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Twcnly-ScTcntli Congress: SECOND SESSION. From the Alexandria Index. JoHM Tyler, President of the United States. struck oat, with the express view of making this Government a hard money Government—-not capa ble of recognising any other than a specie curren cy, a currency of gold and silver, a currency known j and valued and equally understood by every one. j But here was a proposition to do what was express- Samuel Li. Southard, President of the Senate, i i-gfused to be allowed by the framers of the Oon- 'pro temfore. r stitution.—to exercise a power not only John White, Speaker of the House oi Uepre- Congress, but a power expressly denied. 1 he , next proposition is, to authorise the Federal Govern* ment to deal in and regulate exchanges, and to ur- nish exchange to merchants. This is a new inven- i tion—a modern idea of the power of this Govern- ' ment, mveiUed by Mr, Biddle to help out a Nation- sentatives. God save ihc Viuonl | Is SEXATE.-Monday, December G, 1841 This day, at 12 o’clock, meridian, the Senate \vas called to order, by the President pro tempore. A quorum was present. Messrs. Bayard and Bates were appointed a Committee, on the part of the Senate, to wait on the President, ani inform him that a quorum of both Houses had assembled, and that they were ready to receive any message he might be pleased to make to them. Horsi: of Representatives. This day at 12 o’clock, the House was called to order by the Speaker. The Clerk of the House then called the roll, by States, commencing with the State of Maine; and one hundred and seventy- seven members answered to their names. Mr Profflt also complainea oMlie-inSnner in I vl' hf was compelled to take bis Seat on yes- which h membeis were pert^jtled to terday, speak r^ofnlfn^The quesdon was taken on the resolution S M, as modrned, and it was agreed to: veisor navs95. So the rules of the 26th Con- ITe^ at its last session, will be in force unUl the re port k the committee on the rules shall be dispo- "^The usual resolutions authorizing the appoint- ment of committees, &c., were then adopted; after which the House adjourned. After some remarks from Mr. Campbell, of South COMMENTS ON THE MESSAGE. ai iiank ' Much as Gen. Hamilton was in favor of paper money, he never went the length o recom mending Government bills of credit, or dealings in exchange by the United States Treasury. The la thers of the church, Macon, and John Randolph, an others, called this a hard money Government: they objected to bank paper; but here is Govern ment paper, and that goes beyond Hamilton, much as he was in favor of the paper system. The whole scheme making this Government a regulator of ex change—a dealer in exchange—a furnisher of ex change, is absurd, unconstitutional, and pernicious, and is a new thing under the sun. Now, he objected to this Government becoming I a seller of exchange to the country, for which there The Secretary of the Senate now informed the -g more authority than there is for its furnishing House that that body had organized, and w'as ready transportation of goofls or country produce. T. here to proceed in business. ! is not a word in the Constitution to authorize it—-not Mr. \Vm. Cost Johnson, of xM.iryl.md, now arose | ^ ^^^rd to be found justifying the assumption. The nnd requested the Speaker to leave him out oi the j ^ygrd exchange is not in the Constitution. ^ hat Committee on Public Lnnd-^. ^ does this message propose? Congress is called up- Wednesday, Dec. 8, 1841. The House met.—The Hon. Smilh, of Va. vvas qualified, and took his se^it. After order- ino-newspapers for the members, the majority deci ded tliat John Sergeant had a right to transfer his seat and wafer*box to any body he pleased; thus keeping up the monopoly law advocated by tjic old Bank Attorney. By this decision, one gentleman, who took the seat in person, at this session, was ousted, and another gentleman, who swapped with Mr. Sergeant, at the last session, was confirmed.