North Carolina Newspapers

: ISP MSl' mam na J.lllllll l ' ' J , , II l.j i . IJ. - J I.I.I III. I i , , m ti ,M , i i I,, I IMIIIWH I I IMII " Itittlrnr; of Democracy intiward :he titration of the t:iAuxtrlou classes, the incnme of tlutr eomfjrt, the atxtrtion oT their ditUfy, the establtritment of their potrtr.n i 2 ! ' ' . ' BY ROBERT WILLIAMSON7, Jr." MKCOITO, C, OCTOBER 14, IS-iO. VOLUME IV, NO. XX. 1 N E V T E R M S OF THE LINCOLN REPUBLICAN, TERMS OF PUBLICATION. The Lixciilv Ukpimilican i paldi-shcd every Wednesday at $'1 ;"0, if paid in advance, or j ii payment he. delayed three months. rs'i) suiiseri)ti-j;i received for a'less term than twelve mo.iths. No p-ijier willbo discontinued hut at the option of the Editor, until ail arrearages are p.ud. A failure to order a di.:-o:itiuu.uice, will he con sidered a new engagement. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. Atitf.htise.hents will lie inserted conspicuously for ? I 00 per square, for the first insertion; and 2." cents for eaeh confmuaiice. Court end Jv.uiclal advcrtis-eineiits will he charged per cent more than the above pri.-es. A deducion of 3'3j pc" cent from the regular prices will be made to yearly advertisers. Tiie number of insertions must he noted on the manuscript, or they will he charged until a dicon tiiiuanee is ordered. TO CORRESPONDENTS. To insure proaipt attention to Letters addressed t )the Editor, the postage should in alleases he 1'uid. 1 1 A R li I SO N 'S TO RGETFULNESS. In iho letter of Hen. Harrison to Mr. Lyons of Richmond, Virginia, dated 1st June, 1S40, is the following passage, viz: "lit answer to the inquiry, why I used the word 'abolition, in designating a socie JV of which I was a member in Richmond, in the year 1731, instead of the word 'hu mane, which is known to be the one by which the society was really distinguished, that I can say tipiui the subject i?, that if I did realiy term it an Abolition Society, a fact which I can still hardly believe, jbr I have not been able to see the paper con taining my address to the people of the dis trict in 1822.3 'l niust I'ave been from for getfulness, which might easily happen af tee the lapse of 31 years. At any rate, the word abolition was not understood to mean in 1822 what it now means. There can be no doubt that the society of which JIr. Tarhon I'leasanls was a member, and which, in his publication in the Richmond Whig, he calls the Humane Society of Ivichmond, and by ibis title Judjje Galea, who gave me the eert licate in 1822, also designated it, was the same of which I was a member. Mr. Pleasants was a member in 17(J7, I in 1781. Mr. Robert Pleasants u-a ihe president at the former period, as he was when I was admitted. It appears that (tic constitution of this identical society was found, some time ince, among t!sie papers of the late Thom as Shipley, and has been furnished to the public, through an Abolition paper, ll is :is follows, viz: TIIE CONSTITUTION OF TIIE VIR GINIA. SOCIETY. For promoting the Abolifion of slavery, and the relief of 1'ree Negroes, or others, unlawfully held in bondage, and other Humane purposes. From a full belief that "the Lord's mer y is over all his works," that he created mankind of every nation, language, and volor, equally free, and that slavery in all its forms, in all its degrees, is un outrage ous violation, and an odious degradation of human nature: That it is inconsistent with the precepts of the Gospel, of "doing to others as we would they should do unto us," and that it is not only a moral, but a polit ical evil, which tends, wherever it pre vails, to deprave the morals of tne people, weaken tiie bands of society, discourage trades and manufactures, and rather pro motes arbitrary power than secures the just rights and liberties of mankind: believing. :dso, that the societies already established in other parts of the world, for promoting the abolition of slavery and the slave trade, have been of real advantage in manifesting the unrighteous policy of the one, and the iniquity of the other WE TliE SUB SCRIBE iiS, in humble hope of contribu ting our mite to the cause of humanity, and the promotion of righteousness in the earth, have associated ourselves, under the title of "Tiif. Virginia Society for promoting the abolition of slavery, and the relief office negroe?, or otheis unlawfully held in bond age, and other humane purposes." For effecting these purposes, the follow ing constitution is adopted: Article I. The offices of the Society fdiall consist of a President, Vice President, Secretary, Treasurer, nine acting commit tee men, and two corresponding members, in the limits of each district court, all of whom, except the acting committee, shall be annually chosen by ballot. II. The President, or, in his absence, the Vice President, shall preside in all meet ings, and subscribe all the public acts