CONDITION OF GREAT BRITAIN.
Iv“'
-
(
From the Charleston Mercury.
We find the following admirable article in the
Phiiadelphia Pennsylvanian, and as it is not leaded,
imd without credit, we know not whether it is an
editorial or a 'Selection of that able journal. Come
whence it may, it Hills in so thoroughly with our
own views, that we earnestly commend it to
careful consideratloii of our readers:
the
* ^ V ^ R A C T S
croaclinients of privilege, and tne slightest exhibi-1 , ^ nrrtfA fn ihe
Im spirit "of mo„°o;oly. If the people of .his i From the Message of “>
country would save their children from the fate of Legislature of South Carolina.
the wretched starving ai'tizans ot Europe, let them jn iJig events of a single year, the sudden a^enden-
ffrant no charters of exclusive privilege. '
mlty to which our experience of the past, as well
as the tendency of the times, most emphatically
{orebodes, then it will be for you to say, whether
South Carolina has so fallen from her high emi
nence of sovereignty and independence, as to admit
Ex\GLISH LIBERTY.
The last papers from England, holds up the cur
tain of a scene of horror, such as the annals ot the
world, full as they are with crime and misery, can
scarcely parallel. While the table expenses of the
English Sovereign are given at $300,000 a year, it
is stated that in one maimfacturing district there are
400,000 of the Queen’s subjects without work, in
a state every hour verging near starvation, without
the remotest prospect of relief.
By day and by night this terrible tale has been
ringing in our ears—this picture of horror has been
constantly before us.—We have seen the madness
of the father, the despair of the mother, and the pale
beseeching faces of mourning babes. The sun
shines on them from the azure heavens, the gentic
rains fall round them; and they live upon the
beautiful earth, denied the privilege of toil, with no
thing before them but the prospect of a horrible
death.
Here, in one district, wiliiiii the compass of a lev»*
miles, is a population larger by thousands than that
of New’ York city, which has been sinking, by
slow but certain degrees, lower and lower, till hu
man woe and v.’retchedness seem to h.tve found its
lowest depth, and there lies humanity, helpless—
hopeless, the grave 3’awning alike for the old and
the young, a
The cry for bread.—A “Workingman ’ has ad
dressed a series of letters to the Ciueen ot England,
through the London Morning Chronicle, which
have excited much attention. In one of his latest
we find this startling paragraph;
“Tt is not unknown to you, madam, that amongst
large bodies of my fellow subjects there prevails an
ill-defmed, but strong opinion, that Whigs and To
ries are alike their natural enemies, that, in fact,
all the middle and upper classes are in one grand
conspiracy to trample upon and oppress them. Let
an attempt be made to pass through the fearful ap
proaching winter without some grand legislative ef
fort made to relieve the industry of the country, and
the spirit of Chartism—ay, and something more—
w:ll once more raise its head, and neither churches
nor yeomanry, neither bayonets nor sabres, w'ill put
it down. We have had Jack Cades and Wat Ty
lers in England, and these have been put down:
we have had great gatherings in Birmingham; ri
ots at Bristol, Luddism, Radicalism, and physical
force Chartism; and all these have been appeased
or sut)dued. But we have yet to see another spec
tacle, which comesas surely as the sun rises to-mor
row, should the corn laws be maintained. In the
midst of be a run for gold, and the fear of a national
bankruptcy, thousands upon thousands of starving
men rising up like grim and appalling shadows
men, hunger-worn, w'ith savage hatred in their hearts,
demanding not bread alone, but their rights, and
trampling alike upon public credit, national honor,
and general safety. Oh, let not good easy souls
H enduring a common fate; and that persuade you that in England scuh a thing is irn-
cy of a party, actuated by ahigh-vvrought enthusiasm, > ^ silence and acquiescence in these w’rongs and
impelled by the disasters of the times to seek reliet grievances, that there is no “ mode, no remedy, no
in change, and rashly imputing them to the conduct j redress.” If she was sufficient then
of our Rulers—seemed to threaten the subversion ot j emergency, she is doubtly adequate and for-
the well-established principles of ’98 and 99, and union and strength of all her citi-
of the republican policy of the Government, as well ^ens, to meet aggressions upon^ her rights, come
as the overthrow of the exponents, by whom ^bey vvhat source they may. Nor is it less beco-
were administered. But a few weeks experience 0. of a free State, in
power, have suddenly disbanded,^dissipated, and re-1 assuming a position of defence which she is resol
laws of one, find refuge and impttiiity tinder the
sanction of the constituted authorities of the other.
