North Carolina Newspapers

a, s ft t: !; testate J ontnal jf SPELMAN, Editor and Proprietor. first dtfor above the Yarbrcragh House, opposite the Post-Office, Fayetteville BATES OF SUBSCRIPTION: ' : l j ninn;A nv one year, iuaneu puaiaiu, .. $2 00 months, 1 00 three niontns, .ua of ten or more i j-"- , t' luo tko o-ottr iit of the club. k name euwicu r-j ; , y L sent after expuauuu wi - ADDRESS OF THE Wibition Liberal Execute Committee TO int. , EOl'LE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. Kaleigh, KC, Jaly 17, 1882. existence of the Liberal rarty is an i;hl fact. Although of recent Nation, the great causes that ren ts formation a necessity have been Ration, many of them, for the last irs. It is tue lmrl)0se of thls ad' to set forth those causes and to ex ihe principles upon which we hope iiu your approval at the election in iber next. AVe shaliappeal to your to our country, to your love for ite, to jour reason, your sense of f to yourselves and to your fellow is, ami to theuty you owe to your jen'a&l to posterity .J We halLin- ia no-vituperation nor abuse of the Democratic or liepublican par If others resort to them let them do Those engaged in a righteous cause ways be magnanimous, while pas- Kililication and slander characterize Inin ds,. bad hearts and a weak cause. I are not called uion to criticise the. policy of the liepublican party, for tasons: j- fst, because from 1805 to the adoption Se Fifteenth Amendment to the Con lion of. the United States, the mode ; construction of the separated States the all-absorbiug issue between the parties. .Whether the liepublican policy cf reconstruction was wise -whether it -, statesmanlike whether the best mode adopted and what wers our individual at the time,jire now idle aud prolit uestions. liocoustructiou is in the It is now and always will be a fixed to the maintenance of which all par- it" I ire pjeugea. , eed ih 1872 the convention that ated Horace Greeley for the presi aJopted as one of the planks of the rui the following: e 2ledge ourselves to maintain the n oi tne otates, einaucipauon ana uchisement, and oppose any reopen - f the questions settled by the thir- k, fourteenth and fifteenth anieud- s of the Constitution." ain, in iob, the JJemocratie party fclieir platform declare-their devotion .tie constitution of the United States . Jitk its amendments ttniveksalia' ac--zpted as a final settlement of the con "oyersies that engender"ed civil war." ' gain, in 1880, General Hancock in ac- Ung the nomination of the Democratic for the Presidency says: "The euth, fourteenth and fifteenth amend- ts to tne uoustitutiou oi tne united J5, embodying the results of the war the Union, are inviolable. If called", to presidency I should deem it my duty . Isist with, all my power any attempt ) impair- or evade the full force , and ef-",- j oi the Constitution, whicli in every r nicle,' section and amendment is the su l l ine law of the land.'' Why, then, waste our time in discussing UchT an issue and the questions growing cut of it? As well vindicate or attack the Horaan Laws of the- Twelve Tables, the ::i of Kights, or the Declaration of In- e:i lenee. 1)0 secouil reason is, that for the last Ive years the liepublican party have a out of iower in North Carolina. In 0 the Democratic party carried the Ee and have held control of it ever je. It is a principle of politics of uni al application that the party in power Ispousible for legislation. If it be for 1, they get the credit; if for ill,-they i boar the responsibility. The prin- s of the Liberal party are not of to nor yesterday, but have in substance embodied in the platforms of the ios in the State since the termination t ie late war. Upon these principles, estlv Jiiaintninod sind tictnA on. denend . . , x I prosperity yea, under God! the very iteiu-e of our glorious and free govern- I'he Democratic, platform in 1876 Clares, that " in absolute acquiescence i 5the will of the sljority the vital 1 .iuciple of republics; ; in the c k iality of all citizens before just laws of f Jrown enactment; in the libekty of vual' conduct, un vexed by sumptu f fAws; in the faithful education of the ung generation, that they may preserve, loy nud transmit these best conditions Jiunian happiness and hope, we behold noblest products of a hundred years -kaugeful history; " The Dem- atic platform of 1850 declares as fol- 8.V That. t.llfrf slVmilrl ha n- Dnmntii. i iiU DUUULU J laws; separation of church and state the good of each; common schools fos el and protected; and for home rule. 5. The right to a fbee ballot is preservative of at.l eights, and ist ahd shall be maintained in every of the United States." Jn the above extracts are contained lry principle the Liberal party con tend . f ellow citizens, read the platform ug with the above and be I convinced at we advocate no new or dangerous ctrines, but are seeking to guard and erish the chief corner-stones of the and structure f American Liberty. Why should any Democrat or Bepubli- fn hesitate to join the Liberal Dartv? hey take no new departure, are guilty f no inconsistency, are recreant td no pst, violate no faith to political friends, ut as patriots renew their devotion to eir country m welfare by advocating hose principles by which, and by which ione, she can remain as she is now, in 'Pite of violated pledges juid under fla pant misrule, great, glorious, prosperous Second Series. , . ESTABLISHED IN I860. .. ; : Vol. TI--,o. 11. RALEIGH, C, THURSDAY, JULY 27, 1882. ' ' ' . . . . V t t itt.ii- -i I i. j l ii f i . ..).... t i J i i'-,; i i : i J ! ' i . ' ' ', i i . ! and