Newspapers / Carolina Watchman (Salisbury, N.C.) / Feb. 21, 1840, edition 1 / Page 2
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1 t'H I ! I. '! J . In ihe following instant, however, the lady e'- felted hur apparent porpose for her second aiow took effect on thn af the , ivoamW man 8 head, and caused him (a lose his, bold and. fall um quiie si-!es3 The heroine of the scene then assisted her champion,; who appeared: lobe considMhlv hnft-inio- iLe carriage aoa tnen rfruve off Is fast as the horse could earry litem. When aufiieienily-recovered, the woonded -roan aaidhat ihe-Iadj who hadl woonded! hjttt Mas his Wri niece, who bad ;' lived with-; him from ehildhood-fthat they were but three' weeks to ihfs city, durinpr-which time she had beccWab , tpiinted whh ihe person she was rnnopjnga way wiihwho he believer is a yonng lawyer, end fortber!ihat6he is worth in her owh right upwards at ihree hundred thousand dollars, when she, comes of age, which will be in a few months' The name of the wounded man is Georgd F Ledwitb, of Augusta, Geo. who, with his niece had .recently arrived from Europe and "theJa- dy'si nirne s Evaline Hamilton, hut wl tyva not been able to discover the name of the torto-i nate lawyer. JUr. Ledwiib also informed Ajr Osbyrn that the lady is very beautiful, and that she had treated him wilh the most devoted ttn- derniese andlaffeciion until the perioo1 of the oc curreuce related above. : " ; ON SPEECH OF MR. J. C. ALFORD, i : OF GEORGIA, :; - x .;. ) SUBJECT OF . ABOLITION -PETITIONS. THE i ' .J.--,-.. ...r-,- . I H Mr. Speaker, I anfpleased that I have at last obtained! xbe floor; and bave an oppor- jttitiity of expressing my yiewa m this Hall on jthis rfccst important uestibna question ic mv constituent? of the deepest interest one thai strikes at the existence of the Union. I " I wilL not evade the question. If knj: friend; from South Carolina (Mr. Thop! son) does not intend by bis preposition to y tcthe reception, I will offer an amend fnent that shall bring the questitn directly before' tk e House, and coon pel th ia body, to I tiecide wneiner tuey whi or wm not Teceivo ) V t these j petitions The gentleoian signifies V . I his intention s to refuse to teceiVe these pe- $ ieiions : sncb woe cot opinion of the object of the 'resolution?, and under ;that view of the question 1 support the amendment. ; I ill meet this question at once on what its frieh',s are pleased to call in this debate ugh qomtitnlional grounds. Congress - lis noiconsiiiuiioua Tigui ur power iu iv ' ceife tbese abolition petitions .and let me - say to gentlemsn, in all truth and sinceiity, tint if they decide, in violation of that sa :J cred inktrument, that they shall bereceived, !! L will say'to rriy constituents from my heart ! and Ran! that jthev have no longer any use for this! Union. It will then be to them an f 1 "dollara for each person.", : i ' ; - -I Thns it seems theConstltnlion conlem- piatei the existence of alarery in tbe'States through alhimei and So powcan say in truth thai it was ever Contemplated by the fraroers of the Constitution that the people of any part of thk Confederacy the ladies of the North-rtwonld sent!; 16 Congress "per titions to interire with pur domestic 1 Irak' nuilitvto- interfere j WiillWwr. right ' of property, andjclaim thatt pnTilege of in termeddling in other j!people,a business upon toe ground Ujatonr lawful and consti lutional rights are agrievince to them ? Tive absurdity of receiving these, petitions' is ob vious to all.! To oio the proposition seems to violate all the principles of constitutional law, 88 well es eyery sentioeni of humanity and religion. This question lean only be the legitimate subject oil discussion among the slaveholdingj people j tjieniselves. The Genera! Government has" no power by tne uonsmnuon. over me suoinci. o receive these petitions would imply grant their, prayers, power. ception. the power 'to ess has no such Hence the absurdity of their re- il f I engine jof the -most diabolical ; oppression. ; j I jam. ready to say this to them whenever ' gentHDnren are ready to decide the question firi favorjof reception. I place the issue on their reception i and will proceed to demon !J jatVte, on constitutional principles, that Con r gress has no right to receive, to consider, to 3iepnrt upon, or to grant me prayer ui iiieso r is What is the object of these petitions ? i '.Vhat do they pray for ? Some of them go t tf abolish slavery andilhe slave trade in the ?Diftrict of Columbia some -to abolish it in uie i erntorus, and some in ine oiates ; t ' and some pray ! that no new State shall be 1 at mitted into