Newspapers / Mecklenburg Jeffersonian (Charlotte, N.C.) / Sept. 21, 1841, edition 1 / Page 2
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long in the atmospl^ere of thi^ Qapital as to sup pose, so far as liberty is concerned, tljal the one from of suppressing- debate^ is less ojbgectioriable than the other, if equally efTectlve? •*- Or do you imagine it to be possible, that if thp one is subrAitted to, the otji- er, so soon as it is convenient^ \vill not be resorted to? Hdu'haro all monarchies arisen from Repu blics? Do you kno\y—can you imagine but two steps? First, the control of the majority; and, se cond, the silence and subjection of the minority. And can you conceivo a more dexterous method of de- stroying a minority, than by destroying its use ? If it is silont, what use is it ? How can the abuses of a majority, or the designs of a tyrant against the li berties of the people, be exposed in a deliberative body, if the minority is gagged ? Is it the want of a majority or an ambitious pretender, to lay byre before the eyes of the people, the true cliaracter of their measures, or do they not rather seek to com mand them by nil the arts and sophistries that mor- ta.J' ingenuity can devise? To do wrong is the great difnculty. To give it the appearance of right. greaf—nr.d to be made far greater—mightier than ^ our thoughts can grasp, if^true to oiir destinies, by weighing coolly and cautiously every act of legis lation, by a faithful observance of the Constitution, and by holding fast to every guarantee of liberty transmitted to us by our ancestors, or discovered in the course of our own experience. Ours will-then be the greatness of justice, truth, and liberty, com bined. Second Veto Message. easily accom- j of President of the United States, and to the best of pUblied. 1 o (i('Stroy or silence a minority in a bank.. Vet who cart mdigp tlie idea that this Oo- vernmcnt can rightfully, iTnlaking a State bank its fiscal agent, invest it vvithihe absolute and unquali- fiied powers conferred by^is bill ? When I come to look at the details of t^ bill, they do not recom mend it strongly to my idoption. A brief notice of some oPits provisions lill suffice. ' FiHt.^ It Tna3r justify suistantially a system ofdis counts of the iVibst dbjectinablo character. It is to deal in .bills ,of eichangi drawn in one State and payable in another, wiiout any restraint. The bill of exthange may hai3 an unlimited time to run, and its renewability is r> where guarded against. It may, in fact, assume te most olsjectionable form of accommodation paper It is not required to rest on any actual, real, or gbstantial exchange basis; a drawer in one place fccomes the acceptor in an other, and so on m turnthe acccptor may become the drawer, upon a mutial understanding. It may, at the same time, induge in mere local discounts It is with c.xtreme regret that I feel myself ccii- I the name of bills tf exchange. A bill dra\yn strained, by niv duty faithfully to execute the ofiice Philadelphia on Canden, New Jersey ; at Cin- ■ ' ■ cinnati on Newport, Kmtucky, not to multiply oth MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, Returning, with his objections, the bill “To provide for the better collection, safekeeping, and disbursement of the pub lic revenue, by means of a corporation, to be styled the Fis cal Corporation of the Uiiitcd States.” To /'le House of Representatives of the United States; ^ 1 . • — l^*^' i ability to preserve, protect, and defend the Con- j examples, might, forany thing in this bill to res- puiar lepresontative Government, is to 'destroy li-1 stitution oVthe United States, to return to that House become a mere matter of local accommoda originated, the bill ‘*to provide for the 1 ^*"on. Cities thus relati'^ely situated would possess ollection, safekeeping, and disbursement of 1 over cities otherwise situated, of so de- the public revenue, by means of a corporation to be I a character as moat justly to excite dissatisliic- ^ styl(‘d the Fiscal Corporation of the United Stutts,” ! with my written obiections. 