happy. Renewing and reffirming the foregoing principles, we declare rr is THE MISSION OF THE LIBERAL PARTY TO EX ECUTE THE PLEDGES MASK BY THE DEMO CRATIC PABTY, WHICH THEY HAVE FOR TWELVE YEARS PROMISED TO, BUT FAILED TO PERFORM. . We hold the Democratic party respon sible because they alone have had the power. If the Republican party had had control of the State government and vio-1 lated these fundamental principles we would have arraigned them before the people for judgment as we do now the -Democratic party. It is with extreme re luctance that the Democratic members of the Liberal party have been compelled to sunder the ties that have heretofore bound them to their political partizans. For twelve long years they have waited to see their principles enforced, but waited in vain ; until now the highest duty they owo to the State, their children and posterity, demands that they shall remain silent no longer, but from the mountains to' the seaboard, in the sternest accents; of loy-, alty, call Upon the people to hurl fcpm power their chosen agents who have be-' trayed the great trust so long and so con fidingly reposed in them.. What are the principles of the Liberal party? I. " We are opposed to the present sys tem of county government, whereby the rulers are placed beyond the control of the people, and demand that all county officers be elected by the people." The change from the old system was made in 1876 as an experiment, but it has proven tfti utter failure. It has produced evils much more serious than those it was at tempted to remedy. Too much power lias been committed' to the bauds of a few; which has led to "courthouse rings " and other intolerable abuses. The people have been deprived of all proper control and guardianship over their justices' courts, their schools, the purity of the ballot-box and their finances. Indeed un der this system our government ceases to be republican and becomes an oligarchy. : II. '-As all just powers come from the people we demaud a free ballot aud a fair eount in all elections." This great right has been so frequently violated, that the moral sense of our people has been rudely shocked, and many of our patriotic citi zens are begiuing to despair of the perpe tuity of our institutions. Indeed, fellow citizens, if " this right, preservative of all rights," is to be habitually violated,' the end of our nation is near at hand; anarchy will usurp the place of law, and the sword of the Dictator will cleave asunder the gurantees of the Constitution. III. " We regard the education' of the masses as assential to the welfare of the people, and we favor a liberal system of public instruction both by the State and National governments. To that end we urge the application of all funds irising from the tax on distilled spirits by the general government to the Common Schools of the State, the same to be dis bursed by State officers." What has the Democratic party done to foster the pub-, lie schools'? Witness our dilapidated school houses; low grade of scholarship in teachers; the insignificant pittance devoted to-school purposes, and the people denied even the poor privilege of choosing their own committe! No wonder under such criminal neglect our State is the first in illiteracy in the Union The tax on dis tilled spirits in 1880 was over $61,000, 000, If the policy of the Liberal party is adopted the share of North Carolina will be about $2,000,000 annually without adding one penny to the burden of tax ation. Then we can have schools of the highest grade, under the most compe tent instructors, for ten months in the year, and the children of the State will enjoy the same educational advantages as are furnished in St. Louis or Boston. IV. "While we are opposed to intem perance in all its forms, we shall resist all snmptuary laws or class legislation; and therefore demand the repeal of the unjust act of the last General Assembly, known as the Prohibition act." The most flagrant abuse of power by the Democratic party was the passage of this act. .The people in thunder tones rebuked them by casting against them more than one hun red and sixteen thousand majority. It is pretended by some that this issue is dead; but, fellow citizens, this is a great mistake. Your liberties are not yet secure. Those who advocate prohibition are pre paring to assail you in an insidious man ner. In many counties, the commission ers, irresponsible as theyre to the peo ple, and delying the expression of your will, have claimed and exercised the power, not the right, of refusing licenses altogeth er. This is another and cogent reason why the system of county government should be changed and the commissioners made responsible to the people, over whom they now exercise such despotic power. We have nominated for your suffrages a Congressman-at-Large, J ustice of the Supreme Court, and six Superior Court Judges. In due time other State and County officers will be nominated. They are taken from both the Democratic and Republican parties, because we invite all, without regard to past party affiliations, to maintain the great fundamental princi ples of government which we have inscribed on our banners. Make one supreme effort and your lib erties will be secured and our beloved State redeemed from grinding oppression and emancipated from the tyranny of irresponsible and despotic power. Our principles are sufficiently elevated to enlist the sympathy of the most ardent patriot, and so plain that the most ignor ant can understand them. In conclusion, let this sentiment inspire us all: Let all the ends thou aimst at be thy