Hi! 1 i iwm of tlic, Watchman - J'&riTk pefrfeiil Two DoVlars' payable in fd'SStVat If nptpa.J in dTace. To dollar 4 filly iris! wUt bcbrgedu;.,C ;, ' ' ;ptfj.VTijiiNt3in-rjed at $1 for the first, and 25 els. f,f ach lufReq'nt insertion. Court orJf rs chirged 2.1 jrr'ctrhr,i. Ihftii thes ratca. ; A.. liberal deduc tiod t tltoa.who advertls by the year. rrTTtaOo'ihatditoramuat be post paid. HOV SOFTLY ON TUE BRUISED HEART; -'-, " t 1 How if 1 1 V on die bruised hem ' A wfcrJ of kindnesa fails, '"And jo -e dry and parched tool -i ; j i Ttje moiat'ninj teir-drop calls . j O, if jibey know, who walk the earth Mi jborrow,-grief and pain, The1 poWer -a wold of kindness barb, , .; rTwehrcj paradise again. The wakeijt, and lbf poorest, may : ; This, aim pie piiunceiye. i '.mA,U;M .Liicrhr to wilber'd hearts V- j i jttfwVn '-nd ,ivr ' ' Hi pi'Vhaj idife if love be lost ? ,. If pai. nnkirifl ta .inn -- Orwhnf tbf htraven Hit' v.) beyond ' Tbiabriff but mortal ppan I Aaataratipon ui tranquil sea In rniinic fory shine; So words oTliiritJnr-- in the heart ; Betray (heir source divine ; . u O, then,Ae kind, 'whoe'er thou art T I !' Thnjt breatbest mortal breath, j And it afiall brighten all thy life, ,;',! Arid sveeen every death. " r SPKECII OF MR. THOMPSON, Qfclndian(t ifi the House of Rrprtstnta ;? ii tivh, January 25, 1819. Mr. THOMPSON, of India na, was cn ''tit fed to the floor, and addressed the com mittee durjrfg the hour. 1 rA-Ji' .V" .. . - v, v . r T u " u V1 , V V .J-UJL-LL JJ U LV JLLJLJlLX l U and immediaiely aftrwafd3 tleclarrd.hr i ' N , X ' ' 1' r - f - -V ' . - ' r . - ----- '- T vr y 'if1 jjA-EEF A CHECK. CPOH ALL TOCR 1 " C- Do THIS, A?D LtBEBTY IS SAFE." ', I 'Iff.' NEW' SERIES, VOLCMEi'V, NUMBER 40 SALISBURY, N. C, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1849. which greW out of that interesting and important question. The discussiori of the! Missouri compromise, and the admission ofnhat State into the Union, shook this Union to its very centre ; the spirit of fa naticism and of faction well nigh worked the dissolution of that glorious Union, un der whose' preservation our rights had been so long guarantied and maintained. But conciliation, compromised and conces sion, arrain nrevHilprK nnrl tK Union nrl i a i ----- itv v iiiyu a a V4 us integrity were safe. We heard nothing more of 'tliet agita ting question of the abolition of sllaverv (pre one who bore his own name- a name Jvrr revered and honored had become Associated with a political hack, through the instrumentality of a political organi ithis transaction wjhich struck his mind-as j tion : " and is notoriously a reproach to rather curious: that was.jhat ultra-slavery j our country throughout Christendom." and jmen on that side of the House and ultra- ; said, if he wanted to do anything else thnn ianti-slavery men this sale coalesced ; that ; agitate the question ol slavery for politi and immediateh- afterwards declared by law, that nothing in the act of 1601 should be to construed as to present the ngh't'bf ', the master to take his slave ifrdfrr onV i county into the other, and to bring him irom iUaryianti witnin uie uisinci; to that now,' while a gentleman living; in ' Virginia could not bring his slave into tlieJ District of Columbia, onleiss be came with'' the bona JiJc intention of 'becoming 'a crt izen. or as a temporary sojourner. yetia J citizen of iManland might do so, because of the compact between the General Go vernmeut and Maryland. Now, all they s had cot to do was this! inst rental thi : " , - , j Ration, to carry into execution the very .they got together in pressing this question cal purposes, he would seek to do it by : law of Congress of 1801, which made pro-'" doctrines against his illustrious father had j upon the action of the House. How tbey ! earnest appeal to his brethren of the South. I vision for ihe right oL the 'master to ifa f i T " J. l",uuSuo"- 3 wuoie oug aiiu i Koi togetner, ne tna noi unaerstara. rer- lie would employ no terms ot tlenuncia- , with his slave to and fro, and they revived j Useful life. jhaps before this session of Congress ex-' tion or rebuke. The men of the South the oneratinn of the Marvln'ml Uw rir7rt i .t The result of the late Presidential elec tjon had seemed to produce one convic tion upon the minds of certain gentlemen, and that Was. tht there Was in some of the Mates of this Union, lodged in the j iMr. Gott. It was in the following words: 1 the earnest entreaty of our fathers. -m-.