1 There is no limit prescribed to the premium berty itself. The minority is the great check, the in which it sole restraint on a riiajority, and if a majority is un- better coile restrained, what is if but despotism f Can there bi3 ' a better definition of a despotism than unrestrained power ■ iiom opjuession uikI ]nJustlc^'. anJ bp rc-'*'arde''l. and was intended by tho wise men ! cotiniie with their doors closed, or exist at liberty ro all ? Wliy shouKl tiiey : who °nade it a part of the Constitiition, as a great I mt>rcy of’this national monopoly of brokerage. nd then, have you inougat at all, in connection 1 in n\y message "sent "lo the Senate on the IGth I purchase of bills of exchange; thereby cor recting none of the evils under which the communi ty now labors, and operating most injuriously jipo” ti»o in whicU the inequalities in . - . „ , r 1 ..w*. . .,^*w.ly proclaimed to be against of exchange are most severely felt. Nor t lemsclves, €ts inrn. taey arc comparatively notli-1 the exercise *'ofthe power of Congress to create a ihesi; ilic uulj '-•wnsequences A resumption of ) but as repi eseiuati\es, the\ may wield a jiow- i ^ytional I^ank to operate per S6 ov’er the Union i pdyments by the baiilcs of those States w’ould f'l, a* tciiii.de an army I'h bauuers. When | ^>id entertainin'^ that opinion, my main objection to liable to indefinite postponement; for as the ope- ” ■ ration of the agencies of the interior would chiefly bills of exchange, and the pur- be made in specie, or in notes of to preserve the Constitution—to protect the pv^ople | vrith which the ( Miief iMan-istrate isinvestT'd, should | banks paying specie, the State banks would either the}'’ reprtseut promote equal iiuuiLy tu uu > >v uy saoui.i iney . wiiu made it apart sta\, il ^pecv.-^l is dcnisfd them? Why sliould ihc * conservative ]>rinciplo of our sy.stem, \\'ithout Mie j it be passed over without remark, that, mockery ol reprrsontatlon be preserved, when all j exercisc of which, on importani occasions, a mere ! 'whilst the District of Columbli is male the seat of Its power, its vitality is destroyed? Why should , repieyentative majority might urge the Government Bank, its citizens are excluded from the people send them, merely to subserve the pur i in its legislation beyond the liinTts fixed by its fra-participation in any benefit it might aflbrd, by a posob ol a majority, and give tiiG air of authority to ? mers, or might exei t its just powers too hastily or i p'”^^^tivo prohibition ot the I3ank fiom all discoun- t'd’.cts^ v/h:ch the\ are t!ie dumb instruinents ot re- ; oppressively; yet it is a power which ought to be | within the District. gistenng ? With such power in a majority, exer-j most cautiously ext'rfed. and perhaps never, except! These ;ire some of the objections which promi- cised only as it has been when yet not three montlis j m a t^ase imminently involvinf'’ the nnblic interest ' uently exist against the details of tne bill; others old the very object of representation is destroyed. | or one in which the oath of "he iVvLl aclin^! might be urged, of much force, but it would be un- 1 he people lepresentet. by toe minority do not rule • under his convictions, both mental and moral, im- i pi’cditable to dwell upon them; suffice it to add, that tnemseives. i ney are ruled absolutely, whhout | periously requires its’cxercise. In such a case he designed to continue for twenty years, the poor privilege of remonstrance or complaint ! has no aiternativo. He must ehher exert the neca-!^ competitor; that the defects to which I I- .1 .... . . . . , . ( Constitutfon i alluded being found in the fundamental law of . ; the corporation, are irrev’ocable; and that, it the ob jections be well foimded, it would be ov'er hazard- berties. I have no doubt you have been astonished at the patience with whicii the minority in Congress have submiUed to tiris state of things. ' 1 tell you, it were borhed and written will ol the whole people of the j jection.?, bhould harmonize conflicting opinions. Ac- j . United States. It is their fixed and fundamental ! tuated by this feeling, I have been ready to yield It was not: (iHiioult to iiave slopped utterly all Icgis- j l iw, which they unanimously prescribe to the pub- i much, in a spirit of conciliation, to the opinions of lation, imtil that rule was rescinded. But. after due j lie functionaries, their mere trustees and servants. j others : and it is with great pain that I now feel delibenition, it v.'as determined to submit, at least ! j i i i i i ■ ditl’cr Irom Congress a second time in lor the time: because we believed tliat the people! . ^ ana the law which they have j same session. At the commencement of this would come to the rescue We looked over the our action, has no guard, no j session, inclined tVom choice to defer to the legisla- M-hole scope of the policy of the narty in oo'.ver— ' preservation, protection, and defence, I live will, I submitted to Congres? the propriety of their tvramiical nrneepdino-c: I'Aro-Lth^ir nnwhich it prescrd)es to the pubhc ofti- ; adopting a Kidcal Agent which, without violating tional