the-Union-if the Constitution LaMhorize the institution of slavery. It is L n this broad sense I am Jabout to consider . tin propUltiooi What says the Constitd , .tion ? Let ns look ' to , that. J os look to that. J have not ,ct me here to appeal to the North, the East, hahs'of all other persons" ioo vvesw as men, in.piuicci uur uguis r?ot only did our fathers; provide for oar domestic tranquility not only ;did they au thorize the importation of slaves , into the Slates but, knowing as they did, and be lieving as they must have believed, fiom the factaland cireomitances of ihe'times m which they lived, that the happiness of our people, their security, and )he perpetuity of our Union, depended nponttoe preservation of the institutions . of the'South, as they found them when- they - formed the Con stitution' of the United Statesj they, with that - patriotism and wisdom which dis tinguished them above all other men who lived before them or will lite after them. incorporated into that Constitution a clause declaring that tbree-6fths ; ot this property shall be represented in the Congress of the United States. I 4 s I t What would the honorable gentleman from New York; (Mr. Granger,) with eJl his knowledge of the Constitution and with bis ability in argument in favor bf the right of petition on this! question, think of a pe-. tition sent here from citizens of the South, praytng that Congress would abolish the right of rtpresentation in New: York, the empire State, and, if the gentle man please, in his own district 1 Yes, : sir, what would i he say if the ladies of the South were to petition Congress to infringe the right of representation in New York, to diminish the number of their Representatives, and disfranchise his constituents ? j I cannot foretell the kind or power of j the resistance the distinguiabed gentleman iwotild ohTer to such palpable abuse of the right of petition, Ind socb a violent infraction of constitution al law. Yet such .is the course pursued towards the' South,; and ihejarguments of gentlemen on this floor justify jt, and a mongst these champions of the right of pe tition in this sense is to be found ibe honor able gentleman himself, i t !j j; As I sat out to defend the interest of ay constituents on constitutional principles, and as I declared in the outset ithai I would risk every thing with the Constitution, let os read it again, and see if it; is mot truly the ark of our political salvation;! ; ' Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those boood to service for a term of years; and excluding Indians not taxed, three C. 1 appeal to no men, or, set of men to no 4pirty iv pig or iiemocrai nui i piani my- se f upon the Constitution or my country, nhnlitinn nf nlavurr wnnlrl Ihormfskra it w www swawa -mm w?v-wm w V W reduce the-number of Representatives fom the South to a very great extent, and would be a denial of the right of representation. ai positive infraction of the right of repre sentation authorized by the Constitution of the only basis upon which I am willing to Inland, iy.ere' it not for this Constitution,' I ;wduld advise my constituents go back to the United States, exactly in proportion to firt principles ; were it not for the pTotec- (he number of slaves represented upon this lion guarantied to tnemoy tnis VvonsiiiUr j fl0or. : r " - m m --.wrB. be proper to petition for.; One of his ases is, that it would be improper to petition this body to bany an abolitionist. , donbt not the gentleman Had ;some forebodings of wfiat bis tato.lb'igiit bb principles inib practical operation ; in throwing this! ahiieldaroundbimself; he has conceded bewhoIe ground. l?And let me 8sk te entliinn iCyt wotild be less lawful or religious ta hang him up to one of these pillars until be was i dead, dead, than it would be to arm an incendiary with, a torch in onObd, arid ta5daggeKin" the other, to burW mf bouse and murder my family Yei deb is the criminal denunci ation of someof Sthese petitioners.: They, have had the madness to i say thatif they cannot abolish slavery by law, they will do it with the swofdor, what is worse,tbey send incendiary pamphlets into our country to excite our ftves tb deeds of lnsurreo tibnary ''warfarjei fjB j ; ,Al -V "7 i Mr. Speaker, three jyears ago about this time, I met thiel honorable gentleman (Kir. Granger) on this floor and w hen I attem pl ed to reply to ihisdefence bf the gentleman from Massachusetts 1 Mr. : Adams,) I was gagged down with; the previous question.' The gentleman, :tf I remember right, asked os to let them fight our battles at the North. Mt. Granger denied he had ever claimed to fight the battles: of the South. 