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JPt>m of pctillo?i hy creditor under the comjpuho-
ry •provisions of the act.
To the Honorable S. R. B., judge of the district
fOJirt of the United States, in and for the dis
trict of
The petition of of the of stale
of respectfully showeth. that now a resi-
defrt of within the district of being a
trader, and actually using’ and exercising the trade
>and business ol a merchant, is justlv and truly in
debted to your petitioner, in the sum of live hun
dred dollars and upwards,-and also owing debts to
the amount of two thousand dollars (and upwards,)
did lately commit an act of bankruptcy within the
true intent aiid meaning of the act of Congress jn
such case made and provided; aiiJ your })etitioner
further showLth, that in the month of last past,
the said did depart from the state of where
he is an inhabitant, with intent to defKnid his cretii-
tois, (or state any otacr act of bankruntcv specified
in the act) ‘ "
111 consid-’ration wliereof, your petitioner humbly
prays, that the said niay by the order and de
cree of this court, be dechirdl and made a bank
rupt accorthng to the provisions anJ true intent and
meaning of the said act of Congress; and that such
lurther proceedings njay bi* had in the premises as
are directed, provided ibr or rcrpiircd in and by the
said act of C>ngl•('s^^
Dated. fcc
(Signed)
Inc jofDi of the jurat to tJus petition moif It the
suifie as to the nrccc Jini!'.
I'roni the Savannah Goorj:an.
IXCRLJASE OF CRIME AND $OMK OF ITS
CAUSES.
No one at all conversant with the papers of the
day, can fail of noticing the great increase of late,
not only in the number of foigerirs, theft, swin
dling, &c., but also of atrocious deeds of suicide
and murder. They have rea -hed an extent, tiiily
alarming, and call loudly for some check by tl.'e
strong arm of public opinion coming in and' sus
taining the majesty of law W’e cannot take up a
paper, wiihn-jt reading of some defalcation ; some
abscondmg bank otlicer; some extensive forgery ;
some sweeping btirglary; some outrageous assault:
some strange suicide, or some daring murder. The
law of violence seems to bear swav in nearly every
pait of our land, and the misrule of the wicked is
stealthily creeping in and overturning the whole-
Nomr‘ restraints and habits of former times. Very
many reasons have been assigned for this terrible
.'^t.ite of things, but none which fully explains the
r,;uise, or v.diich fully satislies us as to its origin.—
We arc equally at a Ij^s with others to solve this
-sad condition, though we are deeph' sensible of its
cxistencf!, and anxious to second some measures for
averting it.
In rc.oiving in our miiid this subject, a few
thoughts have arisen which u'c throw out in con
nection wiiii it, as illustrative of some of otir views
as to the cause of the increase of crime which has
now lecomc so painfully apparent. To the reck-
h.?s spirit of speculation, we are indebted for a
I irge class of these misdemeanors. The great
prosperity of the country a lew years back; the
ease of obtaining credit; the many fascinating
schemes of stock jobbers and land holders; the rise
of real estate witii a variety of kindred causes, com
bined to pro.luc*^ throughout the land a mania for
speculation. The suidn acquisition of wealth
was th.^ on - object of thou.sands; the old paths to af
fluence which invulved patience, tod, diligence, and
integrity were eschewed, and a royal road to rich
er* ijiroufll Xil’-J- ’ ‘
trie day. became the infatuate desire ol the multi-
tud\ That spirit soon wrought out its own ruin,
and wirh it, burst the deceitful bubbles which ap
peal el so beautifal to those who chased after their
emptiness. Few gained anything, most lost all,
and with that loss, there was engendered a lowering
down of the moral sense: a relaxing of the tone of
.society: a demoralizing influence on mind and
heart, which has preparcil the way for, and usher-
td ill a long catalogue of ills, v/hich nov.* aftlict our
land.