No wrong is more readily resented by nations, no
injustice can more deeply stain the faith, or more
essentially impair the friendly and intimate rela
tions of confederated States. It wouW be a reproach
to the character of our institutions, if claims which
rccognized and reciprocated by the comity and
iustice of all civilized nations, shoul4 be scornfully
refused an'* comdemned by States federated under
the same laws and constitution. If the obligations
of the constitutiort which require oiie State to de
liver, on demand, fufrom ‘h® mo
ther are to be disregaj.^ed,-^t>J_
j . - aK , . 1 j / ’ *u 1 nnr .’property encouraged and
solved this viagnijicent array of party power and maintain, to manifest a due and timely regard ed, the plun e rpfrnrd the T)erpelrator of
organization into its distinct and original dements. means and appliances of rendering that protected, then bv whom commit-
The deliberations of the late Session of Congress pQgjjiojj ^3 strong and impregnable in fact, as it is I ^l^^se aggressions. o
.!• II I 1-1 r I nnn fprvf>r If .. j •„ » T'Vls.-iirTorrlinfr nil thfifl- I tecl. aS a 106 tO i
have dispelled the delusions of party-zeal and fervor
Its impracticable expedients and distracted councils
have, I trust, again gathered and assembled the Re
publican portion of the nation in the unity and
strength of one fold, and one conviction
Disregarding all theo-
the convictions of the
And if
in equity, and in argument,
ries, that so often confound
best and purest minds, and resorting to the resourc
es which she can so amply command through her
oro'anized government, and w’ith which God and
enemy to our
has been
the great measure of “deliverance and liberty,” im- I people have endowed her, there can no emer-
portant as wo still regard it to the faithful, well I ^rise, in which the hearts of her citizens
as equitable administration of the financial affairs of ^ot be invincibly united in her defence.
the most awful that ever scourged the world.
Can any thing be done? Our consideration
avails not, our alms could not reach them, and if
they could it would be but a prolongation of mise
ry. What if we remonstrated ? Will the haugh
ty aristocrats who now govern England and aspire
to the supremacy of the world, listen to remon
strance? They, on whose oars the groans of mil
lions of the down-trodden fall idly as the whirling
of the autumn leaves, they, whom the moans of wo
men and children, famishing for bread, cannot sof
ten, will they thus listt'n to the faintly whispered
reproof that comes across the Atlantic ?-
The thousands of priests, who, by a huge estab
lishment, fleece the nation of a tithe of its produc
tions, the thousands of the ri:h and tilled, who hold
in their unclenching grasp the wealth, with the law
and the sword for their protection, will they let go
their hold, or give up one of the privileges which
their lawless, bandit anc stors sei.'v.d, and they claim
and defend;—W'ill they rescue poverty from starva
tion ?
When the negro slave is sick, he is nursed; when
old and infirm, he is fed and sheltered; infancy is
cared for, age prolcclcd. If there is hminf in*'
master kills his cattle, sells his prop> tiy lo iced nis
slaves. In England the white slave labors longer
nnd ha~Jer for a poorer living than the negro, and
'.vh»>n pr jvisions are dear, and his work not wanted,
he is lefi to starve. This England sends her Thomp
sons to declaim on the sin and curse of negro sla-
ver\'. In the eyes of the Almighty the southern
slaveholder is less guilty than the English Capitalist.
What of liberty has the English artizan to boast?