of the society, who, moreover, shall have the power to call a special meeting of the so ciety, whenever lie shall judge it necessa ry, or whenever six members of the acting committee shall concur in requiring it. III. The Secretary shall keep fair re cords of the precet dir.gs of the society, and shall cause to be published, from time to time, such proceedings or resolutions as the society may order, or the President, with the acting commitle, may direct. IV. The Treasurer shall receive all do nations, moneys, or securities, belonging to the society, and shall pay all orders sign ed by the President or Vice President, which orders shall be his vouchers for ex penditures, lie shall, before he enters on his clVice, give bond for the faithful dis charge of his duty, for two hundred pounds, or such larger sum as the President and acting committee shall from time to lime think rieht. V. If the President and Vice President, Secretary, fir Treasurer, be absent at any of the meetings, the society in ay elect oth ers to act pro tempore, or should any of the oilers above named resign or be dis placed, the society h:dl fill the vacancy in thi) mode prescribed by ihe first arti cle. VI. The acting committee shall trans act such business as shall occur in the re cess of the society, ami report the same at each half yearly meeting. They shall have a right, with the concurrence of the Presi dent and Vice President, to draw upon the Treasurer for such sums of money as shall be necessary to carry on the business of their appointment. They shsll also act as an electing committer ,and their approbation in writing shall be an admission to such persons as shall sign the constitution of the society; five of whom shall be a quorum. After their first election, at each succeeding yearly meeting, three of their number shall be relieved from duty, and three others shall be elected to succeed them. VII. In ail cases where persons legal ly entitled to freedom shall be held in bond age, it shall be the business of the corres ponding members, appointed in tiie differ ent districts, more particularly to inquire into, and give notice to the acting commit tee of all such cases, and to procure au thenticated copies from records, or such oilier writings or testimonies as they may think necessary or proper for investigation, of the relief of the sufferers. VIII. Every person, previous to his admision as a member, shall subscribe the constitution of the society, and contribute not less than one dollar on admittance, and half a dollar at each succeeding half yearly meeting, towards defraying the contingent expenses: If he neglects to pay the same for more than two years, he shall, upon due notice being givtrn him of his delinquen cy, cease to be a member: But foreigners, or persons not residing in the Slate, may be elected corresponding members, with out being subject to any payment, and shall bo admitted to the meetings of the society, during their residence in this State. IX. Two-thirds of the members pres ent at a half yparly meeting shall have the powei to expel any person whom they may deem unworthy of remainig a mem ber and no person shall be a member icho holds a slave, cr is concerned in Ihe unrighteous trujfuc of buying or selling I hat unhnppi) race of human beings. X. Twelve members, with the Presi dent or Vice President, constitutionally as semble!, shall be a quorum of the Society for transacting business. XI. The Society shall meet on the se cond day, called Monday, in the months called October and April, at such place or places as may be from time to time agreed on. XII. No law or regulations of the so ciety shall contradict any part of the consti tution, nor shad any alteration in the con stitution be made, without being proposed at a previous meeting. All questions shall be decided by a majority of voles; and in case of an equal division, the presiding of ficer to have the casting vote. The prenl officers of the society are. ROBERT PLEAS ANTS, President. JOHN' FINNY, Vice President. JAMES SMITH. Secretary. JAMES LA HO, Treasurer. .1 cling Comniillee. T! enry Featiiekston, John Crew. Tiio:ias Pleasants. James Harris. George Jonv.s. M toAjAii Crew. John Honeycut. Richard Graves. Gressett Davis. When the constitution was originally published. It will be seen, that the "abolition of slavery," wes the leading o'ject of that society, and those very words constituted a part of its name. No fanatic of the pres ent day could desire stronger language than the preamble contains. It comes up to the principle lately asserted by the most ultra Abolitionists in our own country, and by the "World's ('(invention" in London, who had resolved :Chrh!iuns ought not lo hold fellowship with slave holders or their advocates. Gen. Harrison was right when lie call ed this associaiion an "Abolition Society," in 1822. lie was right when ho