— The House adopted a joint resolution to choose two chaplains, which the Senate adopted, and thereup on both Houses adjourned. He al.o moved that the House adopt tiie vuics of the ‘^Gth Congress. Mr. Adams moved to except the 21st rule in re lation to Abolition petitions. ]\Ir. Johnson only wished the rules of the 2Gth Congress adopted until the House couM adopt others. Mr. FUlmorc. to preserve order, moved to take ^ip the report of the Commi ttee on Rules, made at the last Congress, and hammer away at them until they were adopted. He moved to adopt the rules of tiie E.xtra Session until the new rules were adopted. Mr. Sia?ilj/, of North Carolina, moved to adopt the rules of the extra session lor days, or until new ones should be adopted; and in thi mean time, take un the r'port of lue Cf 'nmutco on Kules, print thorn, *t’.id make them the order of the day until th V ^liouU be adopted; and then moved the on to establish a Board with agencies, for the pur pose of furnishing the country with exchanges^ The British Debt began in the time of Sir Rob ert Walpole, on issues of exchequer bills; by which system the British nation has been cheated, and p'lunged irretrievably in debt to the amount of nine hundred millions of'pounds. The proposition that the Government should become the issuer of ex chequer notes, is one borrowed from the system m troduced into England by Sir RoH’t Walpole, wtios. Whig administration was nothing but a high Tory administration of Glueen A nne. He had much to say on this subject, but this was no time for enterh.g at lar'Tc on it. 'I'his perhaps was not the occasion ^o say more nor would it. he considered, be iie*it- i ing t:,e President of the United Stales w’ith prop^’r respect to enter upon u premature discussion. He could not, however, injustice to himself, allow this resolution to pass without stating his objections to pr- viLu!- ? ipstion. two such obnoxious features of the proposed liscah- Mr. Profit said he iiad a newspaper, containing looking, as he did, upon the whole thing as one rfi circular, around which black lines were drawn, . caiculaied to destroy the whole structure of Go\ Thursday, December 9, 1841. The Senate, after some unimportant business, ad journed, on Mr. Matiginn's motion, to INIonday. In the House, Mr. Fillmore moved to take up the President’s Slessage, and refer it to the appro priatc Committees. Some debate arose, which was cut off by Mr. Jjaicrence announcing ihe death of his late calleague, the Hon. Ihnry Black, (the successor of Mr. of Penn.) After adopting the Resolutions usual on such occasions, the House adjourned. We annex an article from the Washington Globe, reviewing a portion of Mr. Tyler’s Message, and al so another on the same subject, from the Richmond Enquirer. The Enquirer says : Ho squints rather obliquely at the Protective Principle, when he says, “ So also the Government may be justified in so discriminating, hy reference to other considerations of domestic policy connected tcith our manufactures.^' But ^ he adds, “So long as the duties shall be laid with distinct reference to the wants of the ^Treasury, no well founded objection can exist against them^ 'But he warns them of the effect of passing the )er cent, limit, from its effect in annulling Distribu tion, viz; “ It might be esteemed desirable that no such augmentation of the taxes should take would have the effect of annulling the land process distribution act of the last session, which act is de clared to be inoperative the moment the duties are increased beyond 20 percent., the maximum rate es tablished by the Compromise Act.” Far better would it have been for the Chief Magistrate to have said at once: “ Gentlemen, repeal your odious and absurd Distribution act. Take back the money you want—to that extent relieve the people from taxes or from debt—Retrench your expenses to the most economical standard—and if then you want money, throw yourselves upon the good sense and liberal consideration of your country.” But the most important part of the Message re lates to the Fiscal Agency. Mr. T. goes as strong- val ? The truth is, Mr. V^thster knows that the Federal Courts have no jurisdiction over a murder committed in violation of the laws of a State, but he seeks support in a new enactment of Congress for his monstrous concession, that the assumption by Great Britian of the crimes committed by her sub' jects against the jurisdiction and citizens of the States,- absolves the culprit from all liability, and imposes the necessity of his surrender at the bidding of the English Government by the Government of the Union. The principle asserted by Mr. Webster vci his letter to Mr. Fox is shocking, and his application to Congress to sanction it, an insult. The treatment of the Caroline affair, out of which McLeofTs case grew, is in perfect keeping with Mr. Webster's views