and corrunt Ir'^’i-'f itTon for i!ip l ^ cers, the sanctity with whicii they shall religiously i Constitution, would separate the public moneys tional and coirupt i( gi>!Uion io\ the country—and , _„-.i i : 1 \ trom the E.xecutive control, and nertorm the opera- burdensome to le pool piiMlege oi remonstrance or complaint ! has no aiternativo. He must ehher exert the neca tnroug 1 taeii rcpiesentatives, a^inst laws passed i tive power entrusted to him by the Constitutior toi then go\eiancr, in thei^' opinion, unconstitution-1 chiefly for its o\Vn preservation, protection, and dc .il in pimciple, and, il unrepealed, fatal to thei“ li- j fence, or committ an act of gross moral turpitude #'asier to have deluged the Hall of Representatives in blood, than to have submitted to this imposition. j\Iere regard to the will of a majority, must not, i ^ law. in a constitutional Rej)ubiic like ours, control this ! eonclusion, I take leave most respectfully to , . „ 1 I . * Ic rni I say, that I have felt the most anxious solicitude to sacred and solemn duty ot a sworn ofncer. The ' A • • .w • *i ^ i ♦ „ „ ... u- 1 ' 1 J I • 1 1 (meet the wishes ol Congress m the adoption of a Constitution i.sell, 1 rrgaid and theiish as the em- j jriscal Agent, which, avoiding all constitutional ob- we have not dou jiolicy, th^^rrforc, tr to aw whose ri suited—to whom the Constitution and ihe Govern ment belongs—Vx i;;ji-e we are, and \vl:nrn wps'^rvc. They are sufHcient for themst Ivcs: ;md if tliey are Wiio bi;t the the C 'or!.-tirution supreme. iiHif ioi'e, ixus ueci), Vviiu cainin’ss anc uicrni- 7. , rait the coming of the peoj.ic—people. ^7 ^ - i -m • i — ights through us have been invaded and in- i ngain.st tii«* wul o.l a mere repre- | partment of the Government cannot, upon constitu- rity, or ii:t at all. It i.s alone in i lional atu* people, or inconvenient, or expensive to the Go vernment. It is deeply to be regretted that this de ientativcs majority, or ii.t at all. It i.s alone m i lional and other ground-^, conctir with the Legisla- pursuance of tirat will iluit any moa.sure ch.i ever ! tiye department in this last measure proposed lo at- reach the Presidciit ; and to sav t[ut because a ma- j these desirable objects. Owing to the bri«f jority in in Congics.s have pushed a bill, the Pre-! between the period of the death of my la- sideiit sho’jU tliCrefore sanction it, is to abrogate the \ predecessor and iny own installation into ot- ider i's insertion in the ! lett time to prepare and sub- ijer I S in.e non m tne , ^ dehnite recoinrnendation of my own in my absolute Cnt»orrt»-/->nr^.J,r»r, . . . . -i ... J supererogation. • j-cgular message ; and since, my mind has been not, who can bo sutlicient ll>r thent people, can inal:o the peonlo iiXe / , , , j * i n I I i> . • » t 1 • pov.’er alto^^^tner. hnd to render bhould People and Keprcscntatirrs I oth suLmit P 'v ^ to such legislation, it needs no proph'Lt to foretell ' ^ v.Oik 0 uosoi -i?"" r j,..v nimu hum uccu ihe consummation. Let no .nnn snnposo th::i -nnd | ' 3'“'''’ t,.e lundamcntnl wul of the , „|,oHy occup.cd ...a most anxious j.itempt to con- ,Mn result from the r™otico of evil to ti.os-°wI,o t;:t-raselv.s irom (,n tl.i,= ca.c, I admit, tin-, fonu mj; act.on to the 1^ In tco.n- intcntloiial)cliapgc or mfraction by a mnjonty in mnnicaUon. 1 ftm couuned by the Constitution to iiroffincci 1 - "«•, »'> > .he period o. .,,innl.ty in the iustnitne.it of his chastisem«it, Im j 'l*e ronstttut.onal duty wl.tch I no-.v mo^t reluctant- in the end. the instrument and the chastised sufler 1 ^ . j r , hoth alike. .Suppose the minority in Congress so 1 - l>iH no«- rvcscnlcd for my approval or debased as to submit entirely and forever to the ty- thc regular session will soon arrive, when it will be my duty under another clause of the Constitution, •'to give to Congress information of the state of the Pniou, and recommend to their consideration such measures as ” I •• shall judge necessary and expedi ent.” And I most respecttully submit, in a spirit disapproval, such a bill as 1 have already declared ranny of the majority, and the people they repre- could not receive rnj, sanction? Is it such a bill as ^ ^ sent, as abject as they, acquiesce in a mere nominal : exercise of the ncgatne pouer undei | ot harmony, whether the present ditierences ot op- rcpr.