1 Mr. Alford saidl aria glad of U I would not trust him brny northern man to fight our battles with the abolitionists alone. Let those who would fight for us there, fight with' us here. But I fear they are all Whigs, all Democrats ocf this subject at home ; all against slavery in (be abstract. The South ha3 been gulled longed enough with this right of petition kb eacred to the honorable gentleman. Of One thing I am certain : he said tbep, as be sly s now that the North has rights and dare; xnaintain them. The ac ception of these petitions under that clause of the ConslUu!tib4 1 already alluded to, which secures ihd 'right of petition, for the redress of grievances, is not one of thoso rights to which his declaration applied. He should maintain rio such a right. What are we to understand by this throat, that the North (ha3 rights lao dare maintain them ?" We are to be tausbU I su?po38, that under the authority to petition Congress for a re dress of their grievances, they will enforce upon us a reception of abolition petitions, and trample under itheir (eel our rights of property and re presents! ion both. They charge us wilh having mixed the right of petition withthequestion of abolition, and say that they I will dare maintain that right, although they ladmit that they cannot abolish slavery at all; so long as the Consti tution is in force. It they have no right to abolish slavery at alU what right have they to trouble Congress! wth these petitions? The argument is absurd on the face of it. What means this declaration this threat -that tbey dare to do; such deeds ? Does the gentleman intend: to carry this measure by force of arms?j Arb we to be swept away by the power of the North as the bo som of destruction HlsHhe South to fail by force without resistance. 1 I cannot contemplate the possibility of Congress entertaining these doctrines with out feelings of horror. (If ever this power will blow pp at the end of Mr. YanBorens eight y ears, if he is re-elected, I f guess.'? 1 .The 8peaker interposed, and Mr. Alford saiuYsif still; Mr; ;Speaker I wil go back tbrgumenu: 1- '- f -S- " -",' $ I hold in my hand the most eloquent and conclusive argument in favor of the consti tutional rights of the South on this qoestioQ of slaveryi ;and against the course pursued by these fanatics, I pi aye seen or read ; a nd, what Asftetohishirig - to alt? lovers 'bt-ltfuth and jusitcevJitUs ilie;ve speech of William Henry Harrison from which garbled extracts have been made to prove him "an abolition ist, and for which he has been d oomed ; to encounter the nntte opposition of the whole South ; and this same t8peech is now pub lished in the Etrianttyiitor, under a long ed ttbrial denunciation ;of jGeneral Harrison as anJcnraboliiionist, and declaring; that no abblittonist cah supporthim.for the Presi dehcy, because he goes- with the south. And I am happy, air, that whilst I use his speech to prove the trnih of my: position, I am but doing an ait of justice to a states man and aiairidft.K' who has been - misrepresented and belied. Lei no gentlemen suppose that I am about to become the advocate of General Harri sonl for the Presidency. Georgia stands os neutral ground. We have a man of our own the immortal TrouprrW ho is better qual ified to administer the Government, in my opinion, than Harrison 8 rid Van Burenboth pu together, j I go fbr fTronp, sir ; but if ever he is out of the question, I have a right to enjoy my own opinion as between the other two; and I an) .willing to jndge them by their own acts, and choose between them upon their principles in regard to Ibis - I ' cooW never have been expected that it V(.rv mixtion ? ! would be used by the citizens of one portion of 1 will now give Gen. Harrison's views as authority on this question. Hear them. discussions as they say they are engaged in. I know thai there are not. . And there is even an article which seeores to the citizens the rizbtto express' and publish : their opinions withoot' re-1 sirictioa. - uui ia toe construction oi me yoa stiiotioo it is always necessary to refer to the cir camstances under which it was formed and to ascertain its meaning by a comparison of its pro-' visions with each other, and with the previous situation of the several States, who were parties to it; In a portion of these slavery was recog nized, and they took care to have the right se emed to them to follow and reclaim such of them as were fugitives toother States. The laws of Congress passed under this power have provided punishment to any who shall oppose or interrupt the exercise of this right. Now, can any one be'ieve that the