called it an "Ab olition Society" in his letter to the Hon. Geo. Evans, in January, 1810. But when it became important to satisfy the people of the South, in June, 1810, that he was not an Abolitionist, he not on ly FORGOT THE TRUTH, but RE- m r. m Pj e r e n w 1 1 at w a s n or TRUE, lie forged that this teas, or was called, an "Abolition Society," or that he had ever called it such, and he remembered that its tide w;-.s a "Jlumane" Society, which it was nil! What reliance can be placed on such a man? KING'S MOU: FAIN CELEBRATION. I Letters received and read to ihe Meeting, bij the Committee of Invilulion. - Fort Hill, 12th Sept. 1S40. Gentlemen, With every possible dis position to comply with your wishes, it will be impossible for me to attend Use proposed celebration of tiie anniversary of i the bailie of Kind's Mountain, on tne .tli of next month, to which you have invited me so kindly in the name of a portion of the cilizens of North and South Carolina. 1 expect to be absent at the time from home on private business, lo which I must give my attention. You are not mistaken, in supposing, that the present aspect of our affairs threa tens danger to the county, said iliat the only remedy is a speedy return to the principles, on which tiie Constitution is based, but from which the Government long since departed. Without such return, speedily and thoroughly, there is much danger, that the principles and policy of the old Federal consolidation party will giin a complete and permanent ascenden cy, to be followed by the subversion of the constitution, and converting the Govern ment into one of unlimited and absolute powers. It ought never to be forgotten, that the strength of the Republican party lies in its strict adherence to principles. As long as it so adheres, it is invincible; but when it departs from them, it becomes relatively weaker, than ils opposite; and this from the nature and constitution of the two par ties and the principles on which they rest. If, then, the principles and policy of tiie Federal parry are relatively far stronger in the community than at any period sinc2 the great victory, which brought the Re publican party into power in 1801, the cause will be found in the fact that the lat ter lias departed yes, it is time to speek freely and boldly, greatly departed from those principles, which brought them into power. Fortunately we have a standard, which the whole party acknowledges, by which the truth of what I assert, may be tested "frith certainty ; I refer to the Vir ginia and Kentucky Resolutions on the A fien and Sedition laws of '1)3. and the Vir ginia report, on the same, in '99. "drought to this test, it will be found, that there is not a princij-Ie, or measure, which they condemn in such just and severe terms, ex cept the Alien mid Sedition laws them selves, which has not since been counten anced and act; d on by the party, lo a grea ter or less extent ; such is the etl'ect of pow er long possessed, on parlies and individ uals. So great, in fact, did the departure be come, that the line of distinction betveen the two parties was, in a great measire, confounded, when the Republican pa.-iy came to rely less on principles, than tie power and patronage of the Government, to retain their ascendency. The effect tf this state of tilings could not be oilier, than thev have been. The public mind becaoA confounded, the generations that had risen up, in the long interval, lost sight of the original principles and policy cf the party, but retained its name, while they embrac ed those of the old Federal party, without losing their abhorer.ee to its name. But. a reaction has commenced and is still in progress, before which the whole i system of Federal policy is gradually giv- j ing way. The funded debt is paid; the National bank expired; the protective tar iff at its last jrasp; the system of lavish and unconstitutional expenditures in a great measure arrested; and finally the last and strongest link which bound tiie Govern ment lo the policy of the party has been broken, by the divorce between the Gov ernment and the banks. The advocates of that policy made their last and desperate stand on the question cf the divorce. They instinctively felt, that the root of their policy and principles is the connec tion of the Government and the banks; and hence the desperate effort to prevent the severance, and now, that it is made, to turn its authors out, and bring those in, who will put down the constitutional treas ury, and renew the connection through an other national Bank. Shall this be done, cr shall it be resisted, and the reaction be completed, is the real issue now on trial before the country. On its decision, de pends the permananent ascendency of one or the other party. If another bank be chartered, with sufficient capital and pow er to control the State institutions, (and nothing