II
f - ! ' "" '
Whole Xo. 3(5 1.
Tarborough, (Hdgecombe County, X. C.) Saturday, July 4 1835i
Vol. XI Xo. x7.
Tirrb-)rauih Press:
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Communication
F03 TH12 TARB0R0 PUKS3.
"'i n? qualified Voters of the 3.7
Congressional District of V. 6
Fellow Citizens:
I i t,ie course of a long service
n
a your Representative, I have bodies politic ot any kind within
t eq ieiulv in the discharge of myj the limits of any State. In doing
'jiv addressed my views to you!'", it would not only violate tbe
' ui: ,Mr In ilnin.rsn ! Constitution, but let me sav 'o
l. it K ' '
lhave always appealed lo your
uiJersundiu and judgment, to
vjur mental and intellectual
iVuIties, not u your passions and
prejudices. I now present my
self to you again, appealing to
the tribunal of your reason and
ij .siice m behalf of myself and'
, m,e with whom I have been act-j
' t,i?. in appearing uciuic you ui
; present to deliver up an account
I of my stewardship, I come not as
a messenger of evil, but of good
not as one bringing the ill bod
kirand evil tidings of distress, of
war, of pestilence and famine
bat I come as the harbirigvr of
peace, plenty, and prosperity.
It gives me great pleasure to tayJ
that not within my memory has
the country presented such a pic
ture one so wholly in contrast
with the prophetic paintings of the
disturbed imaginations of the ene
mies of the present Administra
lion. What was the picture
drawn by the Opposition last
Congress? It was that of gaunt
misery, distress, and revolution.
What is that now presenting itself
in high relief to your senses? It is
that of peace and prosperity emp
tying the horn of plenty into the
lap abundance. Never were
predictions more completely falsi-
lied never were a set of faithful i
public servants more unjustly
jbased fur doing their duty nev-
r was there a more unnecessary
and unjustifiable attempt to abuse
i!ie hoiiesi confidence of an honeJsary curtailment, acknowledged
people, th in has been carried on
against ihe administrators of your
"ffurs during ihe last twelve or
eighteen mouths. But the scene
lias changed, the storm has passed
a,vay, and all is sunshine and
peace.
I purpose in a calm and pos-
ionless manner to remark on
some of the most prominent sub
jects and measuses of the last
Congress. The Bank of the
Uhed States, with its political
"d monied influence has been
ot the great causes of ourj
uisiutDances. 1 his instiiu-a
Uh
Un I have alwavs deemed un-
tjpstitutional, inexpedient, andL
I UlU'ar tfiil. . ' I J.
, - miui me true principles on
. 'juuncan insiuuiions. Late
events have not changed this opin
I I0"- They have confirmed and
! l'rrevocably established it. The
j "'fluence of its own misconduct
; the misrepresentations of its
j lleds, show how dangerous an
. jtjiution it is, how imperiously
l'1(-'inierest of the people and the
ability 0f our puitical inslitu
''ms demand its discontinuance,
"'y views as to the constitutional
- un'er f Congress lo create cor
( llioi.s of any kind have been
K.,Ven su fully on another occa
Slon lhal I will only show from
i ,lie Journal of the Federal Con
;lllubm that no such authority
' 5?lv,,n. Among the powers
',0IocU in Convention to be
'ruutel lo Congn's-t explicitly,
(s.vue of which were adopted ami
hers rejected.) were the two
following lorin to grant the
ehirlering faculty, without being
adopted. P ? 2C0, August
IvSth, 17S7: "fo grant charters
of int'orpoi Mtion in cases where
the public ?uud m y require
th-in. ami the authority of a
siiigit! State may he incompe
tent." Thts power if granted
would precisely hive included
the ease, of the United States
Haul;, but was not granted either
directly or indirect I v. Again on
the same psge. To grant char
ters of incoi poration ' this also
was withheld, and the two pro
portion embrace all varieties of
corporations, public as well as
private, and upon this authority
I have founded the opinion that
Congress cannot, without a vio
lation of the Constitution, giant
any charier of incorporation, ei
ther public or private, or create
ihose.who t iik about State Uights
and auvoc.te ihe Hank at the
same time, it would also most
pdpably violate their principles.