instrument which contains a provision of this kind, which authorizes a master to pursue his j slave into another Slate, take him back, arid : promises, a punishment for any. citizen or citizens of that. Slate who should oppose him, should at the same time authorize the latter to assemble together, to pass resolutions and adopt addresses, not only; to encourage the slaves to leave their masters, but to cot their throats before tbey do so ?J I insist that, if the citizens of the non-slave holding States can avail themselves of the article or ihe Consutution which prohibits the restriction of speech" or the press to publish any thing injurious to the rights of the slave-bolding States, tbey can go to the extreme that I have mentioned, and effect any thing farther wbichtwriiing or speaking coald effect. Dot, fellow-citiiens, these : are ' not the principles, of the Constitotion. Such a Consti tution woold defeat .one of the great objects of its formation, which was, that of securing the peace and harmony of the States which were parties to it. The liberty of speech and of the press were given as the most effectual means to pre serve to each and every citizen their own rights, and to the States the rights which appertained to them at the time of Us adoption. Hon ro en iot their rmhts of property, as ! well as their private and political rights, I ,sh6u1d tell them'to prelect themselves- with their ovn strong arm. And if gentle men doubt our ability to do so, let them look at this right arm of mine. But We have this Constitution, and gentlemen say tliey cfaim the right to present and consider thepe petitions under that clause which prb . tvides t hat . " Congress shall ; make no law lilspeciing an establishments of religion; or Jfprldhibitiris the free exercise thereof V'or a- gjbr;iing the freedomf speech, or of: the and one which my confluents will mpefsj ot the right of the people peaceably & g0TO1t to. , il T .astrnuie, anu 10 peiuion ino government glfir a redress of grievances; vI vwillfnot It flay that one man cannot petition as well as :; another, but I do mean to say that every tpQQ must; petition lor Tits own grievance ; l and 1 contend that slavery is no grievance. And if it jsvere, it is no grievance of these :petltioneis, living as tbey do in State where i slavery is not tolerated by law. Each State !bf the Union has a Constitution of its own . and in the Southern States slavery .is auv ' lliorized by latv.jj Each State legislates fbr Its iyGantlemen complain that, by reason of this representation of slaves, the Sooth haoi a preponderance in the political scale. Is this the reason that they favor abolition ? Is! this the reason tbey Vote to receive these petitions ? If so, they seek to rob lis of our! constitutional ribts i bv unconstitutional measures ; and the only means left ua to escape the consequences of such a measure would be to go over to M r. Van ! Buren's principles, and advpeate the rmht of free negro suffrage; a measure which I: detest, never I ask again, is it right lo receive netitions here which strike at the very foundation' of rederal representation i which go to dissoWe tbeVbody politic by an j infringeraeni1 of the high privilege expressly secured to the South in tie uonstitution r 1 '-V- This principle of reoresentatibn has been "eld sacred by the People of this country fiom the adoption of. the Constitution, and by Hone more cherished than bv the freemen of Georgia. " r . .-f 1 - , ine IllStOrv Of Georaia nnllli. nfiM ii bwn people ; and the neoole of one State M ' r " r.'. HUI I ka'ik. rv ti -i.-n iuuon ma strode point vr ur..u.;..c9.,u..w. .vvm 0f ,,ew. By reference to the 1 Journals of legislation of . another State, in regard to this question especially. 0 The right of property held bv the master ; In hi servant in. Georgia, according to the jaws ofOeorgia, can be no grievance to the Cinzen or M his House, there may be found a bold and eiequent argument in the case bf JBrlrnn against Wayne, made by James Jackson of ueorgia, a hero of the Revolution, and the father the Republican patty in Georgia, in Mi - . i , , i ... mv.u four in ucviuia, in amej ;nor is tbeieany thing re- fator of thl8 sacrcd contll,llinn J.Ar pugnant to this rihl ot propeny in slaves in reoresentation. fi - -. wt r. -tt -i m : - - . f . i x ; Ji cannot recur to the Constitution of the United States ; but, bo Uie contrary,1 the Constitution of the United 'States fully recognizes this tiohf of FprlbrieTty in slaves, by lust and ample pro visions lor the protection oi our people in ibletr domestic tranquility. And, to insure .thW'hfeiftinoa of ihe relative condition