-a a . s. . . r ,u oi ,nis party, me oaiance oi pomi- : Whereas the traffic now orosecuted in this - - - w a 1835-30, akin to and precisely like the one which was made immediately after the formation of the Constitution, to inter fere with slavery and the slave trade State of Pennsylvania, in 1835-3G- pray ing Uongress to abolish theslave trade and slavery in the District oPtolumbiaj. The question which arose at that time was on the reception of the memorial : a inittinn j ; '(le said he proposed to spend the brief! was made to lay it on the table, and a ve- Lour allotted to him in the consideration j rv large majoritv of the House of Renre. of matters connect el with the question of I sentatives did lay that memorial on the slavery ; and he did this, he could assure j table, by voting to lay the question; of its the 'committee, with no little reluctance, reception on that table ; and at the Wad for t was tlje first time in his life wheii of . those who voted in the majority upon he had, entered upon such a discussion. j that occasion, stood the venerable afid dis- 11 e did it, however, from the promptings r tinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, who but the other day fell in this Hall, covered all over with national glory and renown. Men had not learned in that day to disregard the Constitution a(id the law ;. men had not learned at that day to be continually attempting encroachments upon the rights of the States , of this Un ion, as fixed andi guarantied under our Federal Constitution. the Whig Or the Democratic DartV tO Come i atttl is nntnrinulv a rpnrnnrh tr nnr r.mntri; to them, and thus enable them to accom- jlhroughout' Christendom, and a seiious hinder" Irtish, their purpose. , They were mistaken j ante to ihe progress of republican liberty a ih the Whig nartv of the! North and the Having the nations of the earlh : therefore, the District of Columbia. A memorial i Democratic nartv of the North, neither!! " solved. That the Committee on the DJs- was presented to .this House, frqm the ! of whom sympathized in anv degree what- i lricl of Columbia be instructed lo report a bill, in of a cofivicion that he represented on this floor, a class. of people 'who required at his bands that upon all and every suitable occAiiqn hrj Should endeavor, with what evef ability .he might possess, to bring1 to tear upon tljis great question which now agitated the ji Union all tbconservatism itMl!coiiciliaion which he knew and be-, lieveu that they felt. It needed not now, ti said, (fwlcvrrybody' knew it.) that to ipgujge "in tjensuro and denunciation of "one Section of the Uiibn against another. was not only calculated to do no good, hut io do serious liarm ; to disturb the harmony of that Union which had so long ;been"our security .and ""our strength. Tlie institutiJn' of slavery was one tlUtcli found jits existence in this country against the consent of our forefathers, irt despite of (lie urgent remonstrances, the ifbeftls of; eVery single one 6T the Amef tcn coloniei. it was found here at the commencement of that gloridus Uevolu iion vvhicb sulted-in the establishment of otlr Federal Constitution : and. at the di;e of our Declaration oY American I tit jpired. they would get together again. ( (said Mr. T.) are not responsible for slave- and then if a man brought his slave her-, - " - x-- i j uui iiifr tuuiu nut uciji j iuc iiiiMiirui uu came vi I III I ii me limns OI-" He proposed how to speak of the reso-! it. It was fixed upon the n, evil as it was, i the District of Columbia for the purpose Lot ion of the srentleman from New York, acainst the earnest rpmonstmnn naHinst of earrvin" nn th illrrol iruilt Kni-in. r-j - c . . - .... .a v- a ww,tcw . r "" . - 1 i . .i ii . .1.. s ... . . It ' anu selling slaves, that moment his slaves was there ; let them get rid of it accord- , were free ; but if he came wiih the bona ing to the promptings of their own judg- j fide intention of becoming a resident Of ment, in the best way