^«iitiUion, mnt^.'mcek. slavish instruments for i f-'Onsfl'H'on ? . it violate the Const,tut,an, | ffurther at th,9 t,me, an, rccoiding the mandates of a majority, hatched in I » National Batik.to operate pent over j whispers and engendered in caucus corners;—will the maUer end there? Can a pure and free majo- lity, (admiuing them to be pure and free whilst tlie Union? its title, in the first place, describes me to a postponement ot this subject to a its general character. It is “ An act to provide for | the beUer collection, safekeeping, and disbursement The two Houses of Congress have distinguished I of the public revenue, by means of a cornnratiffn. I extraordinary session; hy the per- , , V 1 J jv / / X- r* tormance ot an immeiisf* mass ot labor at a season I to ho styled theCorporaUono} Iht tnited very unlavoraWe both t« health aud action, and States. in style, then. It i.^ plaml} national in its have passed many laws which I trust will prov'e highly beneticial to the interest of the country, and fully answer its just expectations. It has been my good tbrtune and pleasure to concur with them in practising oppression.) coexist with a debased nd ncrity ? AVili not the corrupters, soon become cor- lupttd—the enslavers enslaved? Do you not see, , , r • a , ■ that at every turn of public afliiirs, new parties pov.er, functions, and duties, are are fomud, or new coniLinutic'tis frciu the ojrj I kc^ping^ :xn\ parties, created? And how long do you think revenue. The means by . , u t ih-it a corrunt maioritv under the ennfinnni 'vhich these are to be exerted is a corporation. ! all measures, except this; and why should our dil- that a corrupt majoiuy, ^ styled the n^col Corporation of the i forence on this alone be pushed to extremes? It is uo men uepravtd j . / , , t my anxious desire that it should not be. I, too, have been burdened with extraordinary labors of late, and I sincerely desire time for deep and delibe rate reflection on this, the greatest dithculty of my in-rof parlir^, >yill ren,ain so? Do n.cn depraved j J.'; «v.ea the Fiscal Corporation of the I. adhere to principle, and avoid power ? Will they 1' ^ by the Congress , i.'.— i—, . , , , - not seize upon the differences of the majority to ele^ I States, in the character of a National vate themselves? And when the power'of the 1 whole Union, to perform the State is in their hand.s, how' will it be—how must \ purposes, meet \he fisral wants and exigen- ,it necessarily be used? Self-respect will be gone, i supply the Jhc a I uses, and exert the fiscal Rt-spect and reverence for the j)eople will be "one Iof the treasury of the United States. Witb nhspnr,^ nf rnnrnc:^nft,t:i S^ch 13 its owu description of Jtself Do its pro- prcssions of friendship thrown into Mr. C^ys speech against the first veto in the-Settle, was changed for unmingj-'1 h !*;.,rrit*k3!3; and th&r Pfesi~i f dent .fwnd 'jy ii'Unc, denounped as a traitor-^s ’i ffuU and an Aniold—Hd having been guilty bf pci^dity tQ.wards his polFlical friends, and treachcry towartis their common cause. All this Mr. Botts und^took to establisli, by proofs and retailed conversations held by the Presi dent, reminiscences of unpublished ggecohea made by party editors on this point, since the first veto. In this course, of denunciation. Mr. was fol lowed by all the speakers on his side of the House,‘ up to the hour when we left the Capitol at five o’clock. Mr. Gilmer of Virginia answered Mr. Bott* in an eloquent, spirited, and keenly sarcastic speech. He threw, in brief glances, much lig^hjt upon the motives which actuated such partisans as Mr. Botts at one time to advocate, with the utmost'zeal, can didates who have been distinguished for uncompro mising hostility to a National Bank, and then to de nounce ihem for maintaining in power ^ tlie atti tude by which they are recommended to its attain ment. Mr. Ijane of Indiana chimed in with Mr. Bolts' strain of invective; imputing to Mr. Tyler the de sign of supplanting Mr. Clay in the next Presiden tial term, and seeking Democratic votes to effect that object, by sacritieing the Bank to their princi ples, at the expense of his own, and the Whig par- ty- Mr. Sampson Mason of Ohio followed in the same vein, and began war upon Mr. Tlyer as it was once waged by the same party against Gen. Jackson^ by assuming that the cxercise of the veto in the present instance was a violation ot the spirit ol the consuiution. The whole course of the recent developements proves that Preslilent Tyler to hnvo the ban of excommunication put upon him by that majority in ' Congress through which Mr. Clay is elevated to the Dictatorship, and he is renounced as a friend to the Whig party, not because he has proved perfid ious, but because he would not be perfidious, and thus accomplish their stealthy designs. It will be remembered that Mr. Tyler was first