He ha.s not even the liberty to labor, the liberty to
eat the bread of toil. England is no country of li-
bertv. The slave who sets his foot upon her shore
'iStoS'Irhs'VoTi^ 18
be had. If he attempts to kill game in the forests,
or catch fish in the stream, he is sent to jail. Eng
land is a country of privilege. The nobility, the
clergy, all who compose the great machinery of
her government, have privileges, privilege to op
press, to monopolize, to crush, to starve. In all the
tyranny of privilf'ge England abounds. In all the
freedom of democracy and equal rights it is wan
ting. It is governed, taxed, pillaged by privileged
classcs. Millions toil from infancy to age, hundreds
of thousands live in want and starvation that their
sovereigns may enjoy a thousand costly luxuries.
A world’s wealth is hoarded around London. We
can f)rm no adequate idea of the grandeur that is
concentrated upon the few. God looks down calm
ly from above and sees the many starving.
Can this be always ? Will generation after genera
tion pass into eternity, after a life of horrible destitution
here, leaving wealth and privilege still in the enjoy
ment of the few, and toil and want still the lot of ma
ny ; or will the spark of humanity, not quite stamped
out, revive, and brains and muscles assert the rights
they were intended to protect and enjoy t Will all
the brawney artizans of England cringe under the
awful power of purse and sword for ever? There
is no hope of reform. Weahh docs not relax its
grasp—power does not give up its privileges, and
when did fither care for right? Every day the
case of the English laborer and the Irish peasant
grows more hopeless. If, this year, there are 8,-
000,000 of the Irish, with not enough even of roots
to cat, in ten years more the number will be increas
ed. If at this moment starvation stares in the face
of millions of English artizans, where is the hope of
better times? For years they have been hoping for
reform. In allowing the Tories to gain the ascen
dency, they tried the very last experiment. No tem-
porisimg policy will serve them longer.
The day that the people of England rise up and
with their own strong hands take the rights they
can never peaceably attain, that day shall w’e think
better of humanity. Endurance of wrong is no vir
tue. He who submits to fraud is its accessory.—
Man has no li^ht to be wronged. A small evil
may be endured, as the only means of attaining a
great good, as for the sake of a cure we may submit
to an operation, but then the evil becomes a portion
of the good.
It is unjust to the people of England, the descend
ants of our common ancestors, to suppose that ten
years more can pass without a revolution. Heaven
grant that it may be a bloodless one—but, if blood
must be shed, in God’s name let it flow! It were
better that the head of every haughty and beautiful
despot in Great Britain should roll in the dust, than
that this state of things should continue. What mat
ter a few headless trunks, and a few' puddles of blood,
in comparison with the freedom and happiness of
unborn millions? If tyranny w'-ill net lay down
privilege at the feet of Justice, let the sword force
it from her. The revolution must come, and in
whatever form we shall welcome it.
Have we no lesson here? Are we removed
from all ftar of a similar fate ? No ; Monopoly a.id
privilege are constituents of tyranny. They are as
faithful in a Republic as in a monarchy. Already
we have so much of both as to produce some evil
and threaten more. Monopoly and privilege have
given England a luxurious aristocracy and a star-
ving people. The same causes will produce the
same effects here, and while we sympathise w'ith
the condition of the oppressed, let us never cease to
oppose every encroachment of power here.
The people of the United States owe it to them
selves, and to the cause of universal humanity, to
maintain Equal Rights against the smallest en-
possible. It is perfectly possible. The materials
for such a frightful catastrophe are ready; the train
is laid, and wants but the lightning’s flash to set it
on fire. England is strong in that national spirit
which regards “order” as “ Heaven’s first law;”
but when hunger and haterd are combined, and
these concentrated in masses, the public opinion
which respects the law falls powerless before thuin.
Are these, we ask, vain forebodings?”
ted,” as a foe to our rights, and an
peace. Whether the wrong in this case
done to Virginia or South Carolina, th'J principle is
the same, the interest involved common to both, and
the responsibility of protecting them shojjld equal
ly devolve on every State in the Union, in 'vnich
justice exercises dominion, or similar institiitjons
exist. Persisting in such a course of unprovoked
hostility to the interests and institutions of the South,
New York can only be regarded in the light of any
other aggressing power—in peace friends^ but enc-
TTiies in war. The adoption, in all such instances,
of a similar course of vigilance to that'^w’hich the
State of Virginia has instituted, would perhaps be
. ■ ,,ng a pretext to increase taxation. “"S'aerea m i a wise and necessary pr^aution, to ^
0.1 no occasion has the exercise of the conservative ^ ^e regarded in no other light currence of similar
power vested in the Fc^leral Executive, been receiy-1, J„P ’ .^ution of the public revenue.-1 -ghU rf J*
est, to make common cause with any State whose
revenue ot upwara oi tweniy i„,.uuu»-. maxi-1 rights and institutions are thus wantonly violated
mum to w'hich, in more prosperous times, it would I and assailca.