Country s, Thy God's, and Truth's. W. M. COCKE, Jr., ChirCn. Hon. O. H. Dockery's Letter of Ac ceptance. Mangum, N. C, June 25, 1882. Cel. Win. Jahnston, Charlotte, N'. C. Sir: Your official announcement, as president of the Anti-Prohibition Liberal Convention, of my nomination for Congressman-at-Large "with singular una nimity " by the convention assembled in Raleigh on the 7th iust, came duly to hand. This unexpected and unsolicited honor on such a platform of principles I cannot decline. Political platforms unfortunately are often made by designing men for decep tioncalculated and intended to T mislead and mystify the public mind but not so with the tenets of the Liberals. The is sues presented are plain, practical and pointed and the positions assumed thereon with unambiguous clearness and great force. These issues are likewise pertinent and living, and . have daily concernment for our people, and demand such solution of them as they in their sovereign will deem best. For the people, and in be half of the people do we make this ap ii peal to them at the ballot-box the only and final arbiter in such cases made and provided. Upon all these grave questions for popular consideration, let me say, that I am aud have been, of record in full accord with our Liberal friends. The convention of 1875, fraudulently organized, inaugurated this perplexing question by taking from, the people tha rights and privileges which naturally and constitutionally belonged to them. To them do we make this appeal for the restoration of that constitutional recogni tion local self-government, the right of home-rule, the right to select those of ficials, by whom taxes are levied and burdens imposed, is a principle which underlies our whole system of government and constitutes the mudsill on which the fabric isv reared. This is -Certainly the people's government "made by them, for them and for them only," and belongs not to a self-constituted oligarchy of ir responsible men neither in the outset elected by the people nor yet answerable to them at any future time. . Iu such case Jbe pep pie are at thV mercy of politicians "with centralized authority, who appoint from Raleigh for partizan ends, magistrates lor each township in the State, and they in turn are deputed to elect county com missioners, who have exclusive control over the people's property in assessment and taxation, schools, public buildings, bridges, roads, etc., and are not required at any time to submit their official action to the people for ratification or rejection; indeed not only under no responsibility, but the taxing source is removed as far as possible from the owners of the govern ment. The members of the Legislature appoint the magistrates for six years generally the dictation of township party caucus, then in turn the magistrates elect the commissioners, and often from their own ranks, aud then the commissioners, three degrees removed from and above the coutrol of the people, go to work on their property aud schools. - This -roundabout -process is designed for no good and must tend, if unchecked, to the establishment of "exclusive privileges," and much odious clatss legislation. "The right of the people to scrutinize the acts of their representatives, and to correct all abuses of power by the remedy of the ballot box, is one which the people should never in differently exercise or tamely surrender." Taxation and representation is peculiarly an American doctrine, and is one of those political axioms which defies argument. Of kindred purpose was the sumptuary bill of last summer. Designed to clothe this same board of commissioners, respon sible to nobody, with authority to designate hoic much aud whrtt our people shall drink, and from whom they shall buy, provided in clear and unmistakable terms that whisky or brandy shall not be bought from our own people, for they shall not make it, but from others outside of our State lines. Here you discover neither home rule nor home manufacture, but foreicrn rule and foreign production. Others beyond our borders, and aliens to our commonwealth, are to be enriched at the expense of our own people, whose property is to be confiscated. The board of commissioners now constitute one body of men of " exclusive privileges " over the people's finances. Now, another monopoly of equal potency must be cou stituted of the doctors, druggists and apothecaries to superintend, designate, direct and absolutely control, without popular responsibility, the appetites, desires and evein aliments of our people. Sumptuary laws are hurtful and inimical to the genius of our government. Intem perance (a great evil I admit) can't be cured by any such compulsory process. Such legislation is pernicious and should be checked at once. A free ballot and fair count we must have, and I trust that in good old North Caro lina, our people, irrespective of party or color, we will see to it that this inestimable boon, peculiar to our country alone, is freed from all improper interference, whether of intimidation, coercion or fraud. On this point there should be no issue. It is a sacred right and belongs of right alone to the voter. To this declara tion no honest man can object. If honestly and fairly defeated at the polls by the people we will gracefully bow to their sovereign will, but if counted out by others and elsewhere than at the polls, we propose to test it to the bottom. The common schools of the State de mand our earnest and unremitting at tention, for " constitutions are but paper, while society is the substratum of govern ment." Education is essential to