they could. But the District, or-as a necessary sojourner, when thej' here, in this Hall dedicated to he held his s'aves. He ventured to affirm, national legislation, talked about an insti- that there- was not a gentleman from the tut ion which existed in one part of this extreme South who would not vote to ,e union under the .law of the sovereign States they had no right lo denounce it as against the spirit of the age, and against the liberalizing influences of Christianity. This was the Hall of the national legisla tion a Hall consecrated to the Union of He had voted against this resolution ! the States; and though one gentlemahjlhepurpo.se and be passed to do this ve 'of the gentleman from New York, for the i came from a slave constituency, and an- ry thing, to restore the law of 1796,-arid reason, first, that it assumed that " traffic i other came from a free constituency, they then the old law of Maryland would be now prosecuted in this metropolis of the i were each bone of the other's bone and ; in force, and slaves could not be brought T LI' '' I ... L I -.1 n t I n I II '! in nere lor sale. c 4 be well doubted, however, bow as soon as practicable, prohibiting the slave trade in said District. vive this law today. Here, then, was -common ground on which gentlemen from all sections of the country might stand. . Let such a bill be introduced and if no other gentleman did, he was ready to in- y .1 ;.vi I i ? irouuce it, ior ne nau a oil! drawn up lor erican ever with the objects, purposes, or ulti hate designs of the political, fanatical abolitionists. " ' I The Presidential election over, this ses sion of Congress commenced. What did vi'e see? First, a nronnsitinn marie, nnnn the floor of the House of Renresentnt i vp i IluDublic iti human beinffs as chattels, is flesh of his flesh : we were all Am directly, unaualifiedlv. to aholish slavprv I'contrarv to natural iustice and the funds- ! citizens, nrotected and shielded hv the It mieht . . i "-r-' - 'J. i - . . ... . . .- .. ,. " . . . . . - : - . " .. - in the District ol Columbia, without tjie jtmental principles ot our political system, j same Constitution, guarded by the same tar they could now complain of tne fact consent of Maryland without the consent iHe did not recognize that as being true ; laws; we had a common fame a common hat the slave trade continued toexist in of Virginia, without the consent of the jand this led him to the consideration of ancestry, and a common revolutionary re- 1 that part of the District east of the Poto slaveholders of the District. A direct at- i;the question whether, under our Feder- ! nown. He held that the Congress of the mac river, when it-ras recollected that tipmpt to exercise the Federal power of H' Constitution and the compact between United States hadjno right to employ terms , only two or three years had elapsed since this Government to do that which all good'ihe States, we were compelled to recog- of denunciation iaginst the South or the retrocession of the,county of Alexan rhen of all parties had declared that Con- I jnze property as existing in the slaves of j against the North. They stood here, he j dria to Virginia. He could not imagine gress had neither the legal power to do. !the South ? He knew but one mode, un- repeated it, upon ground consecrated by how it was that gentlemen who advoca- ider the Constitution and the law of this j the labors and wisdom of our fathers, and 7 ted retrocession of that county to Virginia, mr thatit was right that itshould be done. That resolution had been voted down by this House, but he was astonished to see that it commanded so large a vote as it did. Next, they saw a proposition to submit country, to determincupon a question of law arising upon a conflict between the -States, or between the States and the Fed eral Government. In determining wheth er slaves were property, he was compell 1 This attempt was frowned down bv the House of Representatives. 