possibly again attain. Its average may even now be
estimated at five millions, which, if annually with-
the coutry, has been repealed, inform and in name,
we have still the unquestionable assurance of final
success, in the overruling necessity resulting from
the signal failure of every other substitute or device.
Among these abortive expedients, iione was re
garded with more intense and absorbing solicitude,
than the proposition to re-establish a National Bank.
Another topic, of not less importance in itself, or
of deep moment to this State, is the act distributing
the proceeds of the public lands. As a source of
revenue which it is proposed to abstract, at the very
instant when the Federal Treasury is said to require
to be replenished, it would seem like w'antonly seek-
But considered in
taxation to raise revenue for distribution, is a princi^ 1
pie, I
pints
1-1 1 • o .x^jthat the many defeats w’hich
presume, which this State is not prepared to |
From the New Orleans Courier.
LATEST FROM TEXAS.
We are indebted to Capt. Wrigiit, ot that excel
lent steamer, the New York, for Galveston papeis
as late as Saturday, 13th instant.
The following items comprise every thing we
could find of a nature at all likely to interest our
readers.
President Houston’s m?ssige to the Texan L^'- j
gislature declares that “Texas is prosperous. No ;
system of finance suggested. V\Tar against Mexi- :
CO recommended with ihe navy. No positive in-1
formation as to the doings of Commissioner G^ner-
”1 ITamiliOn. Ft': ’^elat.ons retuain (|!ucl
’I'ri'atit.s wuh Gif*at Britain not yet raii-
liod, because Texas has not signed with that knight
errant of Abolitionism a treaty for the suppression
of the slave trade. No definite treaty of amit\,
commerce and navigation yet made with the Liiited
States.” .
The disbandment of tho regular army meets with
the approbation of President Houston.
An “alert” at the Texan seat of Govercnment,
is thus describctl by the correspondent of the Star .
“ It was confidently anticipated that the Congress
would commence its session under the most favora
ble auspices, and proceed im.nediatcly to business .
• • . 1 11^, 1 imir\or.
sed in sleep, when a messenger arrived from the
Brush}', bearing the alarming intelligence that a
large army of Comanches, 400 or 5UU strong,
had been discovered near that stream, and was mov
ing dircctly upon Austin. All was uproar and con
fusion immediately; Senators and Representatives,
Heads of Departments and clerks, in short, men of
all classes and grades, and w’omen and children,
were seen running in all directions—some to meet
the expectod foe, and some to find a place of refuge.
The citizens at lenght formed into something like
an organized body of militia; and, under the direc
tion of the Secretary of War, prepared to defend
the main street the of city, where most of the women
and children had collected, in the strong houses lin
ing that street. The artillery were placed, under
Col. Ward, so as to sweep the streets completely.
Things being thus arranged, a spy company, under
the command of Col. Jones, were despatched to
Brushy, and in the mean time all waited in anxious
suspense for the foe. Morning came, however, and
found the citizens shivering in the cold air, and
weary with fatigue; but no traces of an enemy.
About 8 o’clok. a. rn., Colonel Jones and his par
ty returned w’ith intelligence that he could find no
trail of Indians, and the alarm was at once quieted,
the citizens returned to their homes again, contented
and cheerful. In the afternoon, however, another
messen^fer arrived, with intellio:ence that the In-
O O ^
dians were assembled on Little river; but it was not
known whether they came with hostile intentions,
or merely in pursuit of the buffalo. The alarm
was renewed again, but to less extent. The mem
bers of Congress from the eastern sections w'ere not
a little annoyed by this event, and their dissatisfac
tion with the present location of the seat of Gov
ernment is expressed in no measured terms.”
ed with warmer approbation by the people of ihis I year, during a previous administration, the
State; or been more wisely and fortunately interpos- tjjg sales of public lands, produced a
ed, to arrest the most dangerous, and niost obnoxious I upw’ard of tw'enty millions—a
of all the premeditated violations of the Constitution.