the welfare of auy people, but to ours, clothed with supreme authority.it is all-important. Its advantages are universally recognized, and modern civilization imperatively de mands its agency. In our State, public schools should be kept up ten months in the- year, yet ' in our impoverished con dition we are unable to' make the neces sary appropriations its importance de mands. I heartily endorse your proposi tion to invoke the aid of Congress in this great work. I would prefer, as for years I have advocated, the total and uncon ditional repeal of the whole internal revenue system, and in that event Congress could aid us with liberal grants of public lands, as has often been done, or other wise. Yet if the system is to continue let every dollar of tax derived from distilled liquors by the government be annually appropriated to the people of each State for educational purposes in our common schools. This as a wise provision and must meet the approbation of every friend of his country. If elected I shall use my best efforts to secure this end. I trust the organization of the Liberal party will be productive, outside of im mediate political considerations, of per manent good. Its political tenets are mild and just, and address themselves to the sound discretion and cool judgment of our people, and afford in themselves no 'justification or pretext whatever for calnmnv and abuse. Let us hope the tendency thereof will be salutary. In this popular upheaval let the right of freedom of opinion and independence of ' action be conceded in utter disregard of the mandates of party leaders. Let us have good will, confidence, peace and harmony, in lieu of discord, strife and bitterness. Political servility is debasing to freemen, and implies abject submission tn fbA will nf others. Such action is not congenial with freedom and dwarfs men's individual privileges. Thanking you, my dear sir, for the complimentary terms in, which you notify me of the action of the convention, I am yours truly, O. H. DoCKEBYi SPEECH OF HON. 0. H. OQCKERY, ON THE ORDINANCE PRESCRIBING THE ' QU ALT FICATIONS FOR ELECTORS, IN THE CONVEN TION, OCT. 7th, 1875. Mb. 'President? This ordinance is ob jectionable to me on several grounds. In the first place, it strikes at the personal " i : f " ',-iiv ; vw-v i1.; .TXk. 111 If II III If! liberty of the people, and threatens dis-i franchisement in the event of a change of; locality within ninety days before an elec tion. Under the old law of our fathers twelve months' citizenship in the State conferred the electio franchise upon any citizen living in any county of said State on the day of election. ' JNo time was re quired in any county for a domicil before voting. No residence of days or months was demanded by our organic or statute law, but simply the animus the intent the home on the morning of the election sufficed. - ' The Convention of 1868, recognizing the changed condition- of -things, saw; proper by way of protection to the ballot box to require of the voter thirty days' residence in a county. - This provision met with general favor in view of the en franchisement of so large-a number of our late slaves recently freedr homeless, penniless and almost friendless: migra tory in habit, wandering in disposition and unsettled in purpose," without lands or homes, it was- suppeve-d no -local at tachment ensued: recently manumitted, no just ideas of the privileges nor of the attendant duties incident to freedom were looked for hence some restraint was right and proper. A residence of thirty days in a county was required by the frahiers of the Constitution in '68. " This was a reasonable time acceded to. and gener ally acquiesced in. But why change it to ninety days? Why require a con tinuous residence in a county of three months? Why impose this additional restriction upon the laboring classes of our people? Is it right or just to dis franchise a poor man (for it is upon that class that it will fall so heavily) because it is perhaps to his interest to move into an adjoining county? His business may demand it necessity may force him an unnatural and barbarous landlord may dispossess him (under the infamous act of the last Legislature) oi house, home and crops, and turned loose upon the cold charities of a colder world he may drift ih self-defence - across the county lines, debarred of his personal rights and re fused the exercise of his elective fran chise. Again, sir, our people are gradually be coming reconciled to the new order of things. . The freedman iu the rural dis tricts is content with his lot. He finds his liberty secured both 4by State and national legislation. He finds by perience, often sad experience, that must live by the sweat of his brow." has gone to work iu good earnest for maintenance of himself and family. ex "he He the In some instances he has bought land works his own fields with his own labor and his own stock. He is now settled and at home. In most cases, however, the freedmen are but tenants working the lands of others for the mutual good of themselves and landlords. They are mutually dependent -without' the labor of the one the land of the other is valueless without the products of the soil the sustenance of the other is precarious and life becomes burdensome. In our , impoverished condition we can't afford to be unkind to the colored man. Our necessities forbid it our interests forbid it gratitude to those who nursed us who labored for us freely and faithfully who ministered unto the wants of our wives and our children with docility and humility in the absence ot our brave men wha went