of Ulster and servant to us and our posterity. Ihh frhmers of that instrument inserted a fcitise which authorised the importation of las into this country fbr many years af icilits adoption. Let the Constitution seak 4f(l m-igraiion or importation of soch 5' J&sis any of iHn Slates. now existing-. shall Wunklproper to admit shall not be prohibitad by lUe4-Uongre?s prior io iod jb -7 and eiiht ; bat a tafordaty may oe iro en a name so illustrious. to a man who fought so long and so valor ous for freedom, to a Whig of the Revolu tion, without remembering one of the most prominent causes of that Revolution a de- ni a I by the mother country of the right o representation ; and shall we be Jess tena cioqs of the right than s our fathers I Sbal we suirender to a few fanatics, urged for ward by an unholy zeal, a nrinciolb which our fathers refused to surrender to the arms ofPurope,pnd maintained at VblfciononV mouth ? Never I hone. God forbid it The member from Vermont JlTrJSIildf made one admission wjhich is fatal I to bis ano He is once carried out effectually, it will raise a fire of discord, it will light the torch of civil war, and the consuming element will sweep over this nation as the tempest sweeps over the ocean, as tbep ocean sweeps over the earth when driven by the fury of the warring elements. ! Before the howling, of the tempest shall hush and the fire of war blast out, the last son of the South shall per ish a martyr to our: constitutional rights. i Mr. Speaker, I now have in my eye. the honorable gentleman7 from New York who .did say three years agb;(when Democrat as be ishe stood by bis colleague. Whig as he is, in defence of Mr Adams) thai the South should let the battle lib fought at the North. Mr. vanderpoel ! inquired if Mr. Alford alluded to him. ! Tli;! : v S Mr Alford said I allude , to the leader of he Administration forces in this House, to him who leads with a. whip to the gentle man who represents Kinderhook it is un parliamentary to call 1 members by name I allude to Aim whb, when New Jersey was stricken from the r oil of States, stood upon this floor and thanked God that the voice of democracy was triumphant in this House: that the voice of the Democratic party in New Jersey had been heard in this Hall. Tes, Mr, Sneaker, the voice of democracy has been heard, and the gentle man rejoices, at the fact, and speaks of re. generated States. That Voice of democra cy Which bails from NleW Jersey is not the vuiyo ui ucr jjcupie, OUl II IS 106 V01C6 01 aftow carted about by IVan Buren men to raise the hue Vahd cry ol" modern democra cy, of 0T Conn fZ democracy. Yes, air, to raise a tumultuous slibutS Jof alien. (VCon- iiell, democratic triumph over the native citizens and legal voters oji a gallant Stated speaking as they did in favor of the Oppo- siupn cause oy tneir own people ttiroogh the medium of a constitutional Government. But, sir, the voice bf the sons of New ,iersc connoi prevail: r ngnt yields to force, and the-; voice of law is drawned by a wild and disorderly shout of the mob, which is, called -here the voice of ueraocracy-pa voice inn ( comes irom the land of O'Connell, that breaks upon the shnrRii nf Nnr TprAvi lhati rintra lhrAnU thelspelUbound regions? Ipf j thV enchanted mountains,' that wakeslup! the drowsy in habitants or SIeepyi jlollpw.'lJand they too hail the lrinmnh 01 this 'cause of ' Wen.- erofm democracy' and join the about of wn uemocracy, echoed here by the lead er'of (ihe party" in ttjis Hall. Mr. Vanderpoel asted! Mr. Alford to yiejd for an explanation.; 'f Mr Alford aaid. after lam ifr..i itton doctrineshts right ! of oetition. I unnn mria m . an f iys there are?0tiUrould nol 1 Calonn-Bentonian-Bccbarian democracy ! ' Extract from remark of General IVUliam Henry Harrison at the Public Dinner given to him by the citizens of Viniennts, Indiana, on the 25th May, 18:35. ; ' '.' 1 have now, fellow-eitjzens, a ' few words more to say to you on another subject ( and which is, in my opinion, of more importance than any other that is now in the codrse of discussion in any part of the tjnion. 