Of all the great measures of national policy, produc
tive of the bitterest contention among the great par
ties of this union, and which has always and justly
been regarded as fraught with the most powerful
influences (for good or for evil,) on our political in
stitutions, the establishment of a National Bank is
certainly the most obvious and important. If such
has been the experience of the country, in the prim
itive and purer ages of the Republic, under the reg
ulations of a Bank, arising out of the embarrass
ments of the first war, and the exigencies of the last
—of comparatively limited capital, and directed by
the wMsestand ablest officers—what were we to an
ticipate from an institution organized as the instru
ment of a party then in power—operating amidst
the ruins of a disordered currency, and the wreck,
weakness and dismay of State and local institutions .
Tue e.xpiring struggles of the late United States
Bank, to per'petuate its existence against the fiat of
the people, and the constituted authorities of the
country, are recent in the recollection of all of us,
and form an important epoch in the history of our
Government. Doubtful as that contest must be ad-
I mitted to have been, waged even as it was against
‘ an \dm5nistration, perhaps the most cflicient and
' cncrf»-(;tic that has ever controlled the destinies of
this nation, what were we to anticipate, when our
Rulers thonsclvcs should have become its allies, its
party, or its pageants ? In this view, it wou Id have
chauired the‘character of our Government, become
part of our political institutions, and consummated
the greatest of all the deprecated evils that could be
fall a country—“ the union of purse and sword,^ in
the Federal head ’’—or worse, in the hands of a Fed
eral party. Well may such an institution be sup
posed to have had the power to regulate the curren
cy ; but it w”ould have been with the iron rule of des
potism—restraining all interests, absording all capi
tal, measuring all profits, overpowering all compe
tition, nftrar'titigr the wcaltli and prosperity of
the centre oi its
« CHEERING PROSPECTS.”
Mr. Badger, in his late speech at Raleigh, w-hich
Among the items of news interesting to this coun
try, by the late arri\''al from Europe, is the permis
sion grantefl by the Lords of the Treasury to admit
the rough Rice of the United States into Great
Britain, with a duty of Id. per quarter.—N. C. Sian.
Too good lo he true.—It is stated in some of the
English papers, that the grater portion of the six
millions of dollars paid by the Chinese for the re
demption of Canton, turns out to be bad silver.—
John Bull deserved to be shaved in that transaction.
Northeastern Boundary.—The Vermont Legis
lature has just passed resolutions declaring that it is
the duty of the General Government to have this
vexed question settled, peaceably, if they can; for
cibly, if they must; and avow their intention to stand
by Uncle Sam in a tilt against John Bull, if need be.
every other portion of th« union, to
operations.
It was an honest confession of one of the ablest
presiding officers of the late United States Bank,
before a committee appointed by Congress to inves
tigate its aflairs, that h was at any time within its
power to ciush State and local mstitutions! What
an appalling fact for the contemplation of the Sove
reign States of the Union! What a prophetic warn
ing to the institutions chartered by their authority!
I'he institutions of the country to be uprooted and
erased at the bidding ol a heartless, soul-lt'ss, cent,
per cent, calculating corporation! The rights of
the Slates, and the liberties of the people, to be sub
jected to the dominion of a sordid monied Autocra
cy ! And yet, such is the supremacy over law-, lib
erty, and the costitution, to which such an institu
tion would inevitably have attained. Encroach
ments upon the liberties of the people, in other times
and nations, were to be apprehended from the swords
of conquerors, and the usurpations of ambitious ru
lers; but experience has shown that in our own age
and country, the strongest contests to maintain con
stitutional, and even sovereign rights, have been
waged against an ambitious money poicer, in all its
various forms, of Bank monopolies, and protective
tariffs. Well, therefore, may w'e congratulate the
country on having escaped the ambitious pretensions
of an institution which, after imperiously dictating
the humiliating duty to the Federal Executive, of
violating his constitutional obligations, now threat
ens, through the vengeance of a disappointed party,
the rash and iniquitous retribution, of abolishing the
most useful and conservative of all the prerogatives
of his department.