Another cause has seemed to us to be in the fact,
that so many young men seek the various profes
sions of Law, Medicine, and even the Ministerial.—
Unite a number of the culprits who have been ar
rested of late, are persons above the ordinary stand
ard of criminals, and some have even been identifi-
ci w'ith each of the above professions. Formerly,
young xnien sought one or the other of these learned
classes, because there was a disposition of mind, and
belitting talents to encounter its difficulties, and
master its principles, but now multitudes seek the
profession because it is gentlemanly—an easy w'ay
of getting a living, and getting into society; and
trust rather to some good stroke of fortune than to
assiduity of study and attention to business. The
consequence is, few attain their object; the rest be
come tiresome to themselves and others, are too
proud to labour and too ignorant to be useful; and
thus, fall into that intermediate state of society where
selfrespcct and personal resposibility are lost, and ear
less indi.?erence and criminal indulgence take up
the reins, now' abondoned by discretion. Many a
young man who might have been an ornament and
a blessing to his friends and the world in an humble
sphere of life, has been utterly ruined, and irrevo
cably lost, by aspiring to that condition for which
neither the God of Natjre nor of Providence ever
designed him.
A still further cause, and one winch should come
homp to every fireside, and every father and moth
er’s heart, is the loose manner now strangely pre
valent, of educating children, particularly boys.—
There is a radical defect at home. The restraints
of home seem altogether set aside; the parental
counsels neglected, and the boy has grown wiser
han his sire, and asserts his independence wdth a
spirit demonstrative of his miseducation. We say
strangely prevalent, for strange it indeed^is, when
parents, w'bo have the best interests of their chil
dren at heart, should allow them to run the road to
a precocious ruin. Tho most casual observer can
not but notice the ridiculous assiimption of the airs of
manhood hy the mere striplings of onr schools and
academies; their striving to be thought men, and
their eager rushing into the follies and extravagan
cos of their seniors. The staid, sober habits of oth
er days, when children w^ere kept in their proper
places, and under proper discipline, areuparticular-
ly neeled now, as a corrective to the license, and
almost libertinism of the present race of youth.—
The wholesome corrections and counsels of fathers
and mothers, are loudly called for now, when there
is in children such a tendency to throw of}' all re
straint, and forget all law; and w'hen they too of
ten turn a deaf ear to the voice of parental wisdom,
“charming ever so wisely.” These.are known
and acknowledged facts- tney are also known and
grevious errors. To this state of things, many a
man owes his ruin—to this lowering the standard of
home requirements, many a youtli owes his impri
sonment; to this setting aside parental counsel, oh!
how many a father’s and a mother’.-5 heart has been
made to bleed in lacerated anguish. Like Eli of
old, they fail in their duty to their children, and
their children'fuil in their duty to them, to soci^tv
to God, and are mude outcasts and scourges to the
world. The press should unite its voice with the pul;
pit, in the correction of these evils; for it is not re
ligion only, but our common w'elfare, and our coun
try’s stability w hich depend on the right education
of the rising generation. The responsibility is most
soleiim, and it should be solemnly executed.
Another cause is found in the muhiform tempta
tions, seductions and extravagances of tlie times.—
Turn the youth wherever you w^ill he is beset by
tne glare of some allurement of evil; and steady
himself as ho may wdth good resolutions, he is too
often inveigled into the deceptions of pleasure.—
Love of dress and finery; anxiety for show and pa
rade, a scorning of the litli.e things of life, which
go to make up the aggregate of character, and the
vam-boasting prete nsions of superiority, often with
out the means of maintaining those pretensions,
are often the precursors of crime and disgrace, and
betray a man into a course of evil conduct, ere he
is hardly aw-^are of his proximity to it. The facili
ties of travel offer him a hundred modes of escape,
and ho cun go on from one depredation to another,
from, one city to another, changing his name with
his residence, until by some providential means he
is arrested in his career and given over to the de
mands of justice. And, finally, w’C think that the
press has had too much agency in continuing this
disastrous state of things. Originate it, it surely
aid not. but by iis softening down of offences, by
the use of some favorite, and w’e might almost say
fiL/iionahfe terms to express crimes; by preoccu
pying public opinion; by prejudicng the merits of
the various culprits; by inducing misplaced sym
pathy for the oflenders, and lessening the enormity
of their deeds, the press has done much, vvo fpnr,
-*o t.p » lusie ni fho community, alike
foreign to good moralcj and good society.—Famili
arity even with the most disgusting object, deprives
it of its most repul;sive features. So with the con
stant blazoning of criminal oUenccs, the public sense
soon becomes blunted by their frequent repetition;
it conies to regard it first, as common, then as of lit
tle importance, until at last the most atrocious mur
der wiil hardly rouse it from its quietude.