of the responsibility incurred by the actors in that flagrant violation of the laws of na tions—invading New York with fire and sword in a time of profound peace. The message says: “ This Government can never concede to any for- eirn Government the powder, except in a case of the most urgent and extreme necessity, of invading its territory, either to arrest the persons or destroy the ly as w’e could desire him against corporate piivi- j - -- ’ • ' " and property of those who may have violated the cipallaws of such foreign Government, or nave dis regarded their obligations as arising under the law of nations.” If Great Britain has the right to invade our soil and jurisdiction, murder our citizens, and give their property to conflagration, a case of the most urgent and exlrcvie ncccssiiy,' the party having the right to take this high-handed course, must oi course judge of the ^‘urgent and extreme neccssi- fyy if the party entitled to ^exercise this supere- minent power over another ^ ^ which no one ever dreamed of He had, on anoth- !\lr. F rot jit went on to show luat tiieic uus an occasion, stated that this Administration would 3oli:ion party in the United States, and that ' to Federal times of’08, but to the doors of \ ^ times of Sir'Robert W'alpole and Uucen Anne, and the evidence is now before us. He had only said a few' words on tins occasion, because he could not let the proposition to sanction bills of credit go w'ithout taking the very earliest op portunity of expressing his disapprobation, and de nouncing a system calculatcd to produce the same results which had raised the unfounded debt of l^ri- i tain from twenty-one to nine hundred millions of j pounds. He should avail himself of the first ap- 1 propriate opportunity to maintain the ground he i had assumed as to the identity of this policy x\ith that the question of the session :\lr \boli:ion party ?hcv had a 'Coinniittec arounl (Jongress to urge on the question. Afr. i^tanhf called him to order. The SpcaJicr said the Previous U'lcstion been demanded. . Mr. Prnjfit tiien wcnl on to ?iiow that t.ie I re- vious Q,'.it.it.ion should not be put. ^ He was a^ain called to order—appealed then withdrew’ his appeal. , j • • Mr. Adams now appealed from the dccision ot the Chair. He considered that Mr. Stanly had no his liad and right to move the Previous Gluestion upon aineniment, and demanded the yeas and nays. | Walpole, by argument and references. They were ordered, and were; yeas 147, nays ) President’s was utterly unconst it u- thc decision' of the Chair stood as the dangerous—part borrowed from the sys- 17. So judgment of the House. Mr. Wise, to expedite public business, moved, l)y general consent, to appoint a committee to wait upon the President in connection w’ith a committee of the Senate, and inform him that a quoium of both Houses was present, and that they were ready he micrht be oleased to any message tem of the English Exchequer issues, and part from Mr. Biddle’s scheme of making the Federal Gov ernment an exchange dealer—though All. Biddle made the Cjtovernment act indirectly, thro’ a board of Bank Directors, and this makes it act directly, through a board of reasury Directors and their agents. This is the first time that a formal proposition has been made to change our hard money Govern ment, (as it was intendeil to be,) into a paper ma chine; and it is the first time that there has been a proposal to mi.x it up with trade and commerce, by making it a furnisher of exchanges, a bank of de- posite, and an imitator of the old Confederation in its continental bills, and a copyist of the English Exchequer system. Being the first time these un- constitutionaf and pernicious schemes w'cre for mally presented to Congress, he felt it to be his du ty to disclose his opposition to them at once, would speak more fully. HorsE OF Represextativks. ^ The House met at noon, w^hen the journal of on Mr. Adams' amendment was yesterday having been read, Mr. Thompson, of Mississippi, appeared, w'as sw’orn, and took his seat to receive innlfcC. Before the appeal was decided on Mr. Adami motion, a sharp debate sprang up on law', parlia mentary, human, and divine, and many members delivered themselves of their ideas in a lucid and satisfjctoiy manner. Mr. Adams was dressed in a Geneva scull cap, and seemed to be about taking lioly ord.