Newspapers / The Alamance Gleaner (Graham, … / June 29, 1875, edition 1 / Page 2
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THE GLEANER. R. ». PARKER, Editor. GRAHAM, N. C., JUNE 29, 1870. ?— ———— —• [ These columns are open to the free discussion of affairs. The GLEAN Eli is not responsible for the opinions expressed, by correspondents.J RENOM'TIOSr* ADOPTKD H V THE DBIIIVCRATIt'.()ONItI!HVAT I V K PABTV OF ALAMANCK ( OIMI. Resolved, First: That the democratic conser vative party of this county nominate its candi date for delegate to the c6nctitutionai conven tion to assemble it) Raleigli in September by Mass-Convention of the couuty to be held on Saturday the 3rd day of July at the Court liouee in Qraham. 2nd: That every Democrat and Conserva tive who will attend said Mass-Convention shall be deemed and recognized as a delegate froin his township. 3rd: That each township in the county shall be entitled to twenty-flVfc votes in said nomina ting Mass-Convention. 4th: That each delegate shall have his equal proportion of the vote of his township at his individual disposal, which proportion shall be ascertained by calculation based upon the nunibei of delegates present from his township, and the said number of twenty-live votes to which each township is declared entitled, and the vote shall be taken by a cail of townships, when the Secretary of said Mass-Convention shall record the vote of _eacU township as in srncted to do by the delegates of that town ship. • From tfye above resolutions it will be seen, that the Democratic-Conservative pnrty of this comity will nominate its candidate for Convention on Saturday, 3d ot July, 1875. It will also be seen that every Democrat a/Id Conservative in the county is an authorized delegate to the nominating Mass-Convention, and will have the casting of his proportion of the vote of his township under his sole individual control. The vote that each delegate will have depends upon the number of delegates ill attendance from Ida towuship. £ach township has twenty-five votes, and that number will be cast whether it has many or few del egates present. A large turnout is de sirable, to the end that a fair expression of the preference of the party may be had in selecting a candidate. It is earnestly hoped that no township will be represented by less than twenty-five delegates. It would be all the belter if many more than that number could be present. No matter how many, each will have his proportion of the tweiitv_ five votes to which his township is enti. /- tied. Come on and let Alamance, the first in tho roll of counties, take a fore most place in the Democratic column, that is inarching to victory all over this broad laud. J. T. Crock KH, Chairman Ex. Com. CAnrAMUKrt*. The campaign is now upon us. Be fore the next issue of this paper our candidate will be in the field. We must elect him. Our gpod as a people demauds it. Our duty as citizens re quites that wo all labor to secure his election. If tho candidate selected is ' not the choice of the people of our par ty, it will bo their own fault, and the result of their own negligence. All have a voice in the selection, and dissat isfaction can only arise from the result of negligence and carelessness, or a disinclination to submit to the ex pressed wish and opinion of the major ity. Canvassers lor the various town ships have beeu appointed. While all have a duty to perform in the campaign, they have an especially imperative one. They have been Selected tor their fitness for the duties, and their suppos ed willingness to perform them. All campaigns depend upon the efficiency of the township canvassers. If these fail in their duty, all other work is compara tively of little worth. Tae first thing necessary to the performance of any du ty is to understand what that duty is, and the most effective way of perform ing it. Under this head we sltall ven ture a few suggestions. Tlie object of the republican party, as usual, is to de ter our voters by exciting their fears and prejudices, as well as to rally their own by the same means. To do this they are resorting to all sorts of asser tions aud declarations without regard to truth,*reason, or common sense. They are endeavoring by every means which iheir imagination suggests to mislead and deceive people. In order that they may be, as they hope, in some sort sue. eessAil in this, they are endeavorixg to keep the people away from all public meetings and discussions. They dare not appeal to the reason and judgement of the people. They have six or seven buudred ncgto> voles at their complete disposal. Practically this is ♦he same as if the leaders in (he county had in their own hands that namber of votes to cast as they please. The negroes follow their' dictation as blindly and obediently as the ballot itself obey • the physical handling aad motions of the voter. They have no will of their own, •r the power of independent action. Practically they are more complotejy the slaves of the radical leaders, than the most docile and obedient were ever the slaves of