It is thus that jrequency induces crime; for
where the culprit thinks he can be shielded by a
hundred others, he will, as a natural conseijuence,
be emboldened in his course of sin. There are ar
guments both for and against the circulation through
the press of every oflence at the bar. That it has
its evils, w'e fully believe; wdiether it has its coun
ter-balancing good, we arc not prepared to den^’.
From Gourrc’s .Toiirnal of Bankinir.
Politic^ of the D.ay.
‘ [No domir\Mt part^in ihi . , ,
so effectualljr aemoli^ed, in so short a time, as the
present Whig, or Fede;ral party—and that, too, by
its own friends. Assuming power wdth an over
whelming majority in ttie national councils, and in
almost every State in the Union, a few short months
have brought about their utter destruction as a par
ty. With no principle in common to unite them, the
various fragments of Whigery have ceased their
war upon the Democracy, and fell to destroying each
other like so many kilkenny cats. We are glad to
see this ; it is hurrying from the ranks of Federalism
a host of Republican Whigs, who forsook the stan
dard of* Democracy only from local or temporary
causes. The physic is operating to a charm.
We have already published extracts from the ad
dress of Mr. Cushing of Massachusetts, and articles
from v'arious other leading Whig politicians and
presses, renouncing Federalism and ail its sins; and
we now' solicit attention to the following letter from
Mr. Wickliffe of Kentucky, a distinguished Whig,
and neighbor to Mr. Clay. The Federal press will
hardly deny that Mr. W. is, or was lately, a Whig,
and one, too, wdiom they have heretofore bedaubed
with the most fulsome praises. Hear, then, what he
says of Federal Whigery.—Tld. Jeffersonian.^
Lexington, Oct. 1st, 1841.
Gexti.emex: I aui just in the receipt of your
politn invitation, on the part of my fellow citizens
of M-^ntgomery and Bath, to join them on the 5th
mst., at the the residente of S. Young, Esq., in the
county of Bath, in celebrating the battle of the
Thames.
I regit that business of :i character not to be dis
pensed with, wdll prevent me from meeting many
friends w’ith whom I should gladly exchange gratu-
lations, in a happy meeting on that day rendered
memorable and glorious to Kentucky by reason of
a victory gained by her brave sons, over the com
bined forces of the British and savages—a day sa
cred to the memory of her illustrious dead, who
sealed with ther blood the victories she has gained.