1 1 allude to the societies which have been! formed, and the. movement of certain individuals in some of the States in rela tion to a portion of the population in others. The conduct of these persona is the more dangerous, because the object; is masked ; under tne garnoi disiaterestednsssand benevolence, and their course vindicated by arguments, and propositions which in the abstract no one can deny. But however fascinating may be the dress? with which their schemes are presented to their fellow-citizens ; with whateverpdrity ot Intention they may have been formed and sustained, ttjey will be foond to carry iu their train mischief to the whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it, which it is probable some of the projectors and many of their supporters have never thought of; the latter, the first in the series of eyilswhich are to spring from this source, are such as you have tead of to bave been perpetrated on tner lair piains 01 jiaiy and Gaul by the Scythian hordes of Attila and Alarici and such ai moat of ypd apprehended on that memorable night, when tne tomanawics ana war clubs of the followers df Tecomseh were ratling- in yonr suburbs; j I regard not the disa vowals any snct Intention upon the part of the authors of these schemes, sincje, upon the exam ination! of the publications whih have been made, they will bn found to contain every fact and ev ery argument which would have been used if such had been their objects. I am certain that there if not in this assembly-one of these deluded ment and that there are few Within the bounds of the State. If there are any, I would earnest ly entreat them to forbear, to pause in their career. and deliberately consider the consequences of their conduct to the whole Union, to the States more immediately interested, and to those for whose benefit tbey profess to act That the lat ter will be the victims of the weak, injodicioos, presumptuous, and unconstitutional efforts lo se cure them, a thoroogh examination of the snbject mast convince themj The struggle (and strag gle there must be) may commence with horrors such as I have described, but t will end with more firmly rivetihgfthe chain's, or in the utter extirpation of those whose canse tbey advocate. Am I Wrong, fellow-citizens Jin applying the terms Weak, presumptuous, and unconstitutional to the measures of the emancipators ? A slight examination will, I think:, show that. I am not. In a vindication of the objects : of ; a convention rhich was lately held in one of the towns of O io, which I saw in a newspaper.it was said that nothing more wis intended than to produce a tate of pnblic feeling which woold lead to an amendment of the Constitution authorizing the abolition of slavery in the United States. Now, can an amendment of the Constitution be effect- edithnut the consent of the Southern States ? What then is the proposition to be sobmitted to then ? It is this. The present provisions of the Constitution secure to you thej right (a right which you held before it was made, and which you have never given up) to manage yonr do mestic concerns in your, own way ; bat as we are convinced that you do not manage tbem prop erly, we want you to put in the hands of the General Government in the 'councils of which we have! the majority, the control over these matters, the effect of which will be virtually to transfer the power from yours into other hands. Ajrain, in: some of the States, and in sections of others, the black population far exceeds that of the white; Some of the emancipators propose an immediate abolition, j j What is , the proposition' then as it regards those States an parts of States, bot the alternative of amalgamation with the blacks, or an exchange of situations with them ? Is there any man of common sense who dees not believe that the emancipated blacks, being a ma- it tdo hard to get. .the floor to give it up. I canhol let go my grip gonial I have said whit I have to say. can U tell the gentle miri tha, unless I am miftaken in thesins of the times, this modern, democrat v will end. J ;This Van , Buren- the political rights "with the whites, and when possessed of these, thai the wi) riot contend for a fall share of the social rights also f What but the extremity of weakness ahdT folly could induce any one to think that soch propositions as inese couia ue usienea; 10 pja peppie so inieill rent as those of the Southern States t Farther, the emancipators generally declare that it is their intention to effect their object falthboeh their acts contradict the assertion; by . no other means than by convincing the slave-holders, that the immediate; emancipation of Ibe slaves is called for both by: moral obligation and! soond policy. An unfledged yooth ati the moment of his leav- iDr inaeeo, in many ; instances qetore ne nas left) bis Theological iSeminary,anderlakes to give lectures upon moials to the coanfrymen of Wythe, lueker, fendieton, and jbowndes, and lessons" of political wisdom to States'; whose af- lairs nave so receniiy.oeen, nirecieo ) Jenerson and ' Madison, Macon and Crawford- 13 It pos; sible-that n8iances of reatet; yanity and pre sumptiR coald be exhibited I" T ' " Vv- ' But he coarse pariued oy" the emancipators is unconatituiional. 