their master. Now if they can by any means, induce a small propor tion of the whites to vote with them. >aud induce others to stay away from tho polls they reckon upon saceess. To counteract this is an important part of the duty of township canvassers. We have no secret plan of campagu, the object and intention of which i* to de ceive. We want every man to come out and hear the discussion of the sub ject, to inform himself fully, in regard thereto, and then vote according to the dictations of his reason, his judgement, and his common sense. If meu will do this, eveu with their six or seven hund red ucgro votes that are beyoud the reach of argument, or reason, to start with,we will carry our county by a ma jority to be told'ln hundreds. -411 that is uccessay to be done, is to get the white people, it makes no difference wha' their past party affiliations have been, to come out to the meetings, and to go to the elections. Practically we have to get three fourths of the votes to elect. The negro vote counts in the ballot-box,but cannot be profitably considered in a campaign only as so many votes belonging to the radicals without any sort of regard to the issues involved. If only white men were to decide these questions there would not be a radical office-holder, or candidate for office in the State. They hold these votes In tlfeir own hands, and that ad vantage we must meet and overcome. We can do it, aud we will do it, but to insure it, we must *ll work with a will and, determination. The radicals arc fighting with that determination known to conflicts where life or death is the issue. • Defeated and baf fled everywhere, thein desperation knows no bounds, and the means to which they will resort are limited only by the inventive genius of their leaders. Remember that democratic victorioes everywhere have been achieved by the votes of those theretofore acting with and counting themselves republicans. The rank aud file of the republican, par. Tv, those who have not received and who do not expect pay are everywhere, in large numbers voting and acting with the democrats. Prejudices give way, their eyes are opened, and the republi can party is defeated. Look to it can vassers. . JUDGE TOURUEE'4 LETTER. The New North State reproduces j this letter, which we published, a month ago; and editorially remarks upon it, that after that the public may view without astonishment any sortof a snare into which we may walk. We asked the Judge a single question, and in an swer received the letter with a request to publish. While the answer may not seem fully warranted by the in opinion of some, yet to avoid even the appearance of a departure from that fairness, openess and candor, which at the outset we determined should mark whatover career, as an editor, we might have, we published it. And further more, coming as it did, from a man in every way the equal of* any of his 'party iu the State, uiul containing a dec laration of opinions in regard to tbe past, tbat must necessarily indicate opinions iu regard to the future, we thought its significance justified its being given to tbe public. The Judge gives us, in an aphorism, his political creed, with a note ot expla nation, as follows: " A government of the people, by the people, and for tbe people, iucluding iu thelerm people the eutiro population ot the United States." The aphorism em odies a doctrine to which all subscribe, according to their acceptation of its mean ing, but when taken in its fullest and broadest sense, in which the Judge would 6ecm to take it, there will be fouud many dissenters; for it would*de stroy the qualifications ot age, sex, res idence, and naturalizstiou for voters. Now, we cannot feel entirely satisfied that die Judge really favors this, yet a fair construction of his language will justify no other conclusion. We learn fUrtber from the Judge, that he enter taiued the.idea of theiusufflcieucy of the reconstruction acts at the time of their adoption, and tliat be ltas not chunked it. This was news to us, aud was doubtless to many. His objections how ever, arose only from his uotioosof pol icy, and unl from anything wrong iu principle, so far as tbe reconstruction acts were concerned, and be declares that his apprehensions, In regard tb this policy, have been fulfilled wkh 41 singu lar accuracy." He says: "It has been stated that I thought tbe negroes should have been educated before they were allowed to vote. Iu one souse" he says "this is true aud in another false" In what sense true, and in what sense false wo are left to conjecture' r aodespecially so, as he says that be thinks an ignorant man has the same right to his share in self government as a wise one. And yet,be declares tbat the reins of govern ment should not have been, uureserved lv, placed in tbe hands of communitiei so ignorant a* our people were—thai the general government should bavc first educated all the negroes, and tlx 34 per oent. of Ignorant whites. And, meantime, the internal affairs of UM Bute should have beeu under the su pervisiou cf the National government, by