But I have also other reasons for regretting my not
being able to be w’ith you. The alarming crisis
which we are in, has no doubt called into existence
the proposed gathering of the people of the patrio
tic counties of Montgomery and 13ath, who have
witnessed the extraordinary spectacle of a summer
session of Congress, in which all the angry passions
of men have been stirred up, even to personal com
bat and violence—the chamber of the House of Re
presentatives turned into an arena for the pugilistic
of that body, while tho Senate, in uproar and vio
lence, have come short of the House in blows
They have witnessed nearly three months of this
session pass olT to no one good nurpose, at the cost
of more than a million of dollars, when the revenue
is not equal to the current expenses of the Govern
ment. They have witnessed more: they have seen
a majority of both Houses attempt to break down
the President, and to force him to sign bills esta
blishing Banks of the United States contrary to his
views of the Constitution, against his oath of office,
and, as he believes, the interest of the country; and
when all efforts have failed to intimidate him at
the capitol into a compliance with the demands of
the majority, the reckless and abandoned of society
have, throughout the length and breadth of the
country, been stimulated to nang, shoot, and burn
in effigy, the President of these United States, to
the utter disgrace of the actors, their applauders,
,../a Vvnen ini'Se Still tail to intimi
date, the people have seen a portion of each branch
of the majorities in Congress assembled at the Ca
pitol to denounce their J^resident, and on the part,
and for the whole Whig party, proclaim that they
are no longer responsible for the acts of the Go
vernment. and that they will finally force a compli
ance on the part of the l^resident or change the
Constitution of the United States, and the executive
department of the government shall be brought un
der the will and control of the majority of Con
gress, and the checks and balances of our happy
Union be forever destroyed. No w’onder that the
people, seein gand hearing these things, begin to act.
It is time that they take their business in their own
hands, and teach their servants that they are not
their masters, but subject to, and are not to set their
will above, the constitution ; to indicate to Congress
that they are but one branch of the government,
and that their masters, the people, wdll not allow
them to usurp powers over the executive depart
ment and trample it under foot, and that Congress
will ask in vain for the power from the people, to
ejiable them to do so. What a brilliant example of
firmness and greatness does John Tyler exhibit to
the w’orld, of the value of our institutions and of
the revercnce due to constitutional government!
If OS, he proves well, what a man strong in the af
fections of the country, strong in the moral firm
ness of his character, pure and spotless, is worth to
a nation. While conflicts of party strifes assail
him on every side, and a domineering majorit}’^ de
mands of him to sacrifice on the altar of party the
constitution he has sworn to support and protect, he
stands forth the fearless defender of the constitution
and of the rights of the executive and of the States.
I have myself alwaj's believed that Congress pos
sesses the power to incorporate a bank of the Uni
ted States, as an agent to carry on the commerce of
tlie States with foreign nations and between the
States; but that the General Government cannot
confer upon itself political powers not granted by
the Constitution by incorporating itself, as was at
tempted by the two bank charters of last session.
If Congress can levy taxes and pay debts through
a partnership with individuals for tw'enty years,
they can incorporate the government under an act
of incorporation for tw'enty thousand years; and if
Congress can grant to the General Government the
in this Qountry has evQr been
DEBTS OF THE SEVERAL STATES.
The following list exhibits the total amount of
the indebtedness of each State, not iiicluding the
debts occasioned by the depositecf the surplus mo
ney of the United State.‘j.
Maine,
Xew Hampshire iias no debt,
Vermont has no debt,
Massachusetts.
Rhode Island bus no debt.
Connecticut has no debt,
New York,
New .Tersey has no stock debt,
Pennsylvania,
Maryland,
Delaware has no debt,
Virginia,
North Carolina has no debtj
South Carolina,
Georgia,
A iabama.
8lj0r^,3G7
5.1 10.137
20,105.254
83.283
31.723,361
15.106.026
6,257,101
\1
Louisiana.
'rennessee,
Kentucky.
Ohio,
Indiana,
Missouri,
Michigan,
Arkansas,
Florida,
District of Columbia,
Debts of the States for the U. S.
surplus money deposited with
them.
3. / () I. 34
'500.000
10,859.556
20,535,000
1.789,166
4.005.000
I i.SG'J.iTG
12,007,433
13,405,082
2,929,557
0,011.000
3.900.000
1.500.000
8198.307,455
28,101.644
New York,
Boston,
Philadelphia,
Baltimore,
Albany,
'I
ov,
Cincinnatti,
New' Orleans.
Mobile,
Charleston,
Total of City debts,
DEBTS OF CITIES*.