13ut still the country was agitated ; and that agnation continued until about 1840, when these petitions were continually prese:ntingH themselves to the consideration ofl Con gress; and when to get rid of them, sou thern gentlemen on this floor adoptejd the celebrated fwentyrst rule," which de nied to the peopled! the North the right to petition Congress on the question of slavery. Here, two extremes wereibouf to meet. Immediately upon the adoption of the '' twenty-first rule," the questjon of the abolition of slavery in the District of to the people of the District of Columbia ; p(l to at the decisions of the Supreme the question as to whether slavery should iCourt of the United States, and nowhere secured by that Constitution which was fixing slavery forever upon the county of Iramed by the conservatism ot that day ; Alexandria, unless the Legislature of Vir the checks and balances of which guarded ! ginia chose to abolish it, now complained against inroads from abroad and from fac- f the existence of that institution on this tion at home, by the wisdom, virtue, and side of the line. If Congress had juris- or should not exist here, and placing the negro man even the slave of the Dis trictupon a par with the White man in determining the question whether the slave's bonds should be broken. A prop osition thus to legislate needed but to be slated to any portion of the American peo ple to be repudiated, condemned, jand else ; and he must express his surprise to have heard, upon this floor, the doctrine asserted, that under the Constitution of he United States there was no recogni tion of the right of the slaveholder to his property. He did not intend to detain the moderation which characterized that era. This resolution asserted that slavery, as it existed in the United States, was " a serious hinderance in the progress of re publican liberty throughout the earth." Well, he could not, for the life of him, im- diction (as they thought) of this question, they had given it upas far as related to the county of Alexandria, and surrender ed the power of ever disturbing the rela tion of master and slave there. Hut suppose they passed this resolution committee by reading at any length, but j lieve evil though he agreed the institu agine what, sort of an abstraction that , suppose they passed a bill in this gen- was ; nut it was not true, lie did not he- eral form abolishing s averv in thn ni ne had before him the interpretation of ;the clause of the Constitution " No per son held to service or labor in one State," spurned by that people. 5 Next, they had before them a nronosi tion to abolish the slave trade within the j i&c bearing upon this subject, given by District of Columbia. He would remark i Judge Stocy. : .. - . . . . . . " . ' i ti'. . I TT; with reference to this, that he had thought- Columbia became a suspended question. ! ,here was a class of gentlemen on this . . i I . i i i i and there was, substituted in lieu of it, in dependence, which; on its lace declared Ll 'nt.tun ,u . C .! ' . ,1 1 ,. the nortnern -fNta fps th miPttmn Af ika that all tti eir a ro - c r e a ted equal ," e ye r y iiriRle;oieiqf.the American coJonies held, by viruof Existing laws, a rignt'in slaves to property, lixed and recognized by the municipal legislation of each one of the colonies. . ; . ' j The insjthution of slavery existed, there tore, hrfori? tlie formation of the Articles Confederation,. and before the forma tion of our; Federal Constitution, But ies grew out of. its existence even in the! Congress of the. Confederation : in the apportionment between the Colonics of the amounts to be paid by the se veral Idiom the northern -States, the question qf the right of petition." The consideration of that question appealed so strongly to the feelings of the North, that a large propor tion of northern citizens became accus tomed to act with the party which, was urging upon Congress the recognition of the right ol petition, and continued to act floor who had always denied to Congress jurisdiction of the question of slavery with in the District of Columbia, or within the States ; yet he was astonished, when that resolution came into this Hall, to find these same gentlemen forcing the House to take jurisdiction of this bill, and, that against the earnest remonstrances of this side of the Hall. When that resolution Story says, in the case of Prigg vs. the Common wealth of Pennsylvania, 10 Pe Uers, 611: "The last clause is that, the true inter- tion of slavery was that the slavery