some modifioaton of tbe terriloria plan as is suggested. That is it. The supervision of th federal government, by some mbdtfica tion of the territorial plan or otherwise would have kept republicans iu power and place iu the States of the South lor all time and would have given them, a harvest of plunder co-extensive with their lifes, as then appeared, and as they died, others could have been sent down to have taken their places. These ig norant communities, whilo undergoing the process of education and training would have been admirable depend encies for enriching the hordes of offi cers sent down to govern and domineer over them. That, from ignorance, the people of North Carolina should not have been intrusted with self govern ment. That is the uuchanged opinion of one of the foremost, and most influ ential men of the republican party. It was his opinion then, it is his opiuion now. That party, led by men holding these views, tell you they arc to be trusted, in preference to all others, to frame your constitution, thaMs to secure your rights and liberties. They arc the men to whom you are to look as the adminestrators of your govern ment I They will warn you of threat ened encroachments upon your rights and liberties, and they alone-arc to be trusted! In point of intelligence we have perhaps not improved, aiid, had they the power, they would doubtless now declare, by proclamation of their President or otherwise, that we were too ignorant to have control of our own affairs, and would govern us by the will of military commanders, and , their subordinates, as they did awhile. What a glorious time it would be for i them. Had Grant, and the large ma- | jority of the radicals in congress been I enabled to pass their force bill, Ave j would be in that condition now. We Avero not intelligent enough to take charge of our own "State govern ment, and to help us, they enfranchised and clothed with political power the negroes. u ' • The whole truth is, the Reconstruc tion acts were entendeel —it was their chief aim—to perpetuate radical rule iu the Southern States and in the nation. They tailed to do this, and lienco they arc now pronounced failures. No principle, save tne continued suprem acy of the republican party and hatred to 'the South, prompted their au thors. They have been acquiesced in, and in spite of their baleful influences, and the plunder, robbery, tyranny and oppression, perpetrated by virtue of them, the South, save where the negroes are largely-in the majority, is recover ing from all the disasters visited upon her. Further 011 in this letter we learn that, in the Judges opinion, a restora tion of the Union, should not have been attempted in this generation—that our children could better do this than we. The feelings engendered by the war should have been kept alive and'rank ling during the life time of those who participated in it. The North, as con querer, to rule the South, as a province, lor that time, and turn over a country in that condition to the succeeding generation. ThatTs the statemansnip of one of the leading republican politicians of this State. No reconciliation, no peace, 110 quiet, no freedom, no self governmet for 'his generation, tor the South. Will our people think of this; — and we have no doubt they are the hon est sentiments of Judge Tourgee, and a great number of that portion of the republican leaders who, are capable of possessing sentiments and opiuious and about anything. Iu regard to (he alleged ignorance of our people, we are sure that radical editors must coin cide with Judge Tourgee, for they dis cuss the matter of electing delegates to the constitutional convention iu a man ner that says plaiuly that they consider our people ignoramuses and fools. We thought tbo people should know of tlte views of perhaps the ablest man of the republican party in the State, which, coupled with a re quest so to do, induced us to publish the judges letter, and not because we were drawn into it by a snare, —unless tho New Worth State means to iuti mate that the judge is "a delusion and a snare." . x - InIEArBBIEJiCBD* Brother Ball, of tho N~tw State, in calling attention to what he terms the* Tourgee-Parkcr correspondence, twits u with having gotten into a scrape, ami kindly attributes it to want of experience iu the editorial business. He compliments as by expressing the opinion that after we have longer been engaged iu it, we will not be so apt to get into such scrapes; from which we are almost encouraged to hope, tliat we may possibly, in time, cultivate a de gree of cautiousness and prudence that will protect us entirely lrovs scrapes. Uutll reminded of it by the larger ex perience of brother Ball, we had not really discovered the scrape we weie la, and even now, alter having our at tention directed to it, we mast oonfese hat we are at a loss to discover in what the scrape eonsbta. We suppose though after we have been a sufficient time at the business it will be as plain to us, as it now is to brother Ball. We confess to being a novice in the work, and nothing has