*rs. At any rate he looked like the high priest of Abolition in the United States, and of Bri tish tyranny in China. How he can preach liber ty here, and slavery in China, is more than w'e can tay, and therefore w'e will say no more about it at present. 077 The question upon the adoption of Mr. Stanley s cmendment was then taken by yeas and nays, and there were yeas 83, nays 87; so it was rejected. The then taken by yeas and nays, and there w’ere yeas 84, nays 87; so it w’as rejected. Mr. WisiZ from the joint committee on the part of the House, appointed to w'ait upon the President, reported that the committee had attended to the du ty assigned it, and that the President w’ould make a communication to-morrow' at 12 o’clock. On mo tion of Mr. Wise, the House adjourned until to morrow at 12 o’clock. Friday, December 10, 1841. Hoi .-E OF Retresextatives. After the House w'as called to order, the Speak er ]»resented several communications, which w’ere ordered to lie on the table and be printed. 'I'he Speaker then called for pKitions. Mr Juku^o- Maryland objected. He said the rules ani orde-t^ w’eie in order, and thci^fore moved to lav th‘ report of the Committee on Ruies on the table’ Carried by yeas and nays—9G yeas, 88 nays. ’ Mr. Fillmore then moved, that when the House adjourn, it should adjourn over to Monday. Car ried by acclamation, Mr' irw moved that the House do now'adjourn. The yeas and nays were ordered, and were—yeas 71, US nays. , • r Mr. Cushing moved to go into an election ol Chaplain, but upon the question of postponing the election to Monday, the yeas and nays wore order ed, and w'ere yeas 118, nays 71. Mr. Fillmore now offered resolutions to refer the Fiscal Plan, the apportionment of Representatives, and the Smithsonian bequest to Select Committees of 9 each. The Chair decided the resolutions to be in or- dcr. Mr. Cave Johnson appealed, and Mr. Clifford o\ Maine, seconded it in an able and unansw’crable speech: but upon taking the yeas and nays upon the same, there were—yeas 104, nays 00. Mr. Stanlei/ now called the previous question upon the resolutions, and it -^vas sustained by 101 yeas, 81 nays. The maui question, being the passage of the re solutions, was then taken by yeas end nays, anc there were 113 yeas, 83 nays. A resolution w'as adopted to appoint a Select Committee of nine upon the National Foundry; and then the House adjourned. On Monday, the 13th, after electing Chaplains and receiving various Reports from the Department both Houses adjourned. He leges. He contends with great distinctness force, against the adoption of any scheme which is not repealable at the pleasure of Congress. In these positions he is perfectly decided; perfectly cor rect—but we are free to say, and all must admit, that the whole subject of a Fiscal Agency is per se, as complicated as it is momentous. Until the State Banks are compelled to resume specie payments, (and the State Legislatures should compel them to adopt the measure as early as practicable,) the ex changes of the country must be disturbed, and the circulation must be vitious. But the remedy in the mean time, which is compatible with the C onstitu- tion, and most calculated to advance the interests of the country, is the difficult problem to be soUed. We have no time to enter upon the merits of Mr. Tyler’s scheme. The principle on which it pro ceeds, is eminently entitled to grave consideration. It requires great reflection, and w’ill receive elabo rate discussion. In the mean time, we arc prepar ed to say, as at present advised, that there are ob jections to matters of detail, which appear to be of a serious, if not insuperable character. Among these 1st. The administrative machinery—the Board of Control at Washington. Whence the necessity of such an arrangement? Why not leave the gen eral superintendence at Washington to the hands of the Treasury Department—(the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Treasurer of the U. S.?) No such Board was constructed under the Sub-Treasu ry system, nor did experience prove it to be necessa ry. It multiplies the offices and enlarges the pat ronage of the Government—and seems to lay the nest-egg of a great monied corporation. 2d. If the agejicies'^ in the States are to be new' offices, it is doubtful whether they be necessary or proper. The present officers of the Government would seem to be sufficient for every purpose. 