of the African race had ever kept the Anglo Saxon, or any other white race from free dom in any degree whatever. He did not believe it. Historically, it was not true. The fact of the institution of slave ry existing in the colonies jof the United States did not impede the progress of our trier of Columbia what next ? The next proposition which would come from the political Abolitionists of the North would' be to abolish the slave trade between the States. He was no alarmist ; he abomi nated these continual threats of dissolu tion ; he had no respect for the man who eternally talked about breaking asunder of concord and fraternal affection which fathers in their establishment of a repub- had so long held us together ; be had no sympathy with such movements ; but h the number of political; fanatical aboli tionists at the North. This right of j peti tion was a "sacred right. The North was ies :. towards defraying the .public i I i . Li.- : . . ..." Wvthe institution ol si t , , ry was a very j addressed in this behalf ; and there (point Knout ami tiiHrmmg imp, .lmni m uie ; ing to the sat formerly occupied by Mr, anu iicn, ior. uie nrsw utile in uie utMory bf American legislaiion, in the old Con g.resa of th'e poiifederaiion, was adopted that phociplr of compromise by which, in it with them in defence of this great riht, PJ-oposing to abolish the slave trade in the so thatthey became, almost insensibly,' Pis,,:ct of Columbia was submitted to the political abolitionists; and thus he yerily i Cons'oeration of this House, the! previous believed, the adoption of the 21st (rule" 1 9uest,on ws calkd upon it ; and it would bad a.tendenev to stremM bon n,l in-.. ! be recollected that the distinguished gen- ; j . o . . t .. . c r .1 I e .t iieman irom vjiiio, ine cnairman oi tne Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. Yinton," got up in his place and implored the House to pass by that resolution, -by Voting down the proposition to put the .-i - . . ? . . 1 1 ... i i . i Afl.ml sfnnd th. iivt inoniichurt rrnti i main question, uur. me records ot tne man from Massachusetts to whom he had 1 uLse showed that twenty-six gentlemen just alluded, day after day, month 'after ; lhe democratic party from the slave month, and year after year, continually! States., representing slave constituents; pmnrni,t in tni Hu in ti. r,L., M voted to order the main question, and force the enumtf ration of the inhabitants to be tion Gf that high constitutional right juntit i;Te Housf to a d,rect vote uPon the 9ues' taieaj two thirds of the slaves in each of ' tjlft excitement became so great that a ron' against the earnest remonstrances urvyi,mes vere xieoucieu. i nai com- porli0n of the northern people, living in promise wa, he4dby the men ol that day lhe Slilte of Massachusetts, throushl that same distinguished Representative, j pre sented a memorial Upon this floor praying tht flnni'rpw VVm'llfl ! L- i etcne fur' tha f TT- , rri TU:,. . immediate dissolution of the Union. , ' U,,,L vu,,,ueu mr. i., in3. Those gentlemen who were present recol- -ou .He always denied that Congress has lected the exciting scenes which hook ! Jurisdiction over the questmn.of which place upon this floor on that occasion, and ;ou ,orced u to take Jurisdiction by your rnllorteil wirb wht hilirv witK ivKr !,own vote. when vve wanted to stave itoft 5. r-l lf ft - n I I n r I.Mn 4t-k-krMftn r-xri i n ' power, that " old Iman rvuwt luc l-''v.uu .i-.i.i u: i,. ... .u was iiiooiueu. assaults of those who ntthffl him elim. tw of representation in the Congress of ; ing ony this that while. he did not,feith' , ui)ueu .fcjaies. mis same uiiucuiiy a er in sentiment or feeling, accord ir one . andUhi same difliculty was compro- jot or tit,le with the-sentiments of thp me nedjnrefcis'ely the same way as it had morialhe stood prepared to maintain the right of - petition; as guarantied to the American citizen. - Upon that Jnretation whereof is directlv in iudgment lican government. But it was true that before us. Historically, it is well known j those countries where vice and immorali jtbat the object of this clause was to se- ! ty and superstition and ignorance prevail jcure to the citizens of the slaveholding J ed to the