short will answer what is intended.) be assured the piinciples and pdiey of the old Ftdpral consolidation party will be car ried out, with a vig:r and boldness, of which there is no pa.'t example; no, not in the days of the elder Adams. A new and dangerous ingredient has mingled with it; the iell spirit of abolition, originating in the spirit of fanaticism and consolidation views of our consiitution, which makes the principles of the party more dangerous than ever. But if nn the other hand the constitutional Treasury can be maintained, and the charier cf another bank, or the re newal of thu connection of the Govern n cut and banks, prcver.'ed; and if the Re publican party shall in good faith carry out the work of reform and restoration, and give to the Government the direction, which the framers of the Constitution in tended it should take, ils ascendency will be permanent, and a prosperity will follow for duration and extent, unexampled in the history of our race. Let me add in conclusion, that this great i-i;c is brought to a point, when it must be speedily decided. The next three or lour years must at farthest determine, and the action c f the next few weeks, must have a great influence over the final decis ion. Rut let me add, if the result of the present contest should unfortunately be a gnc:?t us, it belongs not to Republicans to despair. Our cause is good, and, if tup ported, earnestly and faithfully, must prevail in the end. There are thousands now op posed that are with us in principle, a still more numerous body, who.though without any fixed principles, yet, must, in the end, be thrown into the Republican ranks. The confusion of the last 12 or 15 years lias done much to divide and distract par ties, especially in the South, where if all knowledge of their true interest and sense of danger be not lost, it is impossible, that there can be any party found, permanently associated with a party whose principles and doctrines lead lo the adoption of meas ures that must end in the overthrow of the constitution and the establishment of a Go vernment of absolute and unlimited power, to be wielded to the subjection and ruin of South, where Providence has been pleased to cast our lot. With great respect, I am, etc., &c, J. C. CALHOUN. Larkin Stove, Esq-, and others of the Committee. Raleigh, Sept. 29, 1810. Gentlemen, I have delayed acknowl edging your invitation to the Anniversary Ctiebraiion of the battle of King's Moun tain, under the hope it might be in my pow er to join our friends in this tribute of re membrance to one of the brightest events in the history of the revolution. But 1 re gret to say, it is not in my power to do so. I rejoice to find, "the Democratic citi zens of the two Carolinas," uniting at such a crisis in "a free interchange of senti ments" ready to resist the "unwarranta ble exertionfe"' of (hose, who seek to over throw an administration, pledged to every principle hitherto held sacred by the South as well as to the defence of her domestic institutions, on which our peace and quiet so grcatlv depends. I am highly gratified, too, to see the Democrats of old Lincoln so hearty in the discharge of their duty warm ed and animated by the same spirit, which urea me mania or me same region, in which was achieved the glorious victory you propose to commemorate. With their families behind them and the enemy before them; these gallant men did not hesitate to peril their lives in support of the rights and liberties, we are now called to defend. To maintain the doctrines, and preserve ihe principles oi me J cllcrsons, Mauisons and Jacons of 93 to defend from violence lie guaranties of the Constitution, and to resist unto death, the appropriation of ihe public revenue to the destruction of South em rights are ihe great purposes for which ihe Democrats of the present day, are invo ked to b?iilc. In such a contest, need I suy "the Democratic citizens r.f the two Carolinas" will be found animated by the sime spirit, which biography id's us "awa kened the whig of Wnxaws and Mccklen burg to tnose tllorts ol daring and active hostility, which entitled them to receive f-om the British Commander, the distiu- niishiir epithet of "The Hornet's Nest Such 1 am proud to say, has old Lincoln proved herself lo modern Whigcry and to all who unite in its support. In the pen ding contest, let the old inspire the young, and the young cheer and animate the old. Such I assure you is the feeling which per vades the democratic rsnks in our scciion of the State; a id such, I doubt not, uill be the feelinsiof those who shall assemble wiih vou, in celebration if the battle which re mains so proud a monument to llie patriot- ' i , , . , ".:' certain. You should remember too, that it was in resistance to the same movement upon North Carolina by Lord Cornwallis, that was first elicited, that spark of milita