3d. It invests the Institution with the pow'er of discou?iting on Bills of Exchange, under certain limitations. We had hoped, that Mr. Tyler had set his face against any such power in any form. 4th. The assent of the State in w’hich the agency is situated, that dis counts private bills of exchange, is to be required— as if the assent of the States could leplixe what w^as otherwise contrary to our Institutions. r>th. The inconvertibility of the Treasury notes into specie, except at the point of issuaiicr, will prove to be a serious clog to the measure. It seems to us, that they ought to be paid at a few' specified points, w'here gold and silver will be constantly and con veniently kept for their redemption. the one to be afiected by it Ix Sexate...Tuesday, December 7, 184L Immediately after the reading of the journal in the Senate, Mr. Bayard, from the joint committee appointed yesterday, to w’ait upon the President, reported that the President had informed the com mittee that he would communicate w’ith both Hou ses of Congress to^ay at twelve o’clock, by mes sage in writing. After a short delay, Mr. Bobert Tyler, the President’s private secretary, delivered the message to the President of the Senate, and it was read by the Secretary. The reading occupied about an hour; after which, Mr. Mangum moved that the Message and documents be laid on the table and printed. Mr. Smith, of la., moved that the usual number of messages and documents be print ed for the use of the Senate. He presumed the Journal would direct the number. The President of the Senate observed that 1,500 of the documents, and 3,500 of the message, w'ould be the usual num ber; and a motion being made to print that number, Mr. Benton objected to tw’o features in that part of the President’s Message relating to the fiscal agen cy, as follows: Mr. Benton said, that he could not reconcile it to liiinself to let the resolution pass, w'ithout making a few' remarks on that part of the message w’hich re lated to a new Fiscal Agent. Looking at that fea- of it, as read, he perceived that the President gave an outline of his plan, leaving it to the Secretary of the Treasury to furnish the details in his Report.— He apprehended that nothing in those details could reconcile him to the project, or in any manner meet liis approbation. There were two main points pre sented in the plan, to which he never could agree; l)0th being wholly unconstitutional and dangerous. One was, that of emitting bills of credit, or issuing a Treasury currency. Congress h i no _3nstitu- tional authority to issue paper money, or emit Fed eral Mils of credit; and the other feature is, to au- f' lorize this Government to deal in exchanges. The j>ropositiun to issue bills of credit, when under con- tlK? formation of the Constitution; was 5 The 'Message.—The private secretary of the President then"^ presented himself at the bar, and an nounced that he w'as the bearer of a message in w'riting. The message w'as then received and read by the clerk. ' Mr. Wise then rose and observed, that w’ere the House governed by any rules, he would move the reference of the message just read to a committee of the whole on the Slate of the Union. But as no rules had yet been adopted, he would move that the message do lie on the table, and that 10,000 ex tra copies, with the accompanying documents, be printed. Mr. W. C. Johiison rose and urged his motion of yesterday in relation to the rules, as the first bu siness in order. Some discussion of a desultory character arose between Messrs. Adams, Johnson, and others, as to what was in order, after which it w'as agreed that the question on the motion of Mr. Wise should be taken without further debate. A division of the question being called, the ques tion was first put on printing the usual number of copies, and it was carried, there being but one ne gative vote (Mr. Botts.) The second branch of the motion, viz; the print ing of the extra copies, was also agreed to, with the exception of Mr. Botts. Rules of the House.—Mr. Johnson then called un his resolution, pending the (consideration of w'hich the House had on yesterday adjourned, viz : “ that the rules of the 26th Congress be adopted as the rules of the present session, until the report of the select committee on the rules shall be disposed of.” Mr. Fillmore suggested that it w'ould be better to name some specific lime when that report should be considered. Mr. Johnson then modified his resolution, so as to make the report the special order for Thursday next, and each succeeding dav until finally dispo sed of Mr. Adams made some remarks, complaining of the conduct of the Speaker, yesterdays in deciding that he, Mr. A., could not speak, &c. The Speaker explained. ]\Ir. A i^7ns was not satisfied, and began to talk about “ trickery,” etc., for which he was called to order. Mr. A. then desired to renew his amendment, excepting the 21st rule,” but the Speaker decided tliat it could not be done. Mr, A. grumbled. Coiitroversy with A’ipw York.