11 do not say that 'there "are any Words in the Conslitction which forbid sach the States for. the purpose of depriving those of another portion of the rights which tbey bad re served at the adoption of the Constitution, and in the exercise of which 'none but' themselves have any concern or interest, vlf slavery be an evil, (and no one more readily acknowledges .it than I do,) the evil is with them. If there is guilt in it, the guilt is theirs, not ours, since neither the States where it does not exist nor the Government of the United States can, with out usurpation of power and the violation of a solemn compact, do any thing to remove it, with out the consent of those j who are immediately interested. With that consent, there is not a man in the whole world who woold more will ingly contribute his aid to accomplish it thaa I would. If my vote could effect it, every sun plus dollar in the treasury should be appropriated to that object. But they j will neither ask fbr aid nor consent to be aided, so long as the illegal, persecuting and dangerous movements are in progress of which I complain ; the interest of an concerned requires mai inese snouia oe im mediately stopped. This can only be done by the force of public opinion, and that cannot too soon be brought into operation. Every move ment which is made by the abolitionists in tho non-slave-holdiog States is viewed by our South ern brethren as an attack upon their rights, and which, if persisted in, most in the end eradicate those feelings of attachment and affection be tween the citizens of all the States which was produced by a community! of interests and dan- gers in tne war or tne icevoiation, wnicn was the foundation of our happy Union, and by a continuance of which it can alone be preserved.' I entreat yon then, fellow-citizens, to frown up on the measures, which are to produce results so much to be deprecated." Without entering into a full detail of the mer its of the gentleman at the head of this Govern ment, I turn to the supporters of Ihe Anminis tration, and7 ask them, if they please, to show me 'wherein the present Chief Magistrate of this Union ever held such! language as this ? Has he ever declared that the abolition of slave- ry would be unconstitutional un 'tne contra ry, hasriie not declared and. admitted that, with the lights before him, he could not 6ay but that tt might be abolished r Has be ever said that the efforts" of these petitioners were " weak. injudicious, presumptuous, j and unconstitution- l 7" Has ha ever " entreated them to pause in their career ?" No man can answer in the affirmative to these, questions for Martin Van Buren, with truth and sincerity. What has he said what has he done ? ' Let ns render un to Csesarthe things which are Cscaar's." In that great and truly alarming agitation of the question of slavery as regards the Stajie of Mis souri, Mr. Van JbJaren proved, by his vote, that he was opposed to slavery ;; and not only that he was opposed, but that-he would refuse to ad mit a State into the Union rather than that her people should judge and act for themselves in the question of slavery. He voted in the Legisla ture of IMew York to instruct an ultra federal ist (Rufus King) to refuse the admmisskm of Missouri into this Umou if her Constitution re cognized slavery. I do not give the words of the resolution, pot the substance. Where was old Tippecanoe at that vastly im a err ' 'a ponani crisis in our anairs f siae oy side in this House with those that led the van in favor nf slavery side by side with the republicans -of the south, he made a fall and glorious sacrifice of himself for the people of Missouri. He voted to sustain her eonstititftbnat right of slavery, and was beaten out of Congress for the pari he took m.behalf of Southern interests and Southern in stitutions. Is the gentleman from Missouri ;n the House? Oh, Missouri! (Oh, Misery T) W hat has Mr. Van Buren done for you 7 If Mr, Van Buren had done as much fores as General Harrison, I woold not hesitate to marshal myself in his ranks at once, as be now pretends to be so much of a State r'rghts man; but still I fear his measures.! His message re commends strict economy ,(gocd,)nt he intimates rery plainly that after all the economy he re commends has been used by us, there will still be adificit of revenue, and leaves us to infer, as I understand him. that more f will be wanting. United States Iran'.! wilh any servant cr t and eveiy slave in; said Territory, ccnir';: act, shall,- thereupon, his or her freedom.' ' It was deterrnin: I 23, nays 20. : ' On