Newspapers / The Lincoln Republican (Lincolnton, … / Aug. 4, 1841, edition 1 / Page 1
Part of The Lincoln Republican (Lincolnton, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
7 t . j - ... . -? - The tendency ot Ilimocraey it toward the titration ofthe induttriout clattt,ths inertatt of their comfort, themtttrtlon of their dignity, tht tttablitlnntnt of their pourJ BY ROBERT WILLIAMSON, Jr. UNCOIl?TOX, T. C, AUGUST 4, 1841. V0LU31E V, NO. ID. N EW T EKMS ' OF TJlE LINCOLN REPUBLICAN TERMS OF PUBLICATION. Tbe Liscolx Republican is published every Wednesday at $'i 50, if paid in advance, or $3 if ;'pavment be delayed three months. No subscription received for a less term than 'twelve months. No paper will be discontinued but at the optiuo ofthe Editor, until all arrearages are paid. A failure to order a discontinuance, will be con nideied a new engagement. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. Advertisements will be inserted conspicuous ly for $1 00 per square for the first inseition, and 25 cents for each continuance. Court and Judicial advertisements will be charged 25 per cent, more than the above prices. A deduction of 33J per cent, from the regular prices will be made toyearly advertisers. The number of insertions must be noted on the manuscript, or they will be chaiged until a discon . tinuance is ordered. TO CORFiESPONDFNTS. To insure prompt attention to Letters addressed to the Editor, the postage should in all cases be paid A NEW CATECHISM TO BE LEARN ED BY OFFICE SEEKERS. Question. Did you aid in building any log cabins ? Answer. I did. Q Did you swear to nnd circulate Ogle's speech about gold spoons? A. I did. - - Q. Did you swear to and circulate the standing army humbug? A. I did. Q. Did you not tell the people often, and swear to it, that there should be no more removal from office, no proscription for opinion sake? A. I did Q. Did you drink plenty of hard cider well tempered with brandy, wear a log cab in button, sing songs, abuse Amos Kendall and the Globe, and hurrah lustily for Tip pecanoe and Tyler too ? - A.-l did, and hurrahed a little the loud est for Tyler too. Q. Did you call Mr. Van Burcn a little Dutchman, and swear that he wore whis kers, and that he woulJ steal all the money out of the Independent Treasury ?. A. In all these things have I been fa'nh iful, instant in season and out of season, without regard to wear and tear of con science. Q. Rehearse the articles of your be lief. A. I believe in Tippecanoe and Tyler too, in Daniel Webster, Henry Clay and the United States Bank I believe in Nich olas Biddle and Bela Badger I believe that the people have been dupedand.de- 'ceived, and that federalists can never obtain power except by fraud and corruption. I believe in broken banks, coon skins and hard cider I do not believe in the intelli gence of the people, or in their capacity for self-government. '1 believe above all, notwithstanding the many promises made "to the contrary, that tha'great end and aim of the wliigs, was to g?t the office?. believe, moreover, that L uave told more election falsehoods, brawled louder, cot drunk oftener upon hard cider, and am :greater loafer and scoundrel than any of my competitors' therefore I must be rewarded. Springfield (III.) Register' "North Carolina has a large body of valuable -Swamp Lands, which, when thrown into market, will yield a large rev enue. These lands emphatically belong to the People of the State, (though set apart to the benefit ofthe Literary Fund.) Now suppose our State Tieasury was empty and the alternative presented, of either -collecting the revenue from this source :-and paying it into the Treasury, and there by save the necessity of a tax, or to dis tribute the revenue from these lands among the people, and then imposing upon them -a"tax to fill the Treasury, thus employing and paying two sets of tax-gatherers in -stead of one, which would the people xhoose This is precisely the -condition of the "National Government. W ith the . proceeds from the public lands itv the Treasury there will be no need for a tax on the peo :ple; but collect the revenuo from this source and divide -il among the States by one set of officers, and a tax must be laid upon the people to collect it back againTiy .another 6et. This is the policy of the present Whig leaders, and if carried out will make the land swarm with 'tax - gathe - rers, to eat out, as did the locusts of Egypt, the substance of the people. 31eckleob'.