—The Committee on Federal Relations, in the Legislature of South Carolina, have made a long and able Report on so much of Governor Richardson’s Message as relates to the controversy between Virginia and New' \ ork. They bring in a bill, w'hich they recommend the Le gislature to pass. We presume, it conforms with The Resolutions w’hich conclude the Report. These resolutions indignantly repudiate the course pursu ed by the Governor of New York, and reiiuest the Governor of South Carolina ‘-to communicate to the authorities of Virginia, the high sense entertained by this Legislature, of their moderation and respect ful forbearance in conducting the recent unhappy controversy w'ilh the State of New York—of the justness of the position assumed by \ irginia, and the assurance of the hearty co-operation of South Caro lina, in all proper measures to vindicate her rights as a State, and to protect the property of her citi zens.” —Rich mond Enquirer. From fao Washington Globe MESSAGE. We resume our notice of this state in our protest to the doctrines tion of it. W^'e think on every point where it ap- iroaches Great Britain, that it bears the impress of an humbled, yielding spirit, conscious of inferi ority, and ready to pay homage to the assuming Foreign.—Thci Acadia 'arrived at Boston on Tuesday evening last, the 7th instant, bringing fif teen days later new'S from England. The English w'erc rejoicing over the birth of an infant Prince, who came into the w'orld on Tuesday the 0th of November, as Duke of Cornwall, but will be made Prince of Wales, probably at his babtism. Both mother and boy were doing well. The most appalling distress still prevailed in the manufiicturing districts of England; and in Ireland there is a prospect of the terrible calamity of the fail ure of the Potatoe crop. The wheat and Oat crop are one third below the average, and the price of meat high and rising, owing to the prevalence of a distemper among the cattle. No political nows of importance—the Cotton mar ket continued heavy—nothing new from China. Raleigh Register Coon Skins Exempted.—^ hiH was recently in troduced into the Georgia Legislature to incorporate a company for Tanning.^' After it had been duly read, one of the Whig inembers moved an amend ment to the effect that “ Coon Skins should be ex empted from the process ot the establishment, as they had, within the last few niontlis, been tanned Bufticiently.”—Jonesboro^ (Tenn.) Sentinel. The “Hivvassee Rail Road” banking company lias gone to the devil feet foremost, and no mistake That is, the notes issued by tlie Treasurer of the Hiwassee Rail Road, are not worth shucks in these parts now. It was about all the money in circula tion here—after this we guess there will be none We w'ant the company to put the thing on its legs again, until we get rid of a three dollar bill we have, and then they may hook us if they can.—76. Ten?ipsscc.—Tht» two Houses of the Legislature of this state, on the 30th ult., agreed to assemble in joint meeting on the 2nd inst., ro elect a United States Senator for 6 years —and on the -id to elect another Senator in place of Mr. Grun dy, dec’d. P. S.—Since writing the above, we have received the Nash ville Union, of the 3d inst., from which we learn that the at tempt to elect a Senator un the previous day failed in conse quence of the refusal of a moiety of the Senate to unite with the other House in going into an election. If we properly un derstand the question, the “glorious twelve” who have pre- ♦ ventod au election are in the wrong.