more forcibly reminded us of this than the resolutions of the meeting of editors at Ncwbern, over which brother Ball is said to have presided. Now, in our want of experi ence, the tendency of which is to drop us, unawares into any sort of a snare, as we are informed, we had concluded that it was a part cf the duty qf news papers to openly discuss questions pend ing before the people, and to give can didly their views upon them and their reasons therefor. We thought, iu our simplicity, that the people really looked to the newspapers of the country- for information and light upon vexed ques tions, of interest to them, and upon which they are to pass. That if evils exist in our laws, that are working in jury to the people, and we saw and rec ognized that fact, in our ignorance we should have advocated the repeal of those laws. Now in an humble way we advocated the pascage of the usury luw, and did so because we thought it was a good thing for the people, but wlieu we are satisfied thatii is likely to cause much distress to the people, we shall advocate its repeal. Now, as we leai n, from thos j who have been longer in the ed.torial business, that would all be wrong. The wise courso is not to take decided grounds upon 6uch ques tions, but take such advantage of them as will to inure the Jiidvantage of the party. Well, upon that particular ques tion wearo already committed, but we will learn may be,—or brother Ball's opiuion is at .fault. We supposed that we lacked much, and had really flat tered ourself that experience would do something for us, but iu reading these resolutions we utterly despair of ever mastering the terrible lessons. Now 011 that civil rights bill, we just can't help speaking; we did so iu the outset of o&r editing, and we shall do so we think always-, upon fitting occasion. So with the public debt; we don't believe good faith, good morals, or religion re quires the payment of the fraudulent debt with which we arc charged and we have said it right here, unnecessari ly perhaps, but we arc just Upund to say it, when we think about it and say anything. We will not enumerate fur ther, but we arc just so astonished, up on reading these resolutions, at what experience, and a length of time at the editoual business had done for those editors who passed them that we have given up and dispaired of every reach ing any thing like even a medium Svand as an editor; unless there is soine other way of reaching it besides playing mum upon questious that nearly con cerns the whole people and ourself with them, or saying what we don't believe when Ave do speak. We hope there is some otlier way of getting along at the editorial busiuess for if Ave find there is not we shall have to quit it. Wo just kuow that 110 length of time and experience Avill discipline us into a profitable worker or worker at all under such a plan. We might may be, be brought to make the office hold ers pay us by taking ©jur paper, because onr feelings are not very teuder for them anyhow, but we doubt even this; and Ave are certain we could not join iu bullying them uuless they were getting" big pay. But as to engaging iu a pre meditated, cold blooded plan of fooling and deceiving the whole people, and misleading them to their harm, brother Ball, we commenced when wo were too old, or for some other reason, we can never be taught it, we know we can't. If ail this is necessary to keep out of scrapes we shall have to abandon the hope that kind language inspired us with, and at once conclude that a suffi cient degree of cautiousness and pru dence to protect us from Bcrapes will never be onrs. Now brother Ball, can't you, for our satisfaction, tell us that such requirements as those resolutions, your meeting iu Newbern adopted, im poses, are rare and are only resorted to Avhcu the party is in extreme peril, as the last chance for its salvation. To knojiUhis would.be cousolings. . If this is not the case, and it duplicity, and in sincerity, and deception is usually re quired in campaigns wouldn't it be bet ter to tust let the party go? If our party necessities are ever as great, and it ever becomes exacting upon Its editors as to require, a digested well considered plan, by which the people are to be mis led aod-deeeived, onr opinion is, there I will be a secession of editors. We are glad we are obliging brother Bait b> publishing the resolutions, and we tball keep them standing to let the people discover what good there .is in them. Brother Ball says the more they are read the better they seem, and that being the case they ought to be read very often —a ball dozen readings or so don't reveal auy good, taking them as a whole. TU AMUA at vietoat. In hie speech accepting the nomina tion for Governor of Ohio, Governor Allen said; "He heard old, gray-headed Demo crats say to-day that they wonld not bo satisfied with less than fifty thousand majority this fall. The ticket would be sent before the people with the aroma of victory about it. Ihe ball had been set rolling now, and victories were in store for the Democratic party for