(rg Jefftrsonian. A Fabrication. Some of the Southern Whig press are industriously circulating a charge which thpy must know to be false, to wit: that the Deniccrats of Maine have nominated an out and out Abolitionist as their candidate for Governor a man by the name of Curtis. Such is not the fact. John Fairfield is the candidate of the De mocrats, and than he, there breathes not a truer friend to the South any where. No, no ; the Democrats of the North are clearer from the etain of Abolition than even some Southern Whijs. They never had but two Abolitioniss on the floor of Congress; one of themihey turned out themselves, and put a frieiu cf the South in his stead, and the other was displaced by an Abolition Whiff. ib. Going where he Belongs. Little Stan ley of North Carolina, said the other day, that he would sooner go to the Negroes for an ally than to the Democracy." Well, he has gone to his natural allies already in joining the abolitionists, and the Sambos have reciprocated, for it is said that a great number of the signatures on the great Reel petition for a Bank from New York, are those of Mr. Stanley's natral wig brethren, the wooly heads procured at 25 cents per head. Charleston Mercury. Twenty-seventh Congress. From the Globe, cf July 19. CONGRESSIONAL ANALYSIS. SENATE. The special order, the bill to create a National debt by loan, preliminary to a National Bank, being under consideration, Mr. Woodbury said he rose only for a single moment to one point, and that was. the form of accomplishing this loan, f.r so short a period, and in lime of peace. It ought to be extinguished by the tariff within another year, instead of making' a perma nent national debt ; and henre, for that pe riod of time, the form of Treasury notes became preferable to a funded debt, for the most substantial reasons. The following positions were taken and illustrated, in a speech, which will be pub lished at length hereafter: 1 hat Treasury notes, however unpopu lar with gentlemen on the other side, were, in uses like these, not only most appropri ate, but of great public convenience, both financially and commercially, and much more economical iIimii a funded debt. 1. That they could be used more readi ly, and in more suitable sums, for the exi gency, than a funded debt. J hat they ad mitted the middling classes, mechanics, and laborers, to participate in any benefits of the loan, by taking sums as low as even fifty dollars, instead of confining the ad vantages to large capitalists and corpora tions that they furnished great facilities for large and distant remittances and ex changes, as well as for public payments. and that the most experienced nations abroad had long , used them, and, as well as our own most intelligent financiers, re commended them for temporary purposes, like the present one. That they were more economical, be cause issued, manv ol them, on a tower interest than a funded debt, making at least, on an average, two ppr cent. dillWenee, or 8210.000 yearly on this 12,000,000, and another per cent, by avoiding interest on large sums lying idle, equal to 120,000 more. By employing no agent, like tins bill, on large pay, to effect the loan ; am by requiring, according to the Secretary's own report, three millions less to be kept in the Treasury, than with a funded debt, the interest on which three millions would be S180.000 more. The whole saving by Treasury notes would therefore, considerably exceed half a million annually, or equal to quite all our legislative expenses in a short session, or double as much as all our diplomatic ex penses abroad. The whole loss by a fun ded loan would exceed the enormous amount of one and a half millions for the three years provided in the bill. Mr. Benton concluded the debate in speech of about an hour, replete with the losric of facts and of figures. It is not of a nature to be abridged, and we can only present a part of it, leaving the rest for the full report, which will quickly be prepared Referring to Mr. Webster s sarcastic declaration of the last session, that a new set of books were opened at the Treasury to discriminate and keep separate the eeo nomieal expenditures of the new Adminis tration unmixed with the extravagances of of the two last, Mr. B. said it was time, in this fifth month of the new Administration and in tins second month ot their new Congress, to look into these new books 1 and see what-enlries were made in them and how these entries would correspond with the promise to administer the Go vernment upon thirteen millions of dollars. The first entries he should examine, would be under the head of moneys and means turned over to the new Administra tors by the old ones, on the 4th of March