greatest extent as for example, States the complete right and title of own- Mexico, and he believed a number of the jership in their slaves as property, in eve- j oouth American republics recognized no ;ry State in the Union into which they 1 such thing as the institution of slavery, jmight escape from the State where they j The question of slavery was not one to be were held in servitude. The full recog- j viewed in this light ; it was a question be- nition of this right and title was indispen- tween the immediate personal interest of Isible to the' security of this specie of pro- ! the slaveholder and the slave ; and he did perty in all the slaveholding States ; and. ; not now expect to discuss the question, ! trample upon the rights of the South. indeed, was so vital to the preservation of as to whether slavery might or might not He had spent the first one-half of his life their domestic interests and institutions. 1 have been an evil to : the black race. If south of Mason and Dixon's line, and the the colonization scheme, or any other other north. of Mason andDixou's lino scheme which might be devised by the ingenuity and benevolence of man for planting the African race on its native shores, should be instrumental in building hold them that just so sure as the sun of heaven shone, just so sure as we were now a union of .States, just so certainly must that union become dissevered and broken, if the municipal rights of tho States were thus interfered with. The South should not trample upon the rights of the North, so far as he represented the rights of the North ; nor would he so help him God he would not attempt to that it cannot be doubted that it constitu ted a fundamental article, without the ad option of which the Union could not have been formed. Its true design was to guard against the doctrines and principles prev alent in the non-slavcholding States by ! up a republican form of government there he thought he knew the Wople of the North, and he thought He knew the peo ple of the South ; and he told those gen tlemen here, both from the South and from the North, who talked about disunion, that to he 'necessary; and essential to the har- tpohyj.of.rthc Confederacy. It did restore fcaCj and quiet.' But the Confederated vof rrtment.lor reasons which were man ffotvto jQut fathers at the. time, was not lulRc'u'ntly strong to enforce uponthe. Monies he legislation of the Confedera ted Ctingressj and hence the Convention as called which resulted in the forma- 1 earnestness and "on 'pi our preseitt r ederal Constitution. Anu in titini?. in that Convention, the ra preventing them from intermeddling with, or obstructing or abolishing the rights of the owners of slaves." j Now. fsaid Mr. T.. there was a solemn. and direct vot of twenty-eight Whigs and j; deliberate opinion of the Supreme Court ; tn Democrats from the slave States. (of the United States, given by Judge Sto- I Mr. MEADE, (in his seat.) What of jry, a northern judge, of the highest attain i - ; ments, which settled the question as be- What of it ? is asked by the gentleman tween the North and the South of the. right of the master to his slave, by the Federal Constitution, Was recognized as property. He held that the man who at tempted to array popular opinion against this settled law of the land, as expounded by our highest judicial tribunal, and thus forever fixed and settled, was an enemy to the public welfare and the public peace-lie and establishing the freedom of that race, they did not represent the feelings of the "" he would leave it for the moralist of after days to determine, whether slavery had or had not been an evil to the black man. This resolution proposed to abolish the slave trade in the District of Colombia. What was the " slave trade ?" HecouIJ not understand this resolution as meaning anything more or less than that they pro American people on this great question. No; they did fiot represent the heart of the American people. The heart was es sentially conservative oh this and all oth er questions. , . jf. But suppose Congress attempted to in- -terfere with the slave trade between the ' States: the inevitable, positive, direct rc: law by which the District of Columbia was ceded to the United States