forth to meet the foe amid the shock of arms on the ensanguined field. That bloody strife has ended. Let its hate be buried with the dead. The negro is freed by no act of his. He moved not a muscle nor breathed a thought inimical to the interest of his master during that terrific strife. A similar incident is un heard of in history. A similar scene was never witnessed before. By the act of the Government he is free and that act is unchangeable and ir repealable. He is with us. Our interests are -identified, our wants the same, our necessities alike; common justice and common humanity demand conciliation and forbearance, and not suspicion, dis trust and hatred. He is ignorant educate him to a knowledge of his duties. He is superstitious give him time to out grow that relic of slavery. He has not the moral sensibilities of our race, for the clank of his chains were not congenial to the growth of common honesty. He is at times unruly and turbulent; he has his passions and prejudices, his friends and his foes, peculiarities alike common to all human kind. Then I invoke the mantle of charity in his behalf, and trust nq un necessary legislation or arbitrary mea sures will be engrafted in our organic law inimical to his interests or prejudicial to our wants. With thirty days' residence we are content.. It settles the animus of the voter, affords aniple time for the prevention of fraud. Ninety days is unjust, unkind and criminal to the in terests of our laboring men of all races. In their name do I protest against it. A few words, Mr. President, upon the latter clause and I am done. I stand, sir, iipon the old Jeffersonian doctrine in so far as he enunciated as a cardinal truth and fundamental principle under pur system of government, that lasting axiom of truth and justice viz: "That he who was required to pay taxes and fight for his country should be allowed the ballot." This, sir, is certainly a safe doctrine working injury to no one. That each and every man of whom burdens were re quired in support of the internal policy of a country, or blood in its defence, should have the estimable privilege that great boon of American citizenship to cast his vote for or against that man and that party which levies those taxes or demands that blood in civil strife or external wars. If you exact homage, yield protection. If you guarantee uutrammeled liberty, de mand unquestioned obedience. Again, sir, the offenders of your laws are arraigned in the public court houses of the country, to be tried by prescribed rules of justice and of law if guilty, they are punished. Your jails, work houses and penitentiary await their ar rival. Your railroads can employ to great advantage all your conviet labor in their speedy completion in the tunneling of your mountains; in the filling of your valleys; in the bridging of your streams, by which a new world will be opened to the gaze aud admiration of an astonished people. By this plan crime becomes1 utilized and the offender of justice serves his State with hard labor for a term of years commensurate with his crime. He has violated his obligation, yet he has ex piated his offence he has offended the law, yet he has appeased its wrath. He has merited punishment, he has borne it meekly. He is now released, and let him be restored to all his previous rights, and if again convicted of a similar offence, let the law be more rigidly enforced, in ac cordance with more stringent penal enact ments. The ballot-box is no place to punish crimes if so, a depraved, corrupt Judiciary may, at no distant day, assume powers dangerous to the liberties of our people. IS PROHIBITION DEAD? " READ AND CIRCULATE. From the "Spirit of the Age," (Prohibition , Organ of the State,) Feb. 11, 1882. ffe fear that norue of thoxe who talked for temperance and prohibition in the recent pant have backed down, or buck-Hudden, or at best have grown lukewarm. We hear nothing from them not a word. We are sorrv for it, because, we do not think now that, in the result of the recent election, there is any just cause for dis couragement much less ail excuse for a back down and give-up, as some seem to think, judg ing them by their silent indifference ; because if the cause for which we have so long contended was right last year and in the times that are past, it is right how. and will always be right ; and, if right, it should be maintained at all haz ards. As for oorself, w are determined to continue the warfare, let the consequences be as thev may. In the language of a verv eloquent and zealous brother ; " We have had a snuff of the battle, and our blood is still warm." Instead of being discouraged we are greatly encouraged. fFroni the "Spirit ot the Age,", (Prohibition Organ of the State,) Feb. 21, 1882. A political paper stated recently that Prohibi-' tion had "its rise and fall," last vear in North Carolina. We do wonder it the editor meant to convey the idea that the Prohibition movement is dead in the State? If so, he is wofully mistak en. It did not so much as get a "fall," in the recent conflict- at any rate, got no dust on its back. It is not true that it had its rise and fall last, year; but it is ti ne that it declared a warfare against the legalized liquor traffic, in North Carolina, last year: and also true, that it went into battle with unorganized forces and made one of the most gallant tights of this or any oth er age, coming out of the. battle with a disciplin ed army of tilty thousand treemen, who, pressed hack by brute force, were not whipped, but, on the contrary, had more to rejoice over than the majority whose