adopted as the Whig candidate tor the Vice Presi dency on the ticket with Judge White, when their candidate for the Presidency. Both these gentle men were signalized as most unflinchingly opposed lo every principle to which a National Bank could rest. Both had opposed such an institution in ev^e- ry form it assumeii, and through long lives of pub lic service. General Harrison ana Mr. Tyler were preferred by tlie whigs against their Bank candi dates tor the Presidency, trom the same motives which nomi:iat'‘d Messrs. White and Tyler in the election of 18^0. it is clear, from present manifes- tatioiis, that t'l ’y were chosen to enable the Feder al party to throw olf t’le weight of the Bank in the canvass, while they protitted by its means; and that it w’as expected, the election iiaving been gained, their candidates woidd be true to the Bank part)’, and false to the people. This was the perfidity ex pected trom Mr. Tyler; and proving himself to be true to his principles, and honest to the people, B^ede- ralism proclaims that he is unworthy of its support! In this, he receives Irom it the highest encomium it could bestow. Let it be marked in the calendar that, on thi.s day, {Friday.) Federalism opened wdth its anathe mas on Mr. T^ler, and has made it the most glori ous epoch in his lite, an being pregnant with the most disastrous consequences to it as a party. U. S. BANK. The Philadelyhia Public Ledger gives the fol lowing account of the assignment of the ‘-grerit re gulator : ‘‘The assignment of the United »Slates bank, the general conditoin of the institution, and the pro bable amou.it that will be realized from the wreck, were the main topics of conversation to day. The general conclusion is that the whole of the im mense capital - thirty-live millions of dollars—is squandt^red. and that not one per ccnt. will ever be r»'Stored to the stockholders ; and whe^ther the note- holdtTS, depositors and bond-holders will realize any considerable amount of their claims, has grown a question of serious doubt. This last, it will be remembered, is the third as signment that has been made by the bank. The first was to secure the ether banks of the city and country for the payment of post notes and balances to the amount of about tour and a half millions of dollars ! The st.'cond was to secure the circulation and depositfs, set down at about five millions. To secure the first, pretty good assets were assigned, to the amount of abcit seven millions. AVith whai success the other banks have met in tb.e collection is not precIs^dy known, though, if various givings out are true, but poor. The kind of guarantee that was given by th«i se cond assignment, which was to secure the note hol ders and depositors, may be inferred from the fact that it was composed of the following items of ac count. viz : Real estate on hooks at Philadelphia, Mortgages at Mobile, Sundry Bank balances, Stocks and Loans, .... Bills and Notes on Boston. “ New York “ “ Mobile, “ “ New Orleans ‘‘ Louisville, . “ “ Nathez, Mississippi State Warrants, the details of the final assignment of the tJnit«^ States Bunk of all its effects for the benefit of its cje ditors. The stockholders, of course, will never The circulating bills were selling -v^gg. ter^ahere at 32 per cent. discount, and in Pliil^, 'delphia at 35 p^ cent, discount, for currency. Tjarge^ afnounts hav^bfi^ sold by the leading bro^ kevs here, at 30"percent, discount*, seller 30°days This'is the ead of a National Bank, that but a fev; years-since ruled the country financially and politi cally.. $35,000,00.0 of capital at least, have been lost ana squandered, leaving not a ccnt to the poor stockholder.- This loss is, h'dwever, but a very trifle compart \vitliH|>ose^ccasioned by the violent flue, tuations in the currency and the convulsions in trade caused by the movements of the institution v.-hile ia €xist^ice. The immediate cause of the assignment it appears, was the accumulation of innumerable suits brought against the Bink, particularly one for 650,000 in the name of they Mayor and Alder men of the city of Philadelphia, to procure pay- ment of the notes of the Bank, and also of the pro perty of the Girard Trust. “ In these we see the first cfTects of the Bin!:- rupt law, which is tc go into operation in Febru ary next. That law will require a uniform opera tion, and all the creditors must receive alike. To avoid t^iis, all the insolvent concerns will immedi* ately assign their elTects, divide them among prefer red creditors, and get out of the w’ay as fast as possi ble.” V/itli the absence of representative