The revision of the duties on im^ovls, ptslly re
garded by the people of this State with a solicitude
proportioned to the burdens which the Protective
Policy has hitherto imposed on them, has been
made, neither in that spirit of equity, or of compro
mise, which w'e had just reason to anticipate, from
the principles and concessions of the Act of ’33.—
The history of the opposition of this State to a
Tariff for protection, can neither be obliterated or
forgotten. And the high considerations which ac
tuated her, in consenting to compromise her inter
ests for a term of years, to the peace and safety of
the Union, should be a warning, as well as an in
ducement, to respect her rights, as well as her for
bearance. While the government is acknow^iedged
to be disembarrassed of debt, and the manufacturing
interest perhaps the least oppressed and the most
prosperous of any in the Uoioj^ the renewal of a
policy by indirect means, which is now universal
ly admitted to bear unequally upon the productive
industry of different portions of the Union, is a
most flagrant abuse of power, as
The editor of the Richmond Enquirer addresses
his subscribers, and says “ he w'ants money, and
must have it.” This is calling the “spirits from
the vasty deep.” Let us see if they “ will come
with calling.” If they do not, they deserve to be
laid forever “ in the Red sea,” or “ scratched off the
books,” which is just as bad. The laborer is worthy
of his hire, emphatically; and v*^e hope he will say as
much for us and for all his brethren.. Let us unite
in the general cry, and make the weljcin ring with
the shout, that “ we want money and must have it.”
Alex. Gazette.
Lesson on Drunkenness.—The Baltimore Pa
riot says: “On Sunday last, a man v/ho had taken
too much rum los‘ his balance, and fell on the pave
ment in Marsh Market space. While thus pros
trated, a hog came up and bit off his nose. This
is unquestionably teaching a strong lesson.”
admit. Under the operation of the various pre-ernp-
tion law’s, and the frequent reductions in the price
of public lands, those very States w^hich Avere the
largest contributors to the “ Public Domain” or
whose “blood and treasure ” w'ere most lavishly ex
pended to acquire it, have at the same time been
subjected to the greatest sacrifices, in the emigration
of their citizens, and in the diminished value of their
products, reduced by an unequal competition with
the more abundant and teeming resources of those
new and fertile regions, which their enterprise and
industry have been seduced and abstracted to cuUi
vate, to the w'aste and abandonment of their owm.
It was enough to have borne all this with patriotic
devotion to the interests of our common country; but
when it is proposed to divert that domain from the
sacred purposes for w'aich it was ceded, to afford a
pretext for additional burdens and taxation on one
class of industry, to give protection and bounty to
another, it assumes a character of the highest injus
tice, as well as the most palpable infraction of con
stitutional principles.
But the most dangerous, as well as the mogt hu
miliating effect of this measure, is the condition of
dependency, to which it reduces the States, upon the
bounty and benefaction of the government—existing
as they would, in the relation of subsidiaries upon
the profits of their own estate—receiving its chari
ty, doled out from their own wealth, and subdued to
a state of homage, servility, and compliance, by
bribes, stolen and lavished from their own Treasu
ry, Is it not to be regarded as the first step to the
-odimptinn nf debts—designed to consummate
a consolidation of interests, obliterating all distinc
tions of sovereignty, or pride of independence, and
tending to concentrate Empire and Dominion over
the rights of the States, and the liberties of the peo
ple ?
I trust, however, that the spirit of reform which
has been so pow’erfully evoked by the errors of the
late session of Congress, and so decidedly manifest
ed in the results of the late popular elections through
out the Union, w’ill prevent the spoils and plunder
of this sj’stem, from ever soiling the Treasury, or
contaminating the coffers of a single State in the
Union. Let us pause, at least for a moment, in the
hope, that the correct principles and high motives
of an unbought, unterrified, and incorruptible De
mocracy, are operating their sure and salutary in
fluences on the counsels and measures of Goven-
ment.