for the nurnoses of a seat of the Federal Govern- begged that gentlemen would not inter- j or elsewhere. Look at the effect of it up- ment, Congress had no legal right to in posed to interfere with the relation of the suit must be the dissolution of the Union.' slaveholder and the slave in the District He did not complnin of ;the severe terms of Columbia. He had shown that Con- of denunciation which southern gentle, gress had at no time before hesitated for a men were in the habit of s metims em single instant in declaring that this ought ploying towards the North. Northern not to be done. He held that, under the man though he was, he'w'as compelled to Mr. MEADE rose to say a word, but Mr. 1 HOMPSON declined to yield, and scared not whether he was upon this floor n donti b'the Congress of the Confed eration. ftnts of the Government, and by the peo- tion on which the House bad been com fk themselues, efforts were made by ap- pelled to vote within the last two or three Ms to Fetleral. legislation to interfere 1 weeks. He then said, in order to f stop ;Mtfe the rights; which had beepguaran- j this agitation, in order to arouse thejeon MWd secured under thatglorious char- I ciliatory spirit of his countrvmen. Within r of our riihiL and at a very fearly time i the District of Columbia, vou men of the rupt him. j on the institutions of our country, there 4 When the cause (he said) is once in j was a time in our history when the " slow, court, and you have takea jurisdiction of junmoving finger of scorn," would be "poin- it, you may decide either for the claimant ted" with fixed purpose upon the man who in the checks and bal- ftrkeinn ..-.IW..,. V I tl. v I lull, V w f IV,.,! . . a .: ! Mr. Adams-as it were, almost pressed lo ' or lnst h,m ; vh!n Vou have no dared attempt to break down or i the- wall by his adversaries-was com- i Jurisdiction, you have no power to decide j least degree impair those checks an Very soon after the formation of the Phnel ii iaii ''tit tli.. TTnifXt Stnl.ic ami K X. - i ii .-iii' - : L ii ' . ,-t. ... i i i either wav. Hv nressirtof this nnestinn nn. Unnoc ti l.'h ttS Pn&titntirtn 5it4( law h:iH ore a titpi rr n;tri nt nn, nau oeen oiven nenea 10 tier nrn nmi riirt r nrA what nis i J '---o. -----, -r . ..... . . .. iMbatiihstrument bv the several depart- own feelings were upon this Very W5n,yQa have admitlH the jurisdiction thrown around the rights of tl of Congress over slavery within the Dis thct ot Columbia. ! Mr. VINTON (the floor being yielded; at bis request, for a word of explanation) said he had asked the House not to sus- the citizen ; but we had seen the Constitution and the law trodden down beneath the foot of par terfere with the' relations between slave and master here.! What was the " slave trade" here ? He heard a great deal said about " slave pens ;" about slaves sold at auction ; about stripping the mo'her from the child, cc. These things might exist here, but he did not know of them. Since he had first come to the District of Colum bia, he had never seen a negro sold ; he had never seen a band of negroes taken tv occasionally, and Dorrism and other off by the slave-trader; he had never seen ;m snrintrinfr nn nnnn the shattered fracr. the slave-trader. He did not know where ments of the broken Constitution and law. admit that some of the people of the North deserved a good deal of what was said bf them by southern men. : He. could not im agine, for instance, what was better cal culated to arouse the feelings of the South ! their indignation, if gentlemen pleased' than an atttempt ori the part of the northern States of this Union to interfere with and check lhat Congressional legis lation which had been devised, under the Constitution, for the securing of the rights of the master when his slave escaped from' him into another State. He believed there were some of the States of this Unjon who had repealed their; legislation on this subject, and there were others whoinfiic iVNal fys Wde to the,Feileral arm , North have nothing to do with the fight "on necause ne v inter ff re With tlie institution of slaver of the master to his slave ; and helsaidi Tre' vo,ing . 