responsibility, 1its oun description of itself (destroyed, in the uselessness of representation,) all I '’’^lons contradict its title ? They do not. It is true moral responsibility will be merged in numbers The love of self and the lust of power will prevail. Combinations v^dll be made to subserve the objects of each, and mutual concessions, at the expense of all principle, for mutual interests. Then, when the harvest of corruption is ripe, and universal distrust exists amidst a general depravit3^ a Cromwell or a ; Caesar will be hailed as a deliverer. If every oth er maxim in CT0vew^«^v»t oh«il niii, this shall re- rtiuin fur ever tiue—to be free uurselvesj we mtist i)ermit others to be free. })ermit “If it were done, when 'tis d^)ne, then ’twr-re wrll It were done quickly ” This is the motto by whicii the majority in Con gress have driven through the measures at the pre sent session; but remt inber, tiiese were the words ol a murderer wlio, whilst stealing to his fell pur pose, could whisper—* “ Tho sure and firm set rnrth Hear not my steps, whi'di way they walk, for fear T.he vtry stones prate of niy whereabout.” The Constitution may be murdered at this ses sion—murdered in your distribution billl—twice murdered in your Bank bills, but the people may yet arise, “ with twenty mortal murderers on their crowns, and push us from our stools.” He who thinks that by muhiplying wrongs, resistance to them will be weakened—that by haste in execution guik can be disguised, has but the wretched morals and poor policy of a fearful robber. In a mig^tv country like curs, whose step is the advance or're- trogression of nations, w^’hose every deed should look to the ages of futurity, to eternity itself, so far ns the world is concerned, when they are to be deve loped in their consequences, to suppose that such a people, with such destinies, are to be caught in a trap of accidents, or tied up by the willow withs of precipitate legislation, or gagged by rules, is too ri that by its first section it provides that it shall be established in the District of Columbia; but the amount of its capital—the manner in which its stock is to be subscribed for and held—the persons, bodies corporate and politic, by whom its stock may be held—the appointment of its directors, and their powers and duties—its fundamental articles, espe cially that to ?stabiish agencies in any part of the Union—tho corporuto powers and business of such agencies—the prohibition of Congress to establish any other corporation with similar powers for twen ty years, with express reservation in the same clause j lo modify or create any bank'for the District ofj Columbi,!, so tliat the aggregate capital shall not i exceed five millions—without enumerating other . features which are equally distinctive and charac j clearly show that it canot bo regarded as - administration. May we not now pause, until a more favorable time, when, with the most anxious hope that the Exectuive and Congress may cordial ly unite, some meatmre of finance may be deliber ately adopted, proinotive of the good ol our com mon country ? I will take this occasion to declare, that the con clusions to which I brought myself are those of a settled conviction, founded, in my opinion, on a just view of the Constitution; that, in arriving at it, I have been actuated by no other motive or desire than to uphold the institutions of the country as they have come down to us iVom the hands of our god-like ancestors; and that I shall esteem mr ef- I’orts to sustain them, even though 1 perish, more honorable tlian to win tho applause of men, by a sacrifice of my duty and my conscience. JOHN TYLER. W.\sniNGT0N, September 9, ISll. I’rom the Washington Globe Soptcmber 10. House of Representatives. At 12 the discussion of the veto message was tenstic other thnn a Bank of the United States, wkh ppw- j opened by Mr. Botts of Virginia. The Hou^e was j CIS seemingly more limited than have heretofore ! ftdjourned yesterday after the reading of the mes- been granted to such an institution. It operates I on the motion of a Federal member, doubtless, per over the Union, by virtue of the unaided j P^**fy iu caucus might determine, as usual, and, in my view, assumed authority of Cono-ress as I would do in Congress. This mode of set- a National Legislature, as distinguishable 1Vom a i k";!' •“ 11 . J 1 r'* r . T. ‘ 1 both branches shall do, was avowed by Mr. C/a?