last. These he found on the 3d page of Mr. Ewing's report, and they amounted to near tweuiy-one million of dollars, thus: 1. Balance in the Treasury that day - - - $010,803 2. Unis-ued Treasury notes under old law - - 413,592 3. Authority to issue new Treasury notes - 5,000,000 4. Receipts from customs for ten months - - 12,000,000 5. Receipts from lands for ten months - - 2,500,000 Total - - - $20,730,395 Here, he ?aid was near twenty-one mil lions turned over to these economical men to last them ten months, and which il seem ed was already out. The next set of entries which he exam ined, was undei the head of moneys raised, or attempted to be raised, at the present session, by loans and taxes for the use of these economical people. They were found in the bills on the table, and presen ted the following items : 1. Loan in the Bank charter - $1,000,000 2. Do. in tin's loan bill for twelve million, the interest for which would be two millions one hundred thou sand, and the expenses of collecting the money from the people. 10 per cent. more; making in ail - - 15,500,000 3. Reissuable old Treasury noies - - - 6,000,000 4. The tariff bill, placing 20 per cent, on all free artic les and all articles under 20 per cent, and which, with merchants' profit on the duty and other charges, would add 50 per rent, to the duty, and make il more than 30. This, to raise ten or twelve millions for the Government would take eighteen or tweniy millions from the people; say - 18,000,000 First subscription to Fiscal ' Bank, ten million?, with interest for 20 years, 10 millions, and 10 per cent, on collections - - 22,000,000 Second subscription in creased capital, o" 1-2 mil lions, interest the same, and 10 per cent, for costs of collection, &e. - - - 13,333,3334 7. Third subscription in lieu of deficient private sub scriptions, 1 1 millions, in terest the same, and 10 per cent, for raising it out of the people - - . 24,000,000 Total - - $102,833,333 This, he said, was prettv well for these paragons of economy; but there was still another set of entries in their new books. under the new head of moneys to be squan dered away by this Administration, or giv en to the British under the pretext of re- leving State necessities; and under which head he found the following items: The land revenue to go to the British - - $2, 500,000 The fourth instalment to be given to the States to go the British - 9,000,000 3. To be kept in bank as a reserve ... 4,000,000 Total; $13,500,000 The grand aggregate of three heads of entries, Mr. B. showed amounted to about one hundred and forty millions of dollars; a granu start lor ttiose who were to una whole year upon thirteen millions, and who falsely charged the late Administra tion with expending forty million per an num, when twenty-two millions of that sum were for Indian wars, or Indian treaties, or removing Indians, or lor redeeming Treasury notes, or paying indemnities received from abroad, as he (Mr. B.) had proved m a speech in May, 1840 a speech which had never been answered, and never can be. Mr. 15. affirmed that the Democratic Ad ministration, if it had continued, would have gone through the year without an ad ditional dollar, if it had continued; and ap pealed to Mr. Woodbury, who confirmed it, and gave him a written statement to that effect. Mr. B. examined the reasons used as a pretext for this call of Congress, and deplo red the fate of Mr Ewing, who had to find ex post facto reasons to justify a pre-ordained call. He showed the wretched error of Mr. Ewing's report, and referred to the pulverizing which it received from Messrs. Woodbury, Wright, and Calhoun. He compared their arguments against it to the Paixhan (Paysan) bombs fired into the old walls of San Juan de Ulloa, or St. Jean d'Acre, or Beyroot, "shivering, shattering, and scatiering" all before them. Mr. Evans, he said, was the only one in the opposite ranks who could keep his legs un der that murderous fire. Mr. B. took a rapid view of the object ofthe session, and the mode of accomplish ing them, and showed thai the finances were a mere pretext for getting Congress together to pass all the old Hamiltonian measures, and, in fact, to change the form of the Government. The Bank was their lejdug measure, and that, like Milton's picture of Sin, was not only a monster, but filed' with live monsters hell-hounds kennelling in its belly running in and out howling and growling for their prey. These hell-hounds were ihe progeny ofthe Bank dibt, taxes, loans, paper money, funding sys.em, stockjobbers, gamblers, plunderers n all sorts. He sliowei that