday The amendment, which A*as the bill.cn put on Mr. motion to suspend; Yeas 120. ' " ® 'vere to vote, containing thirty-eight nays 54. Among the yeas wero.^lr. Rhett and eve-1 P^igcs, had been introduced into the House but the ry Democrat in the House. Upon the question that I day before. The bill, yet wet from the-press, is on the Hoi^e do agree to Mr. Clifford's resolution ; | our tables, and it is gravely proposed to take it out \cas 124, nays 58. Among the yeas v.ere Mr. of the Committee of the Whole at 4 o’clock that Rhett and every Democrat in the House. ’ Thus, gentlemen, it appears ;hat when you pro ainendmente, if any, as shall liave been adopted, be taken up in the House onTur.iday next, at 10 o’clock, a. ni. and be the special order until finally disposed of, reserving to said committee the right according to the rules of the House, to report the same sooner, if the discussion shall terminate.’ The question Avae fess to report the proceedings of the House, you hold yourselves at liberty to ini;r.«perse them with matters which do not occurr ut the time in the House. The former opinions r conduct of those opposetl to you politically, may be introduced for the purpose of weakening th-'ir positions, or even for a i'ar inferior purpose—^o l'>wer them person ally in public estimtition by an c fort to convict them of personal inconsistency. If you had thought proper to report only what wa- said on this uccii- { measure, striking at the first principles of the Con Sion, j-’oii might have better reprcstui.cd ' - - - to Mr, Stanhf, or have noticed my request to the day and pass it The excitement this proposition obviously produced in the House, induced the mo ver, I presume, as a signal specimen of Whig ge nerosity, to give one day longer, and he changed it to 4 o clock on the ]\Ionday ensuing. The inde pendent 'Freasury bill, contained a very trilling ap propriation of money for erecting safes, vaults, &c.: but this bill established a mighty corporation, and contained an appropriation of fifteen millions of dol lars And mark how bencficial to the minority v.'as the few liours allotted I’or discussing this gicrantic House; and their opinions be reported thereupon before any resolution or vote of the Houec do pasa. therein.’^ Upwards of a century afterwards, in 1784, Mr Hastell, in his Parliamentary Precedents, in com* menting upon this rule, observes: « The House of Commons have, with great wis dom, imposed these rules and resolutions upon themselves in the exercise ot that great and impor tant privilege, ‘ the sole and exclusive right ot grant ing aids and supplies to the Crown j” in order, (as it is their duty w’hen they arc imposing burdens upon their tellow subjects, to give every oportunity for free and frequent discussion,) that they may not, by sudden and hasty votes, incur expenses, or be indu ced to approve ot‘measures which might cjitail hea- I vv ond lasting burdens upon themselv'es and their ' p'jctcr’ty. It is upon this principle, that as long ag» as the year 1667, the House laid down for a rule ‘ that no motion or proposition for an aid or charge upon the people should be presently entered up on.’ That by this means, due and suflicient notice of the sKbject should be given, and that the members should not be surprised into a vote, but might come prepared to suggest every argument which the im portance of the question may demand. Another part of. the same order—‘ tliat such propositions shall receive their first discussion in Committee ol the Whole Hous6^*—\& no less wise and prudent. There every member may speak as often as he finds it necessary, and Is not confined in delivering his opinions by those rules which are to be observed in speaking in the House ; and which in matters of ac count and computation^ would be extremely in convenient, and would nccessariljmdepri^ the House of much real and useful in^i^^ition. , This mode of proceeding likewise giv’es au opportunity of a further and more mature deliberation, when the resolutions'of the committee are reported; to which the House may efther not only agree or disa gree, but if they are of opinion that the subject has not been sufliciently canvassed, they may recommit the whole or any part of the report, for the purpose of receiving more accurate information, or more narrowly inquiring into the nature and expediency of the proposed measure. For these reasons, this resolution of the 18th of February, 16- 67, has been, particularly of late years, very strictly adhered to ; and it appears to be one of those rules which, as it has its foundation in prudence, and an attention to the case of the people, ought to be, in all instances, inviolably observed^” Here is the origin of this great rule, with the= reasons for its e.’cercise and continuance in the Brit ish Parliament to the present day. And I beg you to remark, that instead of its being relaxed in its ad ministration, it has been, according to the testimony' of Mr, Ilatsell, particularly of late ycurs, very' strictly adhered to. The reason is obvious, proportion as the British Government has becoma more free, and the interests of the people more re garded in its legislation, in the same proportion has this great principle of parliamentary law, introduc ed by the people for their protection and self gov- llouse to allow Mr. Davis to pioceod. If the re solution had been read by Mr, Dtiuis, it would have debate, short as it