seeming victory was won by ap peals to the baser passions of men. The tight hit summer was the first effort, as it were, of a stripling, unused to partizan conflict against a giant skilled in all the arts and tricks of the demagogue. How well it sustained itself in a contest so uneven, the world knows. That man has read history to very little pur pose who has not yet learned' the fact that re volutions never go backward. Anditdoos seem to us that a newspaper could not choose a more certain method of forfeiting its claim to pro- Ehesy, than bv uttering the opinion that prohi ition has had its rise and fall. A certain bill was rejected, but the great questiod of Prohibition is a live issue, and is growing in stature and strength daily and hour ly. It will at last win the light, and the great battle which is to decide the conflict is much nearer at hand than mam- people are Milling to believe: Anotheb Blast i uom this Pbohibition Okgan. Brother Whitaker in his paper of the 30th of March last plainly states the purposes of the Prohibitionists. He says: We are greatly encouraged at what we have heard and seen lately, as to the Tuture of the temperance work in North Carolina. We have been somewhat among the people and talked with them, both in private and from the rostrum,and we are cheered to find them more ready, than ever in the past, to fall into line and make war against the iniquitous liquor license system the source of almost all the evils which grow out of the traffic. The people are beginning to understand that they have been cheated bv the politicians; that the bill which the last Legislature passed, m re spouse to their petitions, was framed with the view of making it as odious as possible to the masses to the end that it might be voted down at the polls and the cause of temperance and pro hibition made odious. They are beginning to find out that nothing may be expected at the hands of the politicians, therefore, they must, if they would ever succeed in freeing their State of the curse of Alcohol, take the matter into their hands and manage it for themselves. The Prohibitionists fully recognize and appre ciate the fact that they hold the balance of pow er in the State, and while they make no threats and are not yet prepared to say what they may do in the next general election they are are de termined to make no concessions. They are proud of the fight which they made last summer, and, reasoning from analogy,- they are very Confident that the next few years will decide the matter very differently from the way it was decided last year. . We find among the people a fixed determina tion to stand by the cause of Prohibition and they are only waiting for a proper time to move forward in the work. The Voice of Capt. Bell. In the Prohibition Convention which was held in this city on the 27th and 28th of April, 1881, Capt. W. T. R. Bell, of King's Mountain, made a speech, in the course of which he declared that whilst he did not desire to carry politics into temperance he did want to carry temperance into politics. He then added : After this day, party or no party, I will vote for no man and no measure that is not sound on this prohibition question ; and if that be treason," shouted the gallant Captain, "make the most of it." (Loud and prolonged cheers.) Next day Gov. Jarvis giued the brethren. And Capt. Bell sticks to his word. In a letter to the Spirit of the Age, (Pro hibition Organ,) dated March 1st, 1882, he says: From my earliest connection with the Tem perance movement, I have held that the license system was the root of the great evil ; and, hav ing once struck boldly at it, I felt that it waa a humiliating concession, to abandon a virtual organization, and relapse into the old guerrilla warfare. With that view I wrote an article over my own signature for the Meliodist Advance, urging organization at the proper time, and the exercise of all the anti-license system strength of the State at the ballot-box, year after year until our efforts should be crowned with success. That campaign was a wonderful one ; and if fol lowed up by prudent sagacious, leadership, will vet tell upon the destinies of this commonwealth. 1 do not stop to ask what effect such an organi zation may have upon the status of political par ties. I have my own party views and party pre ference which I do not propose to sacrifice unless driven to do so. But when I find party organs ready to apologize for a movement in which every better principle of my nature prompts me to glory, then expedient must go, and what I feel to be right must find a fearless assertion. I have no political ambition to gratifiy. But when I find both political parties manoeuvering for ad vantage and both seeking to pander to a depraved vicious publio sentiment; when policy so far loses eight of all enlightened principles as to ground the drink traffic upon the inalienable rights of man, then, with one or a thousand, I am for virtue and truth and reform, and the God of Providence, in the mean time, must take care of the State. And if the political philosophy expressed in the 'bill of rights' promulgated by the Liquor Dealers' Convention that met last summer in your city, is to be accepted by both political par ties as platform principle, then until the sermon on the Mount have taken a deeper hold upon the minds and hearts of the people in our State, I an independent voter. Fraternally Yours, W. T. R. Bell. Bkotheb Abebxetht to the Frost. Senator Vance's friend Abernethy writes to to the' Spirit of Qie Age as follows. We find his letter in that paper of March 30, 1882. We