—Lynchburg HejmbHcan. broujjht i:nder re- superior. The McLeod afrair is thus vie\y: “ Alexander McLeod, having hi.s option either to prosecute a writ of error from the decision ot the Supreme Court of New’York, which had been ren dered upon his application for a discharge, to the Supreme Court of the United States, or to submit iiis case to the decision of a jury, preferred the lat ter, deeming it the readiest mode of obtaining his iberation—and the result has fully sustained the w'isdom of his choice. The manner in whicli the is sue submitted was tried, will satisfy the English Government that the principles of justice will never fail to govern the enlighented decision of an Ameri can tribunal. I cannot fail, how'cver, to suggest to Congress the propriety, and, in some degree, the ne cessity of making such provi-iions by laip, so far as they may canstitutionalhj do so, for the removal, at their commencement, and at the opt ion of the party, of oil such cases as may hereafter arise, and which may in- Tolre the faithful observance and e.vecution of our in ternational obligations, from the State to the Federal Judiciary. This Government, by our institutions, is charged w'ith the maintenance of peace and the pre servation ot amicable relations w’itli the nations of the earth, and ought to possess, w'ithout question, all the reasonable nnd proper means of maintaining the one and preserving the other. Whilst jusi confi dence is felt in the judiciarj^ of the States, yet this Go vernment ought to be competent in itself for the fulfil ment ot the high duties wdiich have been devolved upon it under the organic law', by the States them selves.” It will be remembered that Mr. Webster, in his correspondence with Mr. Fox, at the threshhold, ad mitted the obligation of this Government to surreri- der Mcjjcod, w'hether innocent or guilty of the cri minal offence for which he w'as put on trial, on the demand of Great Britain—that pow'er taking the re sponsibility of the act, as done under its orders. If this W’ere the duty of the Federal Goverment, it w'ould follow that no State jurisdiction could contra vene it. The admission that a State court had the right to try, involved the ri|^ht to condemn and execute. There is no right of appeal from the State courts to those of the United States courts, for crimes against the municipal law'S of the States. This Me Leod^s counsel well knew', and therefore did not at tempt to appeal from the State jurisdiction to that of the General Government. If they had, it would not have been allowed by the State tribunal. The Message, on this point, makes a total misstatement of the law, and evinces a consciousness of it, by pro posing to make “ such provisions by law, so far as they may constitutionally do so, for the removal at their commencement, and at the option of the party, of all such cases as may hereafter occur.” &c. If McLeod h'id this option at the commencment to remove'the case before the Federal Courts on habeas corpus, w'here is the pretext for saying that a provision by law is ncccssary to make the retno had time to consult there w’ould evi dently be no urgent necessity in the case. Mr. Webster, therefore, in supposing that an urpnt ne cessity would be sufficient justification for the con duct of the party at Schlosser. moPt clearly intends to advan.’^' tiiat lor I.ngltivJ ;n legau to the munbtrou's out-rage on our country in the case of the Caroline. But then Mr. Webster hns a sal vo for us in thus yi^ Id’ing the right of England to set aside our Government on this side ot the lakes, and take it in her own hands. It will be found m the close of the paragraph of the message which concludes its comment on this subject: ‘•The correspondence between the tw’o Gcn'crn- j ments on this Pnhjert, will, at a future day of your ' session, !»e evil.niitted tn yonr consideration; nnd m the mean time, I cannot hut indulge ihe hope that the British Gnrf^i irnu'vt iriH f^cc the propriety of ronomi- ciii^, as a I'nh' of (tt'lion. the j'retLcleHt uhitfL harbeen set in ine ajfuir at ,sV///osser.” All is made sale for n? by indulging the hojie that the Brili^h Gorcrnmctti icill see the propriety of renouncms. as o rule for ihe future, what Mr. Webster is willing to ronct iie was sufficient justifi cation for its past conduct I The arrogant pretension—the right of scarcn— which rear Britain has again practically asserted under the plea of its necessity in suppressing the slav'e traJe, is met by Air. ]Vebslir in a way which might have been expected from one who did not think it cause of w'ar when employed in inapressing our seamen, from our national ships. T.his topic is thus broached in the message; “ I invite your attention to existing laws for tne. suppression of the African shive trade, and recom mend all such alterations, as may give to tliiim greater force and efficacy. That the Americari