ry genius, which was destined on the plains of New Orleans, to shed so bright a lustre on the American arms : that it is the ene mies of that man, the illustrious Jackson, and of his friend Martin Van Buren, we are now called to meet enemies whose great spring to action is, to gain to them selves the power cf controlling the govern ment, which secures to ali, tiie free njoy inent of "life, liberty and property." In such a contest "the D?moer l ie citizens of Ihe two Carolinas" should not, cannot, and will not falter. With great respect, 1 am, &r. R. M. SAUNDERS. . To Larkin Stowe, J. A. Ramsaur, M.Hoke, aud others, Committee of Invitation. Cherry Hill, Sep. 2G, 1810. CMpntlcmen, I regret that it will be out of my power to unite w ith my fellow citi zens of ihe two Carolinas in the celebrition of the approaching anniversary of the battle of King's Mountain, on the ground conse crated by one of the most heroic achieve ments of American valor. That such an occasion should be selected for rabytng the freemen of North and South Carolina in defence of the great principles of i!ie Revo lution, when ihose principles are placed in jeopardy by die most extraordinary com bination of politicians and office-hunters ever known since our Government was formed, is singularly appropriate. No two States are more deeply interested i:i the preservation of those principles, or more inseparably united in their present fortunes and future destinies. That any Southern State should be in favor of Gen. Ilaarison's election to the Presidency is to nie utterly incomprehensi ble; and 1 cannot butbelieve, that it has re sulted from a temporary delusion, produ ced by the most unexampled and disrepu table means, and which will be promptly dispelled by the light of truth and reason. The Southern Whig orators and agitators, knowing that to bring into power Gen. Harrison, and the great Federal, TanfT, and Abolition parties of the North by which he is brought forward and sustained would in volve the sacrifice of every political princi ple heretofore cherished by the South, have artfully diverted the public attention from principles, and, instead of developing, have attempted to conceal those of Gen. Harri son and his party and confined themselves to false, and ridiculous charges against Mr. Vat: Buren. A short catalogue of these charges will demonstrate to the world how reckless of truth and decency men, even who occupy high places, will sometimes. become. 1. That Mr. Van Buren uses gold spoons. This pitiful charge has been made by even such men as Mr. Rives; and thousands upon thousands of the disgusting speech of Mr. Ogle have been sent all over the union. It turns out, that these "old snoons were purchased in Mr. Monroe's adminis tration; and Gov. Lincoln, a decided Whig, who is chairman of the Committee charged with furnishing the Presidents House, de clares, that Mr. Van Buren has been so delicate, as to oppose the purchase of al most every article recommended by the Committee. 2. "That Mr. Van Buren voted to ex clude slavery from the Territory of Flori da." It turns out that he voted for a law preventing negroes from being carried to Florida, and sold by negro-traders a law which almost every Southern State has, at some time, made for itself. The Commit tee which reported the law was composed offour Southern men and Mr. Van Buren. 3. That he sanctioned the use of free negro testimony in llooe's case. Thou sands of gabled statements of this case were circulated, and are believed to have turned some important elections. Y'eleve- ry lawyer knows, if he deserves tiie name, that the common law of evidence is the law of all Federal Courts except where the state laws have expressly altered it, and that the common law recognizes no differ ence between free negroes and free white mer.. If Mr. Van Buren had assumed the power of altering the law, he would have deserved to be impeached. 4. That he voted to give free negroes in New York the privilege of voting. If this charge were true to thu full extent, what rinhl have we to judge of the institution?, of oilier States any more than the Abolition ists have to judge of ours ? All we ask is that they will let tts alone ; and Mr. Van Buren has given the most solemn assuran ces, that they shall never make the Feder al Government the instrument of interfer ing with our institutions, in any shape or form, while he is President, if his veto can 'prevent it; while Gen. Harrison stands pledged not to veto any biil passed by Con gress, and to recommend the application of the surplus revenue to ihe the purchase :md emancipation of slaves. I presume ibis char will have little weight in North Car- o!ma, which, though a slave late, gives to free negroes tiie right of voting. 