was, and worthless as was the given me the opportunity I desired of showing what opportunity, fell entirely from the lips of the majo- l asserted, that I had never voted fur any such re- rity Who will say, under such circumstances, solution as that against which I protested. Since even if the principles on which both rested were the you have thought proper virtually to make this same, that those who voted for Mr, Cliflbrd’s reso- charge in your report of the proceedings of the lution. stand on the same platform whh those who House, 1 claim the privilege through your columns | voted for the resolution of Saturday ? Practically, of reluting it. I under the former resolution, there was free, almost In the first place, you have not quoted tlie whole j licentious debate. Under the latter, practically, journal. You say. The (piestion was put upon | there was an efiectual gag to the minority, Neither Mr. Clifford's motion to susp^^nd the rules, ’ \'ou j in operation, circumstanccs, nor principle, then, can should have added; 'rtoo-thtras voting iu the at-j they, with any propriety, bo said to be the same, firmative, the rules were suspended.” From the 1 Under tho rule adopted'by this Congress, the an- point at which you stop, it may be inferred by a cient security enjoyed by a minority to the right of reader unacquainted with parliamentary rules, that a mere majority suspended the rules; and, there fore, in this respect, that the resolutions of ^Ir. Clif ford and Mr. Sergeant were alike. This is not so. A rule of the House, in conformity with an express standing rule, existing immemorially, I believe, can i ders otherwise, they must be dumb. The euforce- only be suspended by a vote of two-thirds, and on ! ment of this rule in this case demonstrates, that if a this occasion this vote was obtained. | majority chooses, they may pass any measure thro’ In the second place, you say: •= Among the yeas | House of Representatives, without one word of was Mr, Rhett and every Democrat in the Hoiise.’’ debate being uttered concerning it. It allowed but An inference from this statement might be made, | it may as well, on so grea^a mea- a„a i,t-netraiinff uvery c>.mer of li.e U..U,, '^rnmcnt,%e» more sacredly observed^ It has be- Not a Democrat was able to tiller one word in the ^ome sanctioned by usage and hallowed into a great Jibate-not one could obtain the floor. Tho wliole P"""!' > "/ ; and if any Premier or Kinj oi 01 Lngland, at the present day, should dare violate it to one half the extent this Congress has witness ed, it would produce a revolution as signal ag that of 1G63. Nor has it been confined alone to bills of supplJ^ “ The speech, messages, and others mat ters of great concernment are usually referred to the committee of the whole House.” 6 Grey, oil- There the inestimable privilege of free debate is ob tained, untrammelled by technical rules. There tho representative of the people can speak to the taxes to be imposed upon his constituents again and again, unchecked by the previous question. Sug gestions are freely made—time for investigations given, that all the light and information which the subject admits of, maybe freely imparted and freely received. This is English parliamentary law brought by our ancestors with them into all our colonial assemblies, as that rule, in the enactment of laws, above all others, the most sacred to liberty and the protection of the rights of the people. It has been invariably practised on, as far as I am informed, by every State Legislature in the Union, excojUing where the previous question has noi henn adopted as a rule of governance, and then it in?y be nvi.y*- y free debate iii the Committee of the W^'hole, is taken away. They have no rights in the matter, Tliey speak by the permission of the majority ; and per mission gives no right. When a majority*, even of one only, says it, they may speak; and when it or- that Democrats only voted for Mr, Clifford's mo- allowed not) one.to discuss the Distribu tion to suspend the rules, and afterwards for his re solution, and that they carried those propositions. This is not so. A large number of the Whigs, without whom neither the motion nor resolution could have been carried, voted for them with the Democrats. Amongst them were Mr Biddle of Pennsylvania, Mr. Briggs and Mr. Calhoun of| Massachusetts, Mr. Undericood of Kentucky, Mr Chinn of Louisiana, Mr. Joseph Williams of Ten nessee, Mr. Randolph of New Jersey, and many others. If the motion or resolution iiad been con trary to parliamentary usage, or an infringement of the rights of the minority, these gentlemen would have been amongst the last wlio would have voted for or ftarried them The distinction between this resolution, and the resolution of Mr. Sergca?it against which I protest ed—kept out of view in your report—is this: The resolution of Mr. Clifford was a resolution to sits- to the taxes imposed upon them.'’ The manner in pend the rules, which can only be carried by a vote which this right was enjoyed was, bv referring all of two-thirds of the House. Mr. Sergeavi’s reso- bills, laying taxes or appropriating money, to the lution was not of this character. By a standing Committee of the Whole; that is, the whole House rule of the House, made for the protection of the resolves itself into a committee. The advantage minority, as all rules are, and always existing as a | is i« the privileges of this committee. There, the rule of Congress, the regular course of business ; previous question (the form of cutting off all further cannot be altered or changed but by a suspension ! debate) does not apply, A free conference takes of the rules. This regulation was made expressly | place, and debate is unlimited and unrestricted. On to protect the minoiity against the caprice or tyraii- the great and vital subject of taxes, and the appro- ny of the majority. It was supposed, with this priation of them, it is not presumed that there can guard to their rights, requiring a co-operation of be too much deliberation or consideration, and those the minority itself to suspend or change the rules by who are to pay the taxes, the people, have the right a vote of two-thirds, their rights were safe—impo-1 freely to discuss the manner and the extfjnt to which ' ' ■ ' ■ ” ’ I they shall be laid, and the purposes to which they shall be applied. Permit me briefly to shov/ the tion l>ill, which had never before been considered in the House, and which disposed of hundreds of mil lions of the people’s projierty, It allowed but five days for the consideration of the Loan bill, borrow ing of twelve millions of dollars more. It allowed but one week for the dispatch of the first Bank bill, sent us by the Senate, where it was considered one month If such legislation was consistent with our form of Government, it would be sufficient to turn away all nations from us in disgust and contempt. Against such legislation we have remonstrated.— Against such tyranny by a majority, as one of the minority, I have j)rotested In one of the grounds of the protest I made this rule. I maintainod that it *• was a right in the People of the United States, inherited from their ancestors, and enjoyed and practised time im memorial, to speak through their Representatives sition or oppression by a majority was impossible. But how is it now with the new rule introduced at this session, for the first time, into Congress, and in pursuance of which the resolution proposed last Saturday was passed I Was it a resolution to suspend the rules, requiring the assent of the mi nority, by a vote of two-thirds, to make it operative ? It was a simple resolution—“ That, at 4 0’ clock this day, (altered afterwards to Monday next,) all debate in Qpmmittee of the Whole on the bill No. 1, to incorporate the subscribers to the Fiscal Bank of the United States, shall cease,” &c. It was an enforcement of a rule which had been made a stand ing rule of the House, ^xpressly ordained by the origin and nature of this great principle of Anglo American liberty. On the 18th of February, 1667, coeval with the establishment of libert}^ in England by the Revo lution of 1668, by which James- the Second was expelled from the throne, the Commons of England resolved: “ That if any motion be made in the HoUee for any public aid or charge upon the people, the consi deration and debate thereof ought not presently to be entered uponj but adjourned till such further days as the House shall see fit to appoint; and then, it ^ ^ . , ought to be referred to the Commute of the Whole ' ^ cessary. It has been as inviolably oIslrv^.-d 1 every Congress which has satin the Un.’icd from the Revolution to the Congress of Jime, 1 .:^41, Even the Federalists of ’08, disrrgardful as they showed themselves to be of popular rights, in the enactment of the alien and sedition laws, whilst they assailed the freedom of the press, left untouched the right of free debate in Congress. The bbertj’^ of speech to the people and their representatives was. unassailed or abridged. For the first time since 1667, this rule has been set aside, not by English men, or in a Monarchy—but iu a Republic, by tho descendants of Englishmen, claiming to be freer than they. Free debate no longer exists in the House of Re presentatives of the Congress of the United Stcffes. The people, through their Representatives, have no longer the right of speaking to the ta.xes imposed upon them. Tyrimny, in the .shape cf u n'-.joii'.y, is erected in the Capitol. The nc .v terrgr is begun. I have remarked, j^entlemen. that the guillotine, cuuing ofl' debate, has on a hill, you have rtiised a shout of con.r;«at;j]'.iixn at its speedy passage. The patriotism of the d-^ed is ex tolled, and the people are bid to re-oicc. If you have thought upon this subject, will you he. so go 1.I as to inform me how liberty can be -i jnvdncd \ y a people, if the liberty of speech, in their d-.lil - a tive assemblies, is destroyed. W’hy did Crom .vell turn his Parliament out of doois? Was it not be cause he could not restrain their speech ? Why did Napoleon introduce his gens d^armea int - tho House of Deputies? W’as it not because he feared their remonstrances and appeals to the people, against his meditated usurpations ? Could these ty rants have made the Representatives of the people dumb, could they ha.ve silenced debate by rule, what more could they have desired or demanded? For their purposes, perhaps, it were better such re presentatives should have remained than be expcll- They both had obsequious and slavish majorities to carry out their bequests. But they, unfortunate ly did not live in our day, in the glorious light of our example. They did not comprehend the first great reform of a Federal Congress in these States, to gag by rule; and therefore, they found it neces- s.^rv to ffagbv the sword And hav& you lived so.