89,663.259
1,69S!23,I
2,495,400
4,680,870
095,532
301.000
800.000
1,758,180
513,000
1,142,358
8220,409,099
23,807.841
Total of State and City debts, 8250,409,099
THE STATE DEBTS.
The disease under which this country is laboring
is debt—debt in every form—private debt, public
debt, bank debt, municipal debt, State debt.
From a small^ pamphlet published at the office
of the New Yoik Evening L*ost, w’c transfi'rred to
our own colurrins a table showing tho extent in
which one class of debts, namely State debts, have
in a shOit period been augmented, and their aggre
gate amount at the commf.ncement of tho present
year. Sincc that time the sum has been considera
bly increas:,d.
^ h3 loundation of the British funded debt was
laid at tho revolution in 1688. It took twenty six
years, (und those mostly years of w’ar.) to raise it
to two hundred million dollars. But in o-i-ent
only bounds required for the corporate privileges
was what the corporation could squeeze out of the
people over seven-per cent. Thus did the majori
ty of Congress, in violation of the Constitution of
the United States, attempt to turn the government
into a corporate usurers with other usurers, and to
sell the privilege of exclusive shaving and cutting
down the labor of the country for the excess of usu
ry to be made and received upon these shaving es
tablishments above seven per cent. President Ty
ler has, by his veto, stayed the work of the usurer,
and maintained the constitutional integrity of the
Government. But for this he is denounced, and
the Executive department of the Government threat
ened W’ith dismemberment. I stand for the Consti
tution, and go against constitutional tinkers, be they
Whigs or Democrats; and as I cannot be wdth you,
permit me to present to my countrymen, when as
sembled around the festive board, a sentiment:
The Constitution of the United States, the bond
of our Union—and the sheet-anchor of our political
safety—w^henever, and by whomsoever, it may be
assailed, may the people always have a John Ty
ler to defend and protect it.
I am your fellow-citizen,
ROBERT WICKLIFFE.
To Richard French, Aquilla Young, Peter Eve
rett, Thomas J. Youngf, and James M. Summers.
From Kendall’s Expositor.
THE FIRST DUTY.
The first duty of the Democratic party, on re
covering their power in the State Governments, is
to restore to the People a Sound Currency.^ and re
duct Domestic Exchanges to reasonable rates.
How are these objects to be accomplished ? The
process is direct and easy:
Co.MPEL THE Suspended Banks to resume
SPECIE payments, OR WIND UP TlIEIR CON
CERNS.
That done, both objects are accomplished. The
people will every wdiere have a currency of gold
and silver or its equivalent, and what is now called
difference of exchanges wdll chiefly disappear, in
point of fact, the greater part of that difference is
not the difference of exchanges, but a differenre. in
the value of local currencies. For instance; ex
change betw’een New York and Washington is
quoted at about three per cent. The real differ
ence of exchange is never over one-half and seldom
more than a fourth per cent Exchange between
New York and Cincinnati, Louisville, St. Louis,
Nashville, &c., is quoted at five to ten per cent,
when in fact it is seldom over tico per cent. ^I’he
rest of the apparent difference is produced by the
depreciation of the currency at those placcs respec-
tively, and ought not to be called exchange.
The reader cannot fail to perceive that a resump
tion of specie payments by the banks, by restoring
a sound and equal currency at all those points,
would at once annihilate so much of the difference
of exchange, so called, as is produced by the de
preciation of the currcncy, and show w’hat the
true difference really is.
I he boasted whig remedy, a Bank of the United
States, is impotent to produce either of these results.
From 1818 to 1829, while we lived in Kentucky,
t^erc were two branches of the Bank of the United
States in that State, and yet, during the whole peri
od, and for years afterwards, the local currency
wab fiom 10 to 50 per cent, discount, and the ex
change^ between that State and the Eastern cities
something more. Every man who lived in Ken
tucky during that period knows that tho United
States Bank was perfectly impotent to furnish a
sound currency or regulate exchanges, and that
looo objc^to ai last aulely uy uio acts
of the State Legislature restoring a specie curren
cy or its equiv'alent. From the nature of the sys
tem, a Bank of the United States or other large
bank can control the smaller banks only so long as
t ley can pay specie. 7'he instant they suspend
payment, its power over them ceases, and it never
can be resumed until the State Legislatures or a
controlling public opinion steps in and compels the
delinquents to return to the path of duty.