this was the first session in which Briisli bankers attended our Con gress to assist our legislation. But, we forbear. The speech was all "facts and figures," atid cannot be abridged. The full report wif soon be out. In the course of the debate, Mr. Clay of Kentucky displayed a little of his gascon ade, and used tome "mean" expressions, (we use his owi word, foi which we beg pardon,) which he applied, with his usual want of gentlemanly feeling, to the late Ad ministration. The vote wgj taken at the close of It- !.....' i speech ayes 23, noes 20. From this it will be seen that this first instalment of a g-eat national debt, to be provided for the tse of a National Bank, was carried by loss than a majority of the Senate. In full Senate it would have requi red tweniy:seven votes to make a majority of the body. ; THE HOUSE. After the readiig of ihe journal, Mr. Hunt of New Yoi I presented the petition of James Smith and 107 others, citizens ofthe city of New York, praying the pas sage of a bankrupt law. Referred to ihe Judiciary Coin oitlee. Mr. Turney called f r the reading of the amended journal of Friday last, which was read as follows, to wit : "Mr. John Qiincy Adams rose and sta ted that he was not in the llouie when the resolutions wera submitted and read, anil asked that they be again read. "The Speaker directed the Clerk to read the resolutions : 'Mr. Turney objected to the read ing. "The Speaker decided that as the reid ing wa objjc;eJ to, the qujslijn mail be put to the House. "Mr. Turney appealed from that deci sion, on the ground lliat, hiving been read, the resolutions could not be again read, if one member objected. "And on tin question Shall the decision ofthe Chair stand as the judgment of the House : "Ii passed in the affirmative. "The question was then put to the House that the resolutions be read, "And passed in the affirmative, "And the resolutions were read." Mr. T. then oflered to amend the same by substituting the following, viz: A motion was made by Mr. Stanly that the resolutions do lie on the table. Mr. John Quiney Adams called for the reading of the resolutions, he not hav ing been in his seat, when they were read. "Mr. Turney objected to the leading, on the ground that Ihey had already been read. "The Speaker decided that as Mr. Adams had not heard the resolutions read. he had a right to call for the reading, and that they must be read. "From this decision, Mr. Turney ap pealed to th? House. "And the question being put, S'Shall the decision of the Chair stand as the judgment of the House ? "It passed in the affirmative. 'The resolutions were then read." Mr. T. said tiie amendment offered by him, was the Journal as made up by the Clerk from his minutes, as taken down at the time, which agreed literally with the report of the proceedings of that day, in the Intelligencer, the organ of ihe Speaker and his party. M. T. here read from the Iiuelliencer of Saturday last as follows: "Mr. Adams not having been in his seat, he said, when the resolution was offered, called for the reading of the resolution and amendments. "Mr. Turney objected on the grounJ that the resolution had been read more than once already. "The Speaker said a member had a right to have read the resolution on which he had to vote. "And on this decision Mr. Turney ap pealed. "And the question on the appeal being taken, the House affirmed the decision of ihe Chair." Mr. T. 6aid the journal, as made op by the Clerk from his minutes made at the time, agreed in every particular with the report in the Intelligencer. Here, then, said Mr. T. we have the account of the facts as taken down at the time they trans pired, by a 6worn officer of this House, and as taken down and reported in the In telligencer, agreeing as to the statement of facts; but, said Mr. T. this was n:t all. - He had conversed with a number of gentle-jLJn men of both parties, and they all sustained the Clerk and the Intelligencer, and concur red with him in his recollection offsets. Mr. T. said he could not be mistaken, that it must be recollected that when the land bill was before the House, and it had been ordered to be engrossed and read a third tune, some gentlemen called for the read ing of the bill by its title, and that the Speaker replied, that if there was no objec tion the bill would be read by its title. The Speaker aNo informed the House that ihe bill was engrossed. Mr. T. said that he afterwards ascertained the fact that the b'HI was not engrossed. The gentleman from Virgt.iia Mr. Gil mer called for the reading of the bill, which was denied him by the