motion by Mr being desired by cr, f sent, i . : "Those who vutc ! ' Messrs. Bartour, I iana. D'Wolf, Eater, of Mississippi, Jchr. of Louisiana, Kin Noble, Pleasants, fcr:"f Dyke, Walker, War , NVilliams of Tenne: "Those who vote ? i - "Messrs. Baitcn, I Chandler, Dickcrso.. King of New York, I I Mills, Morrill; Otis, I Seymour, Thomas, V.' - The enemies cf :: nied-him one qualit ah eminent ; degree . treading in the fc 1 predecessori" ho I: faltering. A severe: the board, and ho e! Geo. Jackson, in !.: -do a deed so bold, sands of American c:: franchised by cn esc; doubt, in secret, to I tho Clerk of this II c by which a Stale 1: her Representative:, of giving the Presic; ; power to rule this He action of this Ileus?, t tiori. : If not this a'tr.; Has history any para!' ! solved legislative bed but here the Preside., done almost without z , Mr. Speaker, I have it here, elected as 1 r. : party of Georgia to a f on the principle thst 1 to this Adoiinistratic r. -opposed to Mr. Van ; moasures enumerated ia behalf of ray con;:; to him I cannot corr mong those who folio and I seek ibis early c fine my position," that i pected by any man livi; A man like me, Mr. ever been acenstotsed to the beautiful forests five land nncontrolled authority, cannot sabrr. ; with the shackles cf with Van Burenism. I.t , go against this Ad mini goes wrong, and when it home, y, ; L Some member rcpli here a long time, my . . iff I were compelled t contest between Williar. Martin Van Buren, I u c declare in 1835 that t!. olitionists was 'wtak. sumptuous k and uncc ; that, too, in a non-slavr . to, a non slaveholdin ; who stood by Missouri protected the great va 1 1 ey c his deeds of valor, and habitants peace and pre! danger and alarm sue!, a! Harrison. And, if I preference for, him over should act uncandidiy to dishonestly wi:h myself. 1 efforts of the abolitions: I am proud to call his r own. Hence I say, reft abominable petitions, cr. fanatics. . jority, wil not insist upon a fall , participation of j How we are lo raise h under the plans in his message, without an inerease of tariff duties, is not fbr me to say. x The sooth may look out. I pass over many of his aets, and . come, down to bis last public act, by which he proves himself to be novo what he was in early lite the constant, oncom promising enemy of Southern institutions. I mean hivolein regard to slavery in Florida. On every occasion where he1; has toted on the question of slavery, be has voted against it.-" - Extract from the SenateJournat. . The Senate resomed, as in Commrtiee of the Whole, the consideration of the bill for the estab lishment of a 'territorial government in Florida ; and, the bill having been amended, it was repor ted to the House accordingly; anJ, ; - "On the question 1 0 concur in tbe arnendment to the 1 1th section, to strike out, ; after the word 'freedom, in the 14th line thefeof, the residue of said sect ion, as follows: I -" No sla ve'or staves shall, direetljr or indirect ly, ba in trodnced into tbe said Territory;: except by a citizen of the United . States removing loto the said Territory for actoal settlement, and be jhgat the time of such removal, bona fide own er tf such slave or slaves ; or any citiicn of the EXPLORING E. The following is a enp ceived at the Navy Dcj U. S. Sin: Jtfatavia Bay, Sey.t. Sir j I have tho honor val at this anchorage af. ; ty days from Calfaohai 4o examining ahd survey i: lands to the noith ward leave to submit the folio , operations o ine t.xpion dermy command, since r Callao on the 1st of July 1 We sailed from Calls 3 Jnly, after completing cur and outfits, haying Leer. by tne lacuures anu Kinu McKeevcr, in command Falmouth. the trade wind with fine t track we passed over the ! to an Island, as laid dotTn chart, but saw nothing cf anee of land in the vicini: On our route daily c 1 .1- e i . raaueoi ;ne aeep sea We made the Island ( n'm on the 13th of Au;; completed a survey, c: longitude of its southeast deg. 21 rain. 12 sec. rc : deg. 32 mm 41 sec. sou;. PfAm lfiPniA rut mnrr , 1 land) the distance frcin C nmjbeing 2? miles. II c r a careful survey of the i nnlhfaftt nru'nt in Inncit: Ify sec. west, and latitui: 10 sec. souths We saw nothing of Mi i. We then proceeded la wards he Hisannnintrir and in our .way fell in r.i which was uninhabited, r east poinj in longitude 11 sec. latitude 14 deg. . i From thence to V j M: appointment, group, the : which we found ioMK. S3 Ili'4v: - -4 r.. Bt , ; 't t i l mm- fir ft
Carolina Watchman (Salisbury, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Feb. 21, 1840, edition 1
2
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