It is obvious that the State Legislatures and pub
ic opinion may be as effectually exercised without
the existence of • - -
a Bank pf the United States as
is the time to reduce the truth to
Let the Democratic States compel their
Now
borrowing to the full extent of their ability.
In Gieat Britain, too, it should be recollected,
I that theie w'as, at the time above referred to, but
one incorporated paper money bank, to help the
nation jn running into debt. In the United States
w*e have nine hundred such institutions. It is chief
ly through their instrumentahty that the amount of
our public debt has been so rapidly augmented.
Great part of this debt has in fact been created
for the establishment of banks. Most of the rest
of it we owe to the facility of w’hich bank promises
to pay on demand, can be exchanged for State pro
mises to pay at some future day.
The process is a very easy one, and for a time it
was a very pleasant one, especially to those con
tractors who had ‘‘good, fat jobs” on the public
works. But now the people at large must bear
he burden. Taxation must be resortedHo, or the
credit of the States be dishonored. The rail roads
and canals for which most of this debt has been in
curred, w^jll, in taking the country throughout, yield
revenue enough to keep them in repair, and pay
expenses of superintendence. ^
Thanksgiving in Maine, Massachusetts, and Con
necticut will fake phce this year on the aSth inst.
the land of the States, in partnership with other cor
porations, Congress can, on the same principle,
grant to the General Government the exclusive right
to deal in cotton or tobacco. In fine, Congress may,
by an act of incorporation, grant away the trade of
New York or New Orleans. Besides these argu
ment.'?, and many others; standing against the prin
ciples of the bank bills passed by Congress at its
late dog days session, on constitutional grounds,
there are other and further objections to them in a
moral and political point of view*. In most civil
ized nations as in our states, law’s exist against ex
orbitant usury; contracts exceeding a scale of in
terest fi.xed by law are not only violable, but offend
ers against laws prohibiting usury are punished
criminally; and yet each of the bank bills vetoed
by the President created (by a bank charter) the
government of the United States not only into an
enormous usurer, but into a usurer of the most odi
ous and detestable character. By the fundamental
law of the corporation, the government of the Uni-
te«J States was to be taker and receiver of the one-
third of all the usuries which the corporation could
grind or shave from the face of labor-for twenty
years, and to stimulate its propensity to cut down
the I^tbor of the country in all its fiscal action. The
u'lth it.
practice.
Banks to resume, and those who are now misled by
\V hig arguments w’lll find themselves in possession
of a sound currcncy and regulated exchanges w’ith-
out the agency of a National Bank. In no other
way can the arguments in favor of a Bank be so
effectually refuted, and at the same time so essential
a benefit rendered to the country.
The amount oj currency would be largely in
creased by resumption, giving instant and effective
relief to the people. Although the banks might,
j degree, curtail their issues, millions
of dollars, now hoarded in men’s desks and other
dark corners, would itnmediately appear in the
light of day, and entering into the circulation, more
than replace the amount of bank notes which misfht
be WMthdrawn. We have not a doubt that the "re
sumption would at once make money more plenty
in all the States where it prevails, even though it
should produce a considerable reduction of the bank
notes in circulation. But the hoards of specie
which would now’ produce this result, are daily di-
mmishing. Not being used as a currency, it is be
coming an article of merchandise, and finding its
way into the mart of the nation, is shipped to Eu
rope. At this moment specie is a drug in N. York
and is going out by hundreds of thousands in every
packet that sails, while Foreign Exchanges are at
rates which formerly precluded its profitable ship
ment. Why is this ? It is bejiuso in two-thirds of
the Union it is not used4s a currency, and is gradu
ally abandoning the country to deprciated bank
notes and worthless shinplasters.