flag is grossly abused by the abandoned and profligate of other nations, is but too probable. Congress has, not long since, had this subject under its con sideration, and its importance well justifies renewed and anxious attention. “ Whether this (jovernient ohou.d now enter into treaties containing mutual stipulations upon tliis subject, it a question for its mature deliberation. Certain it is, that if the right to detain American ships on the high tseas can be justified on the pica of a necessity for such detention, arising out of^ the existence of treaties betw’een other nations, the same plea may be extended and enlarged by the new sti pulations of new treaties, lo wliich the United Statca may not be n pnr‘y. Thi.- (government will not roasc. to urge upon tliaf ot' iron! Britain, full and ample re muneration for ail losscp. whether arising from de tention or otherwl.'o, to wliich American citizen'? have heretofore been, or may lieralter be suhjecteii, by the exercise ot ri2'htf= which tliis Government, cannot recognise as legitimate and proper. ’ “ Our flag is grossly abused by the abandoned ,11s state jXipcr, ^to pul I profligate of°other'nationsand bccause pro of Mr. I» ebster s por- adventurer? abuse it, therefore Mr. Webster where it ap- jg ®convrniicn, to give (ireat Britain a right which no (Vtje can doubt from past experience, would be abused by that domineering jx^wer. to harrass our coinineioc and subject our ships to eve* of intrusion, and their crews to all the ry spocies wrongs which Ird to the last war. Nothing can be gained by truckling to Great Britain. And the suggestion of a conventon to stipulate in relation to the concession of the right ol search to that haughty power, is in our opinion de rogatory to the high ground heretofore maintaincrl by every Republican administration of the Gc ver;i ment, nnd tn invitation to the continued perpetration of those agorrcssions, w'hich have evidently extorted the suggestion of a convention to concede, as a right, what has heretofore been resisted as tae most flagrant w’ronfy, and at the cost of the best blood 01 our country. ^ RETRIBUTIVE JUSTICE. The Philadelphia papers inform us that the judg* ment creditors of the United States Bank have at* tatched the debts due to that institution by Messrs. Webster, Biddle. Riddle, and others. We hope that the sccrets of the prison house w'ill now be un* folded. It is time to bring the despoilers of th^' wi dow’ and the orphan to a j:5St reckoning. But a few years ago and Mr. Biddle dcnouncQd the Democra tic leaders as fugitives from the penitentiary. K half what is alleged against him be true, where should he now be ? It is painful to see the tone of society among us so demoralized by the practices ot late years. INIen occupying the highest social po sition are detected in offences the most sliamcfuland ruinous to the community, and are yet permitted to hold up their heads in *the very presence of their victims. In England, when the South Sea bubble^ exploded, all who w'ere even remotely suspected ot participation in the fraud, were driven ignominious- ly from the country, or were put in jeopardy of hie and estate. Here, the plunderers of the innoccnt aud the confiding are permitted to occupy the high est posts, political and social. Law died an exile and in poverty. His American imitators, though more guilty, brave public opinion with ai^ unblush ing front. They seem to feel no remorse for the misery they have inflicted. We have heard of two ladies, the “widows of gallant officers, who are re duced to beggary by the fraudulent insolvency of this ill-fated institution. We know the case of a gentleman who, at an advanced age. has lost tpe sole dependence of a numerous family. Siich in stances are without number. They filled . land W'ith desolation—they have sent many liairs with sorrow to their grave—they have agonizing sighs from many broken hearts, J the authors of such complicated, far-spipad mi still revel in their ill-gotten weaUh and honors. But the officers of this iH ■. alone guilty. Those inedy obiec of th taxes sort, when pract that, neg the e been time ment sed day,’ if th year Jars, The it p Got the wou an cal importance to obtain enormous gifts, far beyond their possible means of repay are
Mecklenburg Jeffersonian (Charlotte, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Dec. 21, 1841, edition 1
2
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