Speaker. This, Mr. T. said, he believed was wrong, and he then determined that he would, at some future time, test the correctness of this decision ; and that afterwards, when ! the loan bill was before the House, and which had never been read in the House, and never has been to this day, although it has finally passed ihe House, but which, he admitted, was read in Committee of the Whole that after the House had orJered this bill to be engrossed and read a third time, and the call to read the bill by its title had been made by a number of mem bers, though the speaker had not. as in the case ofthe land bill, staled that if there was no objection the bill would be read by its title, he (Mr. I ) called for the reading of the bill. This the Speaker refused to permit to be done; stating that he would presume that the House had agreed to read ihe bill by its title only. And the bill was not read. This, said Mr. T. was depriving the minority, of all their right that the gag had been put in their mouths to stop them from talking and that the Speaker had, by this decision, corked up their ears, to prevent them from hearing and knowing the provisions of ihe bills which they were required to vote on that if these gags and corks were to be continued, the Demo cratic party the minority in this House- being thus deprived of every vestige of riiyhi on this floor. IJ wll gi hone, fir they could not, under these circumstances, be of any service to the country. Mr. T. said he then resolved to bring this question before the House the first op portunity, and to have a final decision of the question so as to secure to the minority some rights in this House; and he there fore availed himself of the opportunity of ooing so when the reading of ihe resolu tion was called for by the gentleman from Massachusetts, fMr. Adams," and that when the Chair overruled his objection, and decided that a member had a right to have a proposition, on which he had to vote, read, that this was a favorable lime to draw the corks out oi tneir ears, and to secure to the minority the poor privilege of know ing the provisions of the measures they were required to vote on. and to prevent any mistake in future, and to place this de cision on the journal of the House. He appealed from the decision of the Chair; but now, by falsifying the journal, he will be defeated of the object of his ap peal Mr. Speaker now made a statement, in which he said he had made the correction himself, under the rules of the House, which gave him the power; and that the Clerk's minutes were incorrect. Mr. Chs. Brown of Philadelphia, Mr. Hopkins of Virginia, Mr. Briggs of Massa chusetts, and Mr. Oliver of New York, sustained Mr. Turney in his views of the case. Mr. Johnson of Tennessee said tint he should vote to amend the journals as propo sed by his colleague, fiat he had noticed the motion of his colleague to have read the distribution bill, and the decision of the Speaker struck him with surprise. That he was present and noticed particularly the application of the gentleman from Massa chnsetis to have read the resolutions and amendments, and tne objection of his col league the decision and appeal. That his recollection corresponded with that of the gentleman from Virginia, fMr. Hop kins I That no question was taken save el "be ppeal of his colleague, and no ques Hon taken to have the papers read upon the application of the gentleman from Massa cliusetts, that he was further confirmed his recollection from the fact, that at the lime the decision was made it became subject of conversation between himself and other members around, and the conse quences which would follow from such decision, to wit: That every paper read to the House, might be read two hundred and forty times upon application of the dif ferent members. That he thought the de cision wrong at the lime. That he thongl the record made up wrong and he vote should to amend il. so as to conform to what he believed to be right. Mr. Botts of Virginia said, lo prevent tempest in a tea-pot. he moved to lay the whole matter upon the table. Mr. Adams asked him to withdraw his motion, so as to allow hm to make an ex planation. Mr. Botts, after some demurring, gr way. Mr. Adams then sustained Mr. Tnrney every important particular; and said that the blame all rested upon him, for having been absent from his seat at the meeting of the House. Mr. Adans concluded by sta ting that he should not vote either way Mr. Botts then renewed his motion. Mr. Turner wished to set Mr. Adams' right in regard lo his motions on Friday. Mr. Botts said as he had spoken