fifty years, and they would live happy and die happy and go to heaven in a oody." THE COST. i Tlie great objection to Convention is the cost of it, as radicals tell us. With out stopping to inquire how it happens that this party, that, in the short time it had the power to make appropriations, by extravagance and fraud exhausted the credit of the State and increased its debt beyond the ability of the people to pay, has suddenly become economical, we will consider this matter of cost. It only requires a suggestion and two min utes thought, to satisfy any one with a thimble full of brains, unless he is jnst determined not to be satisfied, that as a matter of economy the Convention is just what he wants. Our jails are con stantly full of prisoners, and whether convicted or acquitted the people have to foot the bill. Now that bill with courts every three months say, iustead of every six would only be one-half what it is now. We must have a court of competent jurisdiction to dispose of these criminals, at least every three months. There is an easy way to do this, without ono particle of expense more than uow. Every Judge has to hold two Courts a year in each county in his circuit of two weeks each. Let these very same Judges hold four Courts a year of ono week each. This can't be done without amendment to the Constitution. The savin# to the tax payers by this amendment alone would in a lew years, perhaps not more than one or two, pay the entire cost of a Con vention. Now the tax-payers have to support and care for every insaue man or woman, rich or poor. The Constitu tion says so. Let those who are able to do so, and are thns afflicted, support themselves, and the sqving thereby would be a very considerable item; in itself, in a very faw years enough to pay all the expenses of_a Convention. We think the State should care for the unfortunate insane who are unable to care for themselves, but we can see no reason in the poor man's being taxed to support and care for the rich man, even if he is afflicted. The rich may become insane as well as the poor, and wheu they do they, ought to pay lor their own care and comfort. These two amendments alone would be a saving to the taxpayers of enough in two years to pay for all the expense ot a convention and more. Ev ery one who will think about two min utes knows it is so. And this applies not only to insaue' in the Asylum but all who arc cared for in the comities. Wilkes county, for instance, pays into the State treasury about thirty-five hun dred dollars, and takes out to pay for insane, not in the Asylam about thirty three hundred dollars. These unfortu nate insane arc not all paupers. COME TO TUB CONVHttTIOW NEXT SATURDAY. Before another issue of this paper our candidate will be nominated. Our suc cess largely depends upon the care tak eu in, and the manner of this selection. No individual claims, or individual likes, or dislikes must stand in the way of our success. The man who would permit warmth of pcrMmal friendship, or the beat of personal ill will to in fluence his actiou in this important matter mistakes his duty to his party and his country. It is not in the na ture ot things for all to get their choice. After divesting ourselves of influences, of personal feelings if any exist, let us when we meet, select the most suitable man for this campaign. Let ns do so with a view to success, when the selection is made, let every differ' ence in regard to the selection be for gotten, and having our man in the field, let every one and heart ily go aliout electing him. Object first to select a good man, that done as it certainly will be, let everything be merged in one grand, harmonions eftort to elect him, and Alamance, will be herself again. Every democrat and conservative in the county is a delegate. Come, overybody! "There'* life in the old land yet." The fundamental error of tbe Canby Constitution is that it legislated on sub jects themselves temporary and fluctu ating in their nature, and made that permaraent which ought to have been capable at any time of revision nnder exigency of circumstances. This iq tbe error that the Convention of 1876 will avoid, its design being to frame an in strument pure,plain and simple, laying down broad general principles upon which a sound superstructure of statu tory law will be afterwards erected. The Radical leaders of this State are trying to invest tbe question of the campaign with difficulties which do not belong to it, and to introduce as parts of the issues of tbe campaign, subject that the Democrats wltt continue to treat as matters of private opinion er of legis lative action. Tbe Democratic party f win not; suffer itself to be diverted from its objects by -such questions 'as that of the gauge and the Usury Law questions which the Radical leaders, in their pronunciamentos, hope to use as instruments of dissension in the Democratic ranks.