.Ate they aware, th.it they claim
for Conirre- ihe riht to settle
what are the personal and politi
cal franchise of individual;? to
;.nIt. lhe ia,
o .my eein;i
and political
an or sei oi
men within the State? for it
they can do it in one cnhp, they
may in any. Hut thi faculty lo
create bodies politic, within ihe
Stale-, of any description, has not
been granted. It iiiij;ht a well
be done tor one purpose as ano
ther. Those who sjv they are
opposed to the United States
Hank and wish it put down, seem
not to be aware that in attempt
ing lo desiroy the popularity of
President Jacksou for the remov
al of the depositee they are at
tempting to put down the only
means by which this powerful in
stitution, could hav been put
down. It is" not believed that
aay other man could have had
weight of character, decision and
popularity sufficient to have borne
up against o powerful an antago
nist. Few would have been willing
to risk their popularity, nor do
1 believe any other man could
have withstood its power. As
to the removal of the deposiles,
tjme has shown the total fjllacy
of the outcry made upon that
subject. And but for the noise
ma le by the politicians and friends
of the Bank, and its own unneces-
in effect to have been uunecessa
ry, it would scarcely have been
known. A moment's considera
tion will show the lolal inade
quacy of the cause to the effect,
charged lo the removal of the
deposites from the United States
Bank. The deposites consisted
of the revenue bonds taken by
collectors of the revenue at differ
ent ports in the Union, placed in
the Bank for collection. Now it
must be evident that Ihe mere
changing the place of collection,
could not lessen the amount id
money to be paid for these bonds
one dollar, whether collected by
one Bank or another, or by pri
vate individuals. Not a dollar
less was in the country, but at the
verv time of the panic and outcry
raised lo alarm the people, mil
lions of gold and silver coin were
fljwing into the country from
abroad. This was produced
mainly by the acts of Congress
adopting foreign coins as legal
money; the fact being, from what
ever cause, that between twenty
and thirty millions of gold and
silver have been brought into the
county within the short space of
twelve or fifteen months. Thus
relieving the country of any real
pressure from the contractions of
Bank circulation. The conduct of
the Bank as a fiscal agent render
ed the removal of the deposites
proper.. 1 not only approved the
measure, but think it was Ihe du
ty ot the Kxecutive under the
circumstances to do so; and the
only fault, iffmlt there was, con
sisicu in us noi neuig done quite
soon enough. Had the measure
been earlier adopted, the noise
and difficulty might probably
have been less and sooner over.
The improper acls of the Bank
leading to, and subsequently justi
fying the act of the Kxecutive in
removing ihe deposites were, iis
interference to postpone the pay
ment of a portion of the public
debt, that it might retain ihe
public money appropriated for
that purpose, to strengthen it in a
political corneal the extraordina
ry extension and contraction oi
its accommodations its improp
er and pirtiz in loans its exciu
ion ot the public directors from a
knowledge of its most important
proceedings the unlimited autho
rity conferred on the President of
the Bank to expend its funds in
hiring writers, ami procuring the
execution of printing, and the use
of that authority ihe retention
of ihe pension money and books,
aftt r the st lection ol new agents
the groundless claim lo heavy
dunagts in consequence cf the
protest of a bill drawn on the
French government, and the
seizure ot the dividends on pub
ic stock in the Bank as indemni
ty, contrary to law. I mmediatt'
ly alter the close of the first ses
sion of last Congress, an indirect
acknowledgment was announced
that in e ffect Ihe curtailment and
consequent panic were not neces-
aiy to the vdely ol Ihe Bank,
and