suspect Mr." Abernethy is not bo much of a Vance man now as he used to be: Mv Deab Editob: Capt. Bell in a recent issue gives no uncertain sound upon the great question at issue in North Carolina. I, under a pressure of abundant labors, stop long enough to say that, I am iu unison with him ; and by the grace of God,I expect to fight it out upon this line till the Master calls me to my account. Political parties that have to be cemented by the glue and froth of drunkenness, deserve to be condemned by the voice of a free enlightened people to endless infamity. The elements that should be found in the mike up of every political party, should be such as to exclude from its code of principles whatever tends to moral or social evil. Every good man in North Carolina knows that laws which we make to permit and encour age the making, buying and selling of ardent spirits, no matter what seeming good they may do in increasing the revenue, or in healing as a medicine, nevertheless, overbalance all these goods in the damage they do to the moral and social interests of our people. The great trouble in our political parties heretofore has been that good and sober men could hardly , be elected to our legislatures. The great mass of the voting, population are dram-drlnkera and drunkards ; htnee the-, impossibility of getting uch members elected as Would make proper temperance laws And g(tilly numlx-r of those: heretofore elected, .who were sober .men, have been too fearful of the loss of their seats in the next legislature to come out boldly in favor of Pro-: hibitiou. .They have been like the Irishman when about to die aud being told that he must pray: "Faith and be jabbers I don't know who to pray to. I'm not after making enemies for meself in that far off country, and 1 will say, its goiKlUtt.l, good devil, for I'm not kuowiug into whose hands I'm to fall." - Let the temperance element in North Carolina stir itself in organization in every county some kind of temperance fraternities, and when the time comes to elect State legislatois, let these fraternities select and nominate the best man or men they can bring to the front, irrespective qf all itelUical parties. I tell you that, if the two old parties, or those in them that love the critter, stick to their principles being cemented only by the liquor element, a third party of good, tem perance men in many counties being gathered from both the old ones, will elect their man. Let us try it. The salvation of the country de pends upon this move. Let these liquor lovers call us what they please, we will ultimately succeed. They may pile on me whatever epithets they choose, I shall not change my purpose. I can't do it without sinning against God : and I can't see how-any other Christian man ia North Carina markably strange, in the more than 200,000 church members in North Carolina, we cannot elect a majority of temperance members in the North Carolina legislature. R. L. Abebnetht. Where Brother Braxson Stands. Rev. L. Branson clips the following from the Ashboro Courier and republishes it in the Spirit of the Age, "it so nearly coincides with my views and what I conceive to be the truth." "Prohibi tion, he adds, "is gradually gaining ground." The majority agaiust Prohibition lartyear was large, but there were 48,000 who voted for it, un satisfactory as the proposed measure was, and their number have not grown less. That ma--jority is not the kind that accepts such a defeat as final. They will be I heard again, and their power will be felt in elections hereafter. The issue is a live one and will be while the penitentiary, jails and the poor-houses of the State are beiug constantly recruited by whiskey's doings. Great evils, and those that were considered invincible in this country, have had to succomb to an enlightened public opinion, and this one is destined to go also.' The Balance of Power. A Greene county corespondent, "V." of the Spirit of tli Age .(Prohibition Organ) writes on the 25th of February: As for myself you may count me for temper ance, for prohibition for temperance men and prohibition men and when voting time comes, regardless of politics, I intend to vote for the man who is opposed to the present system of li cense; and I am not alone in this locality, by nianv. There are temperance people enough in North Carolina, if they would speak out and be firm on this important question, to hold the bal ance ol power. Let lis have a convention soon, and put our principles and our demands in proper shape. Then if both political parties reject or iguor our claims, let us nominate and vote only for such men as will agree to treat us and our cause fair ly. The time has come when we should refuse to be set back to make room for politicians who used us and our votes to hinder and not ad-' vance our cause. The Main Question Still Alive. We quote from the Spirit of Hie Age, (Prohi bition Organ of this city, ) of the 14th June : Let politicians prate and bluster and turn somersaults, and make wry faces if they delight in that kind of sport but, it will all amouut tq nothing, in the end, for the Prohibition senti ment of the country is growing and is going o keep on growing until it shall come like a mighty wave and sweep the deck of the old ship of State so clean you will hardly believe that an anti-pro. Lib. or any other sort of a politician ever sat and walked thereon. The bill on which the people voted last sum mer is dead of course, and will never be revived again, but the main question is still alive. That will not die,' nor will it down so long as human lives are being sacrificed