/m bank created b}’- Congress for the District of Co- j the Senate as having been properly adopted to ef- lumbia, ^as the local Ijegislature of the District, i fcctuate the measures of the party at this extra ses- JEvery United States Bank heretofore created has 1 sion, and he only regretted that it had not been had power to deal in bills of exchange, as well as more constantly resorted to. From this admission in local discounts. Both were trading privileges ! ®^^^^^^‘^^‘^^*’o* I'’cderalism,w’e infer that thepostpone- conferred, and both exercised, by virtue of the afore-! consideration of the veto message yes- said, power of Congress, over the whole Union. i 'vas to afford opportunity for a party con- r,,, . . . 1 . . and that we have, m the demonstrations Ihe question of power remams unchanged, with- j of this day, the ultimate decisions of Whiggery on t- ... \ . J Tri course to be held by that party towards the Prc- sident. The selection of Mr. Botts to make the on set, was, of itself evidence of a resolution to draw the sword and fling away the scabbard. His coffee house letter, designed to apprise the l^ederal junto in Richmond of the plans devised “io head Capt. Tyler^ sufficiently indicated the disposition of the individual selected to do the office of public denoun cer (w'hen denunciation was resolved on) in the incsit rerr^orselegs manner. All the di6Bernblin^ ex- out tefercnce to tlie extent of privilege granted. If .this proposed corporation is to be regarded as a lo cal Ijftnk of the District of Columbia, invested by Congress wi^h general powers to operate over the Union, it is obnoxious to still stronger objections. It assumes that Congress may invest a local institu tion Avith general, or national powers. With the diculous to bteven contemptible, were it not that all same propriety that it may do this in regard to a wickedness is to be pitied or dj^^pisod. are bank of the Di.^trfct of Colnbin, it may as to a State S139.072 SO,000 3,812,133 3,-65^320 19,-574 435,372 894,211 2,2 to,223 216,063 926,944 55,839 Making an aggregate of about 812,473,800 In the abov>^ aggreg-ate of twelve millions, and upon which is based tho security of the note hold er and depositor, are the following items, viz: Morris Canal, I? 1,000,000, worth nothing: Le mon Hill Mortgage, 150,000, worth perhaps J^^lOO, 000 ; Sandy and Beaver Canal Loan, 300,000, worth nothing; Norristown Railroad, 300.000, worth nothing ; Suspeniled D ’bt, 3,000,000, worth perhaps 200.000; Planters’ bank and other Mis sissippi obligations, 5,000.000 worth perhaps 200, 000; Texas Bonds, 300,000, worth 30,000; New Urieano Oattim prccisoB, 200,000, worth p*^rbnps 50,000. Totals—$10,350,000, 8580,000. Here is nearly ten and a half millions of the twelve and a half millions assigned to secure the cir culation and deposites, and which, according to the best estimate that we can make, is worth but liule more than half a million I The assignment is very long, and composed of so man}’^ items as to require a great deal of investigation and labor to collect them, but we have here shown enough, we think, to satisfy the bill holders and depositors that the secu rity is not burricient, even admitting that the remain ing tvvo ’Tiiliions of assets, unaccounted for in the above f ijti'nat- should prove to be worth all that they call for, bat we have no reason to suppose that they arc different from the sample here exhibite4. The paiticulai creditors for whose security the above assets wvre set apart, will have the right, finding its insuffi.ciency» to fall back, and come in as general creditors. In this case they may receive all their claims, provided the preferred creditors, by the last alignment, have not too large demands. The intimation, at present is, that these preferences are small, and though no aggregate sum is named, they are said to "include only one or two small de mands besides about two hundred thousand dollars, incurred by persons who have made themselves re sponsible for liabilities of the bank, particularly those who have entered security on judgments. The New York Herald’s account: - “ In another column will be found the assign ment of the Union Canal for ^^1,700,000, and also RIOT IN CINCINANATI OHIO. A Letter to the editors of the New' York Nev: Era, from Cincinnati, Ohio, dated the 4th inst. gives an account of a very serious riot in that city On the evening of the 2d, a quarrel occurred be tween several negroes and two white men, in whicii the latter were badly wounded with dirk knives About 9 o’clock on the following evening, a lar^^e concourse of people, wdthout concert or arms, a.