Among other Resol.iions, which, as the ofHcial
communication of a sirter State, it is my duty to
submit to a co-ordinate branch of the government of
this, is one proposing to alter the Constitution,
to limit the eligibility of the Federal Executive to
one term of ofllce. The experience of this State
furnishes no reasons for such an innovation upon
the long established usage and principles of the
government. I cannot conceive that it can be pro
ductive of any other effects than to increase the
usually over-wrought excitement of the Presiden
tial canvass—to render its recurrence more frequent
—to disconnect the relations of sympathy between
the Executive and his constituents, to divest him of
the most powerful motives to regard the will, or to
merit the approbation of the people—and to make
him the instrument of a party, to minister to its
purposes, ani to pander to its lust of domination.
In all the history of our government, the influ
ence of the Executive power, to modify its action
on the reserved rights of the States, has been of a
conservative, rather than of an aggressive charac-
More than twice has it been interposed to re-
^
they have sustained
no defeats at all, and
that a glorious destiny ytt aw*aits the whig party!
Hear him:
“ Their numbers are not diminished—their
strength is not enfeebled—their courage has not
cooled—and if guided bj’^ a leader of undoubted fi
delity, their arms would be crowned with glorious
success. This, in my opinion, is a just view of the
whig party. It is as strong this day, as on the 4th
of March last. In the elections which have taken
place recently, it is apparent that the whigs have,
in numerical strength, lost nothing, for our adversa
ries have gaine*d nothing. Our voters have not gone
over to the enemy, but, uncertain and dispirited Ly
the conduct of their Chief, they have remained at
home. Give them again a Chief, on whom they
can rely, and the rallying word shall find them at
their posts, as numerous and as faithful as ever.”
Every newspaper reader knows that the late elec
tions show a decided increase of the democratic vote
in Georgia, xMaine, Vermont, &c., and a heavy /«//-
ing off in the whig vote of every State in which
there has been a fair trial of strength. Som^'of the
“lions” of the Harrison party are charged by the
whole w'hig press with having abandoned whigj^e-
ry and become converts to locofocoism. Messrs. Gil
mer, W ise, Mallory, Profit, Cushing and other con
spicuous and influential representatives of the people
have been a thousand times denounced and abused
by our oponents as deserters from their ranks. And
yet Mr. Badger, the Cabmet Councillor that iras,
proclaims to the w’orld that thp number of whigs in
the United States is not diminished—that they have
lost tt^at itlC democracy iiarc ^aimi no
thing! Why did not the ex-Secretary, after the
manner of one of the Yankee supporters, tell the
people of North Carolina that the Gubernatorial
elections in Maine, Pennsylvania, Georgia, Mary
land, Michigan, &c., are not held ihis fall, and
that the statements in the newspapers about the suc
cess of the democratic candidates in those States are
all “loco foco lies”? Such a declaration would
have been just as true in point of fact, and perhaps
equally as satisfactory to the Carolina u'higs as that
contained in the foregoingextract from INIr. Badger’s
specch. The cx-Secretary will scarcely satisfy any
of his intelligent friends that the whig parly is as
strong now’ as it was on the 4th of March last.—■
Every reading man in the country kn.oics better.
Lyjickburg Republican.
w’ell as a most
wanton violation of faith. The living generation,
who were the witnesses of the struggles and pledg
es in the late contest for her constitutional rights,
have not yet passed away,—the monuments of the
times have not yet perished,—the very altars con
secrated by her vows, still stand before us—even
her preparations for defence, are still in readiness
and requisition,—the age, its records, and recollec
tions, have scarcely become a part of history, be
fore the very burdens and oppressions which they
were intended to resist, are renewed with a shame
ful infidelity, which seeks nrfther pretext or justifi
cation. A home valuation, cash duties, and an un
reasonable and exorbitant revenue of more than
thirty millions, it is believed are little less onerous
in amount, or unconstitutional in efi^t, than the en
ormous forty per cent, duties which the sovereign
ty of this State w’as so sternly interposed to resist.