5. Th.it the requirement of satistical statements in the cetnus law, is dt-signed as trie basis of some scheme of taxation by the administration. This most ridiculous charge has been used with great effect in many places. Yet it is known that tiie clause in question was in-crtcd by Whig members of Congress, and ihat the Admin istration had no more to do with it than the Emperor of China. G. That the Prrsldont recommended a standing Army of 200,000 men. Trie fact is, that lias p! in of the Secretary of War was not prepared till some moMiis :.fter the President's message. It wa3 submitted to a Committee of Congress and not to the President. Tiio recommendation of the message referred lo ,a report submitted to This was the cxe up to when ihe Cortstiiut'mn went into operation. "o--, 'free white men" are permitted to vote. hirn, which contained none of the objec tionable details of the plan submitted to the Committee. I have enumrated these charges be cause, insignificant und false as they are, they constitute the staple of all the speech es delivered by strolling stump orators to induce the enlightened people of the South to surrender the Government to that parly, which holds not a single doctrine or prin ciple in common with them, and which marches under a banner waved by Daniel Webster, inscribed with the portentous motto "we demand a protective tariff." If General Harrison comes into power, and this curse comes again upon ihe South, wo unto those sentinels who shall have be trayed their constituents and surrendered the furetress to the enemy. ' Your obedient servant, GEO. McDUFFIE. Messrs. Larkin Stows, and others of the Committee. Georgetown, (Kv,) Sept. 18th, 1840. Gentlemen, On my way to this town and on my way to Michigan anJ other points, 1 found at the Post office, your communication inviting me to meet my fellow-citizens of the two Carolina!, who will meet on the 7th October at King's Mountain, to celebrate the glorious battle of the Revolution on that sacred ground. I am now on my way to Ohio, Michigan, &c, by previous promises and I shall not be able to meet you. But let us all remember that we are now endeavoring to sustain at the Ballot-boxes ihose sacred rights, that our gallant fellow citizens of that day vindicated and sustain ed by the sword. It was a time that tried men's souls, when the Battle of King's Mountain was fought and won ; the con sequence of which was to inspire the bosom of every Southern patriot of that day and led them on to victory and lo glory. "Uni ted we stand, divided we fall." If we all do our duty, our Democratic principles will prevail. Let us not doubt in a cause so good, so just, so valuable to society. 1 regret that I have not more time to respond to your flattering invitation. Return my lhanks lo my friends and fel-low-c'uizenr whom vou represent, and ac cept my Wishes for youi individual happi ness and prosperity. U. M. JOHNSON. Messrs. L. Stowe, J. A. Ramsobr, and others of the Committee. Mecklenburg co., Cedar Grove,"? October 5th, 1840. 5 Gentlemen, I have bad the honor to receive your kind invitation to be present at the Celebration of the approaching anni versary of the King's MoUnlain battle on the ground on which it was fought, on the 7;h instant. It is well known to some of your Committee that I am one of the few surviving soldiers of the Revolution, and that my advanced age and feeble state of health and other circumstances beyond my control, prevents me from accepting your kind invitation. Had I health and physic al ability to attend, nothing could be more agreeable to me than to visit you on ihat occasion, and mingle with my Democratic brethren of the two Carolinas. I can there fore, do no more than convey to you this feeble expression of my gratitude for the honor conferred. I concur fully with you that there are unwarrantable exertions now made mid making lo overthrow the present administration and establish a Bank aris tocracy on its ruins. I am a steadfast friend to the re-election of Martin Van Buren and am uncompromisingly hostile to the election of (Jen. Harrison for many reasons of a very grave nature. I shall only men lion one ; he is an Abolitionist ; he was nominated by them ; he will be supported by them ; there is no doubt but be will get every Abolition vote in the U. States. The Ifcmocrats ough; all to be at their posts and be energetic in doing their duty; as the Whigs and Abolitionists are united and doing their best. You may expect my hearty co-operation with you in the tlrug gle so far as I am ublc. Gentlemen, I send you the following toast: The Hon. John C. Calhoun, a giant in intellect, a living Monument of Constitu tional liberty, ami fearless champion of Southern rights. Long may he live, to defend the rights of the South from the iron cage of Gen. Harrison and his Aboli tion associates. I am with high respect, Your obedient servant, M. McLEARY. ! To Larkin Stowe, M. Hoke, Col. M, Reisuardt, Thomas Williamson, and others of the Committee,