— Newt WHAT RADICALISM IK4S DONK. FOB NORTH CAROLINA AND TUG SOUTH . Let it be borne in mind that all the philanthropy of Radical rule in the South can be prettily summed up in a few figures, to wit: Alabama —Debts and liabilities at close of war, $5,980,654 87; on Jan. 1, 1872, $38,384,967 87. Arkansas—Debts and liabilities at close of war, $4,036,952 87; on Jan. 1. 1872, $19,761,265 62. Florida—Debts and liabilities at close oi war, $221,000; on Jau. 16, 1872, sls, 763,447 54. North Carolina—Debts and liabilities at close ot war, $9,699,600; on Jan. 1, 1872, $34,877,567 85. South Carolina—Debts and liabilities at close of war, $5,000,000 ; on Jan. 1, 1872, $89,168, 244 47. Tennessee—Debts liabilities at close of war, $20,105,606 06; on Jan. 1, 1872, $45,688, 263 40. Texas—Debts and liabilities at close of war, nominal only; oil Jan. 1,1872, $20,361,000. Virginia—Debts and liabilities at close of war, $31,938,144,50: on Jan. 1, 1772, $45,542, 20. The men who rushed North Carolina into at ootn of debt were Republicans, so-called. The men who treated the other Southern States to like "section of the day of judgment" were also called (by themselves) Republicans. The same party is still in the field—in this State trying to recover the ground they have lost. Their cry is, "No Con vention." They want no Convention becauso Convention would wipe out the remain ing wrongs which the people have borne for years ut hope of u'timate remedy. They want "no Convention" because a Convention would give the people more freedom, give the State .a better government; give the taxpayers somo relict from heavy burdens. What do the Radical leaders care tor the com plaints ot the people ? As long as there are useless offices for them to fill they will oppose alterations of the Constitu tion. But the taxpayers of the" State— the intelligent white masses irrespective of party—the more sensible colored peo ple do wish the constitution changed. They would have it amended so as to cut off every expense not necessary and to eliminate every feature that is offen sive or injurious to the majority. Their demands are ju?t and reasonable and proper. No chicanery or fubterfuge to defeat their will will avail, naked and truthful issues of the cuwj)A)gn will bo presented faithfully and the people's honest determination will be made known on the sth of August.— Star. I'IIB «BEATBBI IABUI.T EVKK ORRIKKO TO TUG AJIBBICA.V PEOPLE. "Bttt I was made to believe that tbe public gjod called me to make the sacrifice. * * * » * but it must be remembered that all the sacrifices, except that of comfort, had been made io accepting the 'first term,' —Gen. Grant's Letter tp Oen. White A few years ago there was a man who .had been educated in our West Point Academy at the pnblic expense. He had dropped out of the army and be come a hauler of eord wood to St. Louis market. Common report says he used to be found dallying long by the road side on bis way bome. Later he ws» a clerk in a leather store in Chicago, very poor. He was appointed a Colonel in tbe army, and promoted and promoted and promoted, until he bad the command of our armies. Mnny persons always thought that much, very much of bis i success was owing to the superior op portunities that were given him. Finally, a rank and title never before conferred in this country were created especially for brim. He was made the General'of tbe United States Army. Then he was nominated for President otthe United States und elected. Next he Was rt-elected, " Elected and re-elected to what? 'ro - THE HIGHEBT ELECTIVE OFFICE EVER CRE ATED BY MAN 1 To an office, to hold which, in tbe infancy and beginning of i tbe Republic, George Washington was proud I An office which Thomas Jeffer -1 son and James Madifon and John Quin cv Adams and Andrew Jackson glori ed in the privilege of filling I And now took upon the beggar on horseback—'the penniless wood hauler— despised then, not for bis poverty, but for bis gross weakness and faults, com ing o»t in a letter and spitting in the face of tbe whole American people, and insulting them In the most, odious and offensive manner, and prating upon the "sacrifices"—-"SACRIFICES, " that's the word— the sacrifices he made in becom ing their Chief Magistrate! ♦ Out npon the poor fool 1 Who does he imagine be is? Let the contempt oi the whole great American people be has insulted cover him countless fathoms deep! Tbe above we take from the New York Ledger, a litterary paper, conduc ted with great ability, and which can be accused of nopartizan bias, as it has no politics; and give it as the dispas sionate conclusion at which that paper had arrived in regard to Grants third term letter, which it is fair to infer is tbe general estimate in which that let- ' ter and its author is held by all wbo vew it without prejudice, for er against. Charlotte Democrat: It should make no difference now Whether a. Democrat favored or opposed calliug a Convention thisryear or next year—good men of both opinions ought to co-operate and see that good men (and not Radicals ot of any kind) ire elected.
The Alamance Gleaner (Graham, N.C.)
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June 29, 1875, edition 1
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