twice, he could not permit it. The question was then taken on the mo tion of Mr. Botts, and the amendment was aid upon the table by yeas 100, nays 130. The House then went into committee. Mr. Winthrop of Massachusetts in tho Chair. Mr. McKay of North Carolina addres- ed the committee at length on the bill. He commenced by saying, that although a motion had been made to strike out the en acting clause, he did not suppose there was single member of the House opposed all fortifications. But, under present circumstances, he doubted whether uca large appropriations ought to be made. He wanted to see something like a system before he voted for such large appropria tions. He stated that in 1794, $76,000 was the annual expenditure on fortificarions. In 1809 it ran up to $450,000, exclusive of the appropriations for chains across the harbor of New York. Under Mr. Mon roe's administration, a board of engineers was appointed to ascertain how much mo ney it would take to finish the fortifications. and it reported in 1819 that $17,000,000 would be sufficient. About 10,000,000 had been expended since that time, and a report from the Engineer Department sta ted that it would take $29,000,000 lo finish; them. He further showed that the present Chief Engineer was one of ihe board who consid ered 816,000,009 sufficient in 1819, and now he considered $29,000,000 more ne cessary. J iius the kortiticalions that were cost but 817,000,000, have cost $16,- 000,000 already, and will cost $29,000,- 000 more. He showed by the Secretary's own report that-fte amount of the appro priations of the last Congress for fortifica tion was sufficient to last out Ihe present year. 1 he secretary said the expenditure of the quarter ending July 1, 1841, was $248,000, and that was an unusual expen diture. We had now $35,373 unexpen ded. If one quirter required $248,000. two quarters will require $496,000. So on the 1st of January, 1842, with the a- mouiit already appropriated, we shall have a balance of $39,373. This was a fair cal culation, for the expenditure of the quarter ending July 1, 1841, was $243,000, and that was unusually large. Mr. McKay showed, also, that the amount of expenditures for fortifications for the last twelve years, was greater than the amount expended for forty years previous. He showed beside that in Mr. Monroe a lime he was accused of spending too much, upon fortifications, when the amount was but $500,000 per annum; and that when Gen. Jacksou and Mr. Van Buren spent $700, 00J per annum, they were accused of neglecting fortifications, and spending too lit.Ie. Mr. McKay then showed that the Wings, and among them the members of the present Cabinet, voted against the ap propriations last year. .Mr. McKay then answered the remarks of Mr. Mason of Ohio made on Friday last. Mr. Mason ot Ohio answered Mr. Mc Kay, and said, that in his remarks of a few days since, he meant no individual on this tloor, but only alluded to ihe great party then in power. Mr. Liulefield of Maine now obtained the floor, lie criticized the conduct of gentlemen who, under ihe one hour rule. felt bound lo speak the hour out, whether ihey had any Hung to say or not. Mr. L. showed that the member from the Cumber land District, Mr. Fessenden, had opposed tne introduction of an amendment to appro priate fcb.bUO lo repair the fort in Port land harbor, much to his astonishment; and he hinted that this bill had been considered ' in the Committee of the Whole on the state ofthe of Whig party; and that it was not considered necessary by the majority to consider ihe bill in the committee of the Union. He was quite severe upon the Op position, and closed by staling thai he should vote for the bill. Mr. Fessenden replied to Mr. Liulefield. Mr. Proffii of Indicia spoke in favor of the appropriations and against the war pa nic tie said the Whigs did make war speeches last year, and he opposed them. He thought it ungallant for a gentleman New York, Mr. Gordan, to attack Queti Victoria in her delicate situation. He thought the panic makers in the House were something like the little boy, who while his father was disputing with a man. asked him to call the man a rascal. " Why so, son?" said the old man. "Because, father," replied the boy, "if yoa don't call him a rascal, he will call you one." Mr. Wise denied that he was ambitious to defeat the bill; he was ambitious ooiy to defend the country and assert her right. 6 V
The Lincoln Republican (Lincolnton, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Aug. 4, 1841, edition 1
1
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75