And if, upon the principle of all protective duties,
they are destined to increase to an extent and enor
ter.
scue the people from the domination and abuses of
a National Bank, It w^as in defence of our rights
and our institutions, that the determination of a late
Executive to refuse his constitutional sanction to the
abolition of slavery in any of its forms, was so fear
lessly avowed ; and this State, I presume, can have
no interest or motive to remove the few* salutar}^
checks and embarrassments to the so often unjust
and inconsiderate legislation of a majority in Con
gress, as to induce it to war against the dignity and
prerogatives of a department, the weakest and most
conservative, perhaps, in the government.
I also submit for the serious consideration of the
Legislature, a copy of the communication of the
Governor of Virginia, on the proceedings of the
General Assembly of that State, on the subject of
her late controversy wi^ New York; and Reports
and Resolutions from Ine State of Alabapia, re
sponding to the views and declarations so solemnly
announced by this State, on questions deeply in-
and.. tl:^ seeurity of
South. _^Boutfd by
every consideration of duty, of intere^*^^of honor,
and of equity, to repel so flagrant a disregard of
the rights of a sister State, we should always be
ready and prompt to redeem the pledge of our al
liance to a cause with which our interests arjQ so in
timately indentified. Relations of amity cannot be
preserved even between separate* nations, in which
the rights of property are not regarded as they ex
ist under the respective -laws of each; much less
can sovereign State^bc permanently allied in a
bond of Union, und^f^he same laws, government,
and constitutions, where fugitives from the justice,
plunderers of the property, and violators of the
J J
volving the right of prop^ty,
the domestic institutions dl the
Flat on their backs.—The National Iniclllgenccr
quotes approvingly from a New York W’hig paper,
which says that the success of tho Democrats in the
recent elections is altogether owing to “ the supine-
71CSS of the Whigs.” That is but a circumulatory
way of acknowledging that Whigery is done up
and defunct; for, turning to Webster’s Dictionary,
we find that “ supineness” is defined, “ A lying
with the face upward ”—and “ supine,” “ a lying:
on the back.” The Romans used supinus when
they spoke of a man being regularly laid out, in op
position to pronus, or face dow'nwards, biting the
dust, the state in wdiich the Whigs were seen at the
Extra Session. They have passed from a state of
proneness—the effect of stumbling forward from
over haste-—to a slate of supination or supinity, pre
ceding their final interment. In seeking power
they were pro7ie, looking down, as Milton said of
Mammon, “ the least erected spirit that fell,” o/
earthy, sordidly regarding the gold. In their w-
coming and incumbency, their bent w’as as sordidly
downw’ard, they tripp^ up; and their present re
cumbency or supination is involuntary—the act of
the victorious Democrats, w’ho in charity have turn
ed the faces of the gone coons toward the heavep>
a direction they never took before,—Char. Merf-
/r
Justice u slow but surefooted—We learryuoni
the National Gazette, that suits have been brought
against Mr. Copperthw’ait and his sureties, K the
assignees of the Bank of the U. States, and also
against a number of persons who we^e Direc^rs of
that Bank in 1839. ^
The Gazette says: “ The city is rife ,Avith ra*
mor^of other suits having been, or whicJi are about
to be instituted, and that measures are in progress
for- instituting CRIMINAL PROCEEDINGS
against some of those who were connected with the
management of the Bank,”
Thus W’e see that what has been said about the
U. S. Bank is true. Corruption, fraud, and rogue
ry of the blackest nature, have been practiced by
those who had the management of it. The truth
of this is fduod in the fact that since the affairs of
the Bank have been handed over to the assignees,
the injured and-duped people have sought the law^
^►.obtian that justice w’hich is guarantied to every
man by our Constitution.
That the so-called Whig party, and their hirc^
presses, (not forgetting the pipe-layers’ organ in this
town,) should, with jacts like^hese before the w'orW,
still presist in urging th« piifity and utility of a
United &ates Bank, is perhaps the most astounding
event ever recorded in the history of party politics;
the mo«t glaring case of assurance—symbol leal of
the most depraved minds, and craven hearts
discovered in th^ human form. We cannot
language strong enough to pourtray such heartless
enemies of mankind.—North Oarolirtian.
Tu;
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but
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any
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hope^
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