Democrats, it is your first duty to stop this pro-
sume. The longer that measure is delayed, the
cess. The waj’- to stop it is to compel the hanks to re-
more of the specie will be gone, the more difficult
w'lll resumptiom be, and the less decisive will be
the relief to the people.
“ Now s the day and noiv s the hourP
From the New York Evening Post.
The Duty of the Democratic Legislatures.—If,
as the result of the late elections pretty clearly indi
cate, the Legislatures of a great majority of the
States should be Democratic, they will lie under
the deepest and most solemn and weighty responsi
bilities to the people. They will stand committed
to carry out those great principles which have ever
been the creed of the Democracy. To this they
are pledged, and for this they will have been cho
sen. They cannot avoid the great duty imposed
on them without justly forfeiting the confidence of
the Democracy, disgracing themselves in the eyes
of both parties, and going far to convince the peo
ple that neither professions or pledges can be relied
on when coming in conflict with the sordid inter
ests of local combinations, lobby members, and mo
neyed institutions.
Hitherto, it cannot be denied that the Democra
tic State Legislatures, or at least those so calling
themselvesy have failed in a vast many intances
to fulfil the just expectations of theii constituenteri^i::
The people deputed them to cany out rdorni,
they have but too often, not only neglected their du-
ty, but become accomplices in the creation of new
abuses. However they may have distinguished
themselves by their opposition to these, »sr candi.
dates for office, it must be confessed that too many
Democratic members, when the period of action
arrived, had belied their professions and deser
ted tne standard under which they gained the
victory, w'hile othes have cooled down to the freez«
ing point, and been congealed into absolute fii.
gidity.
This metamorphosis has generally, if not al-
ways, occurred in questions involving great pecuni.
ary interests, such as Bank reform, and internal
improvements. These generally work wonders.
There seems to be a mysterious, inscrutable influ-
ence connected with all measures of this kind
which at the very moment the pow'er of arresting
profligate public expenditures or bank a.buses is ac
quired by these patriots, blinds their understanding
disarms their hostility, and so confounds their per!
ceptions, that they forget or despise all previo\is
declarations and pledges, and become the passive, if
not active instruments in perpetuating mischievous
old systems, and devising new. When it comes to
probing the w'ound deeply, or amputating the limb,
they become exceedingly qualmish, their nerves be-
gin to quiver, and it is all over w’ith them.
We hope to see no more of this, notwithstanding
the Penroses and Burdens, who sold the State of
Pennsylvania to the insolvent Bank of the United
States, have shared the rew'ards of the Pipe Lay
ers under the Whig Administration. No honest
man ought to envy them their honors or their
bribes. Like the capulets and gold lace of the me
nials of European aristocracy, they are badges, not
of honor, but disgrace. They are the wages of
sin, and the wages of sin is death. These, and
such like men, may continue to pass current in
society; they may be tolerated; but wherever they
go, and w-herever they are knowm, they will be se
cretly de.^pised. They are forever divested of that
glorious consciousness of intrinsic worth which is
the prime source of human happiness, and can nev
er acquire, because they do not deserve, that high
estimation from their fellow'-creatures which is on
ly voluntarily tendered to integrity.- They are
therefore examples not to imitate, but to avoid, and
should stand as the light boats on the reef to warn
the mariner from approaching.
The Democracy, wherever they gain the ascen
dency in the* Slate I^^gislatures,"are, in the first
place, pledged to a thorough and radical reform of
that pernicious banking system which has robbed
the people of untold millions, and still continues tho
systein of robbery with increasing voracity; which
has distracted, embarrassed, and obstructed the in-
dustry of the country, by rendering employment
uncertain, and wages the sport of bank contractions
and expansions: and which, more than all otliPr
causes combined, has undermined the morals and
corrupted the principles of those who have been its
accomplices and victims. This the triumphant De
mocracy stands pledged to do; and let their renre-
sentatives beware how' they flinch from the test
when it comes. '
In tho second place, the Democracy stand pled?-
ed to arrest that wild and reckless system whicii,
in nine cases out of ten. is miscalled internal im
provement; and which developes tho resonrcosof
a st.ntc^' by plunging it into almo.st !. »•■ If - •.