for the purpose of rais ing revenue. The Republican Party's Lost Opportunity. A correspondent of the same paper and of the same date, writes: Mb. Editob: I have seen from the papers that the 'Whiskey party think they have it all their own way, but they are mistaken as to the mean ing of the vote last August. Many thousands who voted against that, to them, obnoxious bill, are not in favor of whiskey domination, by any means. . If the Republican party had vigorously de clared for Prohibition fourteen months 'ago, it would have gone into power in North Carolina, to stay for some time. But, it is now in great danger of committing the greatest blunder ot all its blundering career ; a blunder that will be fatal unless the Democratic party should outstrip it in blundering, as it has often "done. Politicians should remember, as a rule, that, that class of society who are most susceptible to party enthusiasm are not the prohibitionists. There are thonsands of solid, quiet men, of both parties, who cannot be coaxed or driven against such strong convictions as they have on this liquor question especially when tfiose convictions have been aroused as they now are. They believe that it is essential for the well-being of this country, that the liquor traffic be prohibited by law. They believe it the most important ques tion now agitating the public mind, one that - comes nearer home to every philanthropist in the land. But, they are not of that class of voters, as a rule, who are most likely to be present at political conventions; or, if there, they are not apt to be the most noisy members. Strictly a Political Question. : And thousands of these quiet, firm, country loving and order loving men all over the land of both parties, have determined in the future to vote for men and measures known to be most favorable to laws restraining men from propa gating vice, crime and poverty in the land. This liquor question is strictly a political question, but wo to that party whichi shall declare in its favor. - " - W. Prohibition Platform. In the same paper, same date, we find an ad dress " To all Good Templars," from the Ii. G. W. S. The annual session of the Right Worthy Grand Lodge convened at Charleston, S. C, on the 23d of Majr last, and 39 Grand Lpdges were represented, one of them by Needham B. Broughton of .'this city,, if we mistake not. "Among the important legislation of the session was the following: The Platform of 1851 was re-affirmed total ABSTINENCE FOB THE INDIVIDUAL AND PROHIBITION for the State and the membership through out the United States urged to press the struggle for Constitutional Amendment prohibiting the traffic, and warning them not to be diverted therefrom by other social and political reform until this, the greatest, is settled. A VALUABLE LITTLE BOOK. JUST PUBLISHED, SHORTHAND SIMPLIFIED: A SYSTEM OF NOTABLE FOR TILE VERY SMALL AMOUNT OF STUDY AND PRACTICE NECES SARY FOR ITS COMPLETE MASTERY. Valuable to the Press, to Professional and . Business men and to Students generally. Prioe, postpaid, twenty-five cents. Address June 1, 1881., STATE JOURNAL, ' Raleigh, N. C. ABBREVIATED IE Published eiery Thursday, ;$2.00rv per Year, J ! RATES FOR ADVERTISING: . ; Advertisements of a proper1 character will be inserted for ti.OO per square, (oi inch) jrqr.thd first insertion and fifty cents for eah subsequent insertion. " " ' ""."; . Special contracts for advertising may be made at the office of the State Journal, first door above the Yarbrough House, directly;, opposite ' the Post-Office, Fayettevillei street ; ..... , , WILLIAM SIMPSON, Wholesale and Retail . DRUGGIST, RALEIGH, N. C , DEALER TS DM PATENT HEDICffiES, CHEHICALS Toilet Articles, French, English and German Terfumery, Hair, Tooth, Nail and Flesh Brushes, Soaps, Combs, SHOULDER BRACES, TRUSSES,' ; Garden and Held Seeds, AGRICULTURAL CHEMICALS, And everything usually kept in a first-class , c. Drugstore.. ' V WHEELER & WILSON New No. 8 Sewing Machine, For domestic uso and all grades of manu facturing. Adapted to be run by foot, hand or steam power. r The cheapest to buy, because they are tho easiest to learn, the easiest to manage, tho lightest running, tho most durable and do the most perfect work, both light and heavy. Don't be mogulled into buying ono of the many worthless machines now on the market, but buy the old reliable Wheeler and Wilson that has stood the test for many years. Agents wanted in every county in the State. WHEELER & WILSON MF'G CO., J , Raleigh, N. C. June 15 Cm JILTJB HOUSE, (Tim Leo's Old Stand,) CORNER OF Mi E TIN AND SALISBURY ! . STREETS, , ; North side rostoffice Square, i RALEIGH, N. C. MOSES W. WOODARiJ, Proprietor. mi en the :nm m j RESTAURANT AND BAR. Keeps in stock a full line of FINE and WELL- I : . selected .'.'. IAf 1 1 , w ines and Liquors of all kinds. Sesi Billiard and - Pool Tables IIV THE CITY. Juno 8 tf. . YARBROUGH SALOON. J. WAX.EER, ' ' PROPRIETOR. The .highest brands of Foreign and Domestic . WINES and LIQUORS, and superior Cigars. Summer Xiinl':&9 By Experienced Manipulators. ICE-COLD LAGER BEER, IMPORTED ALES AND l'OKTEES. h, 1 31LIIAHD d F03L TAELSS. 5 Basement under the Yarbrough House. June 1-tf ' ' .'- .i . GILL'S SAMPLE ROOMS. North Side: Exchange Place. E. T. Gill, (successor to Z. Wv Gill) will be pleased to seo his friends at the old favorite lace. . : ' ' WINES, LIQUORS, ALES, ' PORTERS, and ICE-COLD LAGER BEER, With the choicest Cigars. i July 13, 1881-tf. i . : J3ool &r JTolb Jointing; BINDING INALL STYLES. ALL KINDS OP BLANKS TO ORDER '..li si. . i.i First Class Work and Moderate: ' Prices. - . I