^- sembled in the immediate vicinity of “ Five Points, ' or, as it is called,, “ Nigger Town.” A few per sons in the mob which consisted of 3 or 400, threw stones against the buildings of the negroes. The negroes immediately poured into the mob a vollev of bullets, from muskets and rifles, Avith which they had previously provided themselves in anticipatioa of an attack. The mob, being unarmed, fied pre cipitately, and w'ere pursued for nearly a square ly the blacks, w'ho yelled out a wild shout of triurap.H and defiance, and returned to their houses. Abo'n midnight the mob advanced to the position tlity had occupied in the early part of the evening, provijc-i] with arms and a six-pounder. The six-pounier and small arms were fired, whioh was returned bv the blacks, and the parties engaged in a terrible co:i- fiict. Fortunately f^r the lives of many, the protnpf arrival of the military silenced the firing, restores' peace and dispersed the mob. There are vari reports of the number killed and wounded on bd; sides, the truth of Avhich cannot at present be Icnowr,. The city w’as ail in confusion and uproar again. c:i the 4th, and the negroes flying in ail direciions — There was no fighting or IjmcTiing, but the people u’cre taking the negroes into custody as fast as ther could be caught, with the design of enforcing a la\v which requires all colored residents of Ohio to bond for their good behavior or leave the State. The (.’incinnati Gazette of a later date say-s: At 3 p. m. Saturday afternoon, the Mayor, S/,-> riff, Marshall, and a portion of the police,"procec';'- ed to the battle ground, and there, under the protec tion of the military, though in tlie pre.?cnce of tiie mob, and so far controlled l)y them, as to preven: the taking away of any negrnr-^s, U]rc:i their ccir- plying v.'ith the l.iw. Several negroes gave bond, and obtained the permission of the authoriri*;s to away, with sureties, some of our most respectable citizcns, but v/ere headed even witiiin the nvdirarv sentinels and compelled to return within the It was resolved to embody the male negroes, ai’i march them to jail lor security, under the protection of military and civil authority. From 250 to > negroes, including sound and maimed, were, v.rii some difficulty, marched ofT to the jail, surroundt'i by the military and officers; and a dense massc:' men, v/omen, and boys, confounding all distinction between the orderly and disorderly, acconip.mif-i with deafoning yells. They w’ere safely lo-l^J, and .still remain in prison, separated from their iLin- ilies. I'he crowd was in that way dispersed. The Cl'artJUS of Aui^usf. An old has remindetl us that the 17th of August, the dr.- on which r\dcr vetoed the Bank, is the anniversar' of the Battle of Bennington, when John Stark whipped to death the British and Hessians ani their allies the Tories, and gave the colonics t!;'' glorious presage of the utter defeat and capture c; the whole northern British army in the eiisjin: month of October.—HlWs Patriot. The United States Gazette states tiiat the py dcposite. of silver pom a mine of the United Sf a was made at the Mint in Philadelphia this week It was from Davidson county. North Carolina, and it is believed that the mines there will prove very productive. The assa}?- made at the Mint sliowc*^ that 1,000 parts of the bullion contained 973 of ver, and 8 of gold. THE CHARLOTTE Female Academy WILL be rc-opcncA o\i the 1st day of Oct"- her next Pupils can be ‘Ac commodated with board. ei ther in respectable fami'i^^ in the village, or in the Ac:i demy with the Teachers, ^0 por month. Terms of Tuition per Session. THIRD CLASS. S Sod ^10 50 Reading, Spelling, with the Elements of Geography and Arithmetic, - SECOND CLASS. Reading, Writing, English Grammar, limerson’s second part Arithmetic and Ohiey’s Geography, ^ ; FIRST CLASS. Including the studies of the second, with larger sj^stems of Arithmetic and Geo- | graphy, Algebra, Composition, Rola- I ny. History—Natural, Moral and Men- ( tal Philosophy, Astronomy, Chemis- | try, Rhetoric, &c. &c., I EXTRA BRANCHES. Instruction in Music on the Piano, per Session. The French Language per session, . . . • Drawing and painting in w^ater colors, per sc»?- OrientaKfeinting, per course, . . . . . • Wax Fruit or Flowers, do. • Embroidery in Silk and Chenille, Worsted Lamp Mats, Ottomans, &c. &c ' French Sachets, Screens, and Work Baskets, ? . per course, S • , S. D. NYE Ht'TCniSON Principal- Chari otte, Sept 14j 1841. ^ Notes of Hand and Land Deeds; Qlerks^ and Sheriffs’ Blanks, Just printed, and for sale at the Jeffersonian O^--
Mecklenburg Jeffersonian (Charlotte, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Sept. 21, 1841, edition 1
2
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