\able bankrupt y ; w hich has laid so many States
at the feet of banks and foreign money lenders;
which has converted the free people of the United
States into bondsmen, condemned to labor thrcugk
succeedincr irenerations tr» pay for the prodigaVvty
their forefarthers; w'hich. while it aflected to hast
en the progress of our country, has arrested its pros
perity for at least a hundred years ; which has en
tailed on us the disgace of forfeiting our faith at
ome and abroad, and made it our only alternative
either to be taxed or dishonored.
1 hese aie the tw’o great lions which the Democ
racy stand pledged to take by the beard, whenever
they acquire the power of correcting abuses. There
are other grievances, which we shall not at present
enumerate. J^et them look to it, we repeat, at once,
least by their flinching from their high responsibili-
ty, they become objects of contempt to their friends,
of scorn and derision to their opponents.
From Kendall’s Expositor.
TARIFF TAXATION.
dialogue BETWEEN TWO FARMERS.
Farmer Smith.—Neighbor Jones, you arc al-
ua\s talking about the tax that Congress has im
posed on us by the bill increasing the duties on
goods brought from foreign parts. I am sure I
pay^no tax to the Government at Washington.
L armer Jones.—\ ou don t! Don’t you use sak
in your family, and give it to your cattle?
^ Certainly; but I don’t pay any tax on
tar J. 'ion tJo indeed. The Government
takes from you one bushel out of evey six, or makes
you pay for five bushels as much money as would
buy six. If there was no tariff, and a little more.
Far. S.—I don't understand that; pfease to ex
plain. ^
Far. J.—The tarifi'imposes a tax of twenty per
cent, on all the salt brought into the country, which
the Gov'ernmcnt rnakes the merchant pay to its col
lectors in the cities. On every five bushels he
ands from the ships, the Government makes him
pay as much as one bushel is worth. That increa
ses the cost to him one-fifth. When he goes to sell
it to the farmers, he adds what he pays the Govern
ment to the price, and so makes the'farmers pay it
back to him. Do you understand it?
S. I think I do. If the merchant pays a
dollar for tw’o bushels, the Government makes him
pay twenty cents to the collector, and when he comes
to sell it to us, he makes us pay him a dollar and
twenty cents for the two bushels.
Far. J. Exactly—that is the principle, but the
practical effect is w’orse than that. The merchant,
you know, must have his profit on all the money
he pays out for the salt, whether to the maker, the
importei, or to the Government. He adds the same
rate of profit to the twenty cents paid for duty, as
he does to the one doliar paid for the salt. If his
profit be twenty per cent, it amounts to four cents
on the duty, so that for every twenty cents the mer
chant pays the Government, the farmer pays twen
ty-four cents to the merchant.
Far. S.—Yes, yes, I see it now^ But much of
the salt we buy is made in this country, and they
don’t tax us on that.
Far. J.—It is the same thing. The same tax
which compels the importing merchants to raise
the price of the salt that comes from abroad twen
ty-four cents on every dollar’s worth, enables the
maker of salt at home to increase the price of his
salt twenty-four cents on the dollar’s wortii also.
Far. S.—I see that, but it don’t goto the Govern*
ment.
Far. J.—Whom does it go to?
Far. S.—To the salt-maker, I suppose.
Far. J.—Exactly so. And in that way, the ta
riff makes the Farmer pay to the salt-maker twen
ty-four percent. more on every dollar’s worth of salt
bought of hiih, than he woul^ have to pay if there
was ho tar# at ail.
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