11 w !mfeWraIiStatesofthe Union. Con;, i if he were called upon to vote upon a bill save off '0,t,ng u tain the previous questjon on the proposi- j except when the pover of the States and Hon because he wanted' to amend it De- of the Federal Government was enabled was not his i purpose to ? to hold these factions in check. ! j?RSVcomr)s d of -'wise, jof grave, of de to abolish slavery in lhe District of Co tie the preamble. Mr. THOMPSON continued. f . i r i a i - r . it upon It, but lo Strike OUt, : qp P,npatmt Sflntiment. and hft wish. sew ne Daa no iasie ,or &uc" your "slave pen was. It might be here, ted a penalty upontheir officers for aid-' however, and these things might happen ing the mister in arresting hisslave. ' He every day before the eyes of those gentle- thanked God h'e did not c6me from such' I 1 .1 ..1 .-. m. i I ' ' " " men wno cnose to nuni inem up ; ior mm- a constituency. 1 he people 'Wtiom ne re- Hecon- ed it fixed upon the minds of every man who heard him and of the country, that 1 1. . 1 . .'-.II I , . . . . . '.'UCrAt mJn J ,7 hni.,tii Aalmli' ou rn. l Inmhm. hp vvnnlM votn nannitf ir e iraploredlthe men from whom tfiese fMr.T.) well recollected the remark!; he ; curred with the gentleman from Ohio that, under-our form of Government, when our cAmf tn lt this nvritihir And arri Jl'no tiuej5t(otii alQhe, and stand by the Proise joliLthe Constitution. The iteration; the forbearance, the concilia Jbe cdmbrornfles of that day, tri- i,?l"Ptte(l Over faction: fact on became, still. recollected the sensation which itoroduc- i there was a desire on hisside ol the House; - highest judicial tribunal, the supreme ex ed in this Hall. (He had the reppj-t of i to strike out the preamble and that there pounder of the Constitution and law, had .; not. Jf the remarks by him ; but he would not ! Vas no disposition to stave off the ques4 fixed what the Constitution and law was, ; the slave consume me imie oi ine nouse ny reading : jf x ii-ii it.) The influence which Mr.',Adamf was sNrT') was not afraid to meet it. Gomj enabled to exercise unon this imDokant ng into this House from a free constitu? i r"" laciion; inciion orcame sun. enauieu iu itciisu ujiuh iiu uiipuri-mtv ,, " 1 The Country was not again excited with question was vry great throughou the r;ncy be had not voted ior it, but directly io'rtot'slavery.'until the applicaf ! wbble circumference of this land. But he , gnst it. r . as a State into the Union. He had scarcely been carried home to thd arly what the resolution' was. he wished icWcd,not refer to the acitatinc . scenes burial olacc of his fathers at Ouinci. be. ! l9 remark that there was one feature of What was the " slave tra- - " as refer: ; red to in this resolution ? It'was the right of the master to sell his slave. Congress had no right to say to him that he. should If gentlemen wanted to abolish trade, in the ordinary general he held that man to be an enemy to the acceptation of that term, it was very ea-sy public welfare who sought to array the to do it. When the btates ol Maryland popular opinon against the Constitution ; and Virginia ceded this ten miles square and law. There slaves were property ; to the United States for the purpose of a thev were'sn made bv the municinal laws seat of Government, provision was made of the States, and were so recognised un by the Maryland and Virginia law, that lhe der our Federal Constitution. He read the next clause of the resolu- lr' rxV vne. ri-snective States should prevail in the District of Columbia uutil presented, the Stale from which lie came Was essentially, emphatically, conserva tive upon this question of slavery. He represented a constituency among whom the master would be just as secure under the law ot the land, in attempting to re cover his fugi'ive slave, as he would 4e in any county in Virginia or North Caro . lina. He did not know of a judge or a justice of the peace within his State who would not give to the master every posw hie aid in his power to rrest hiA fugitive slave. They n her sympathised with the fanatical -A"litiotiist-iM'r uith the ultra pro slavery men of the South ; all 1 1 Ii r - 5 J'r it it'-; Ii' J f .i.T " i'-'i! 'is t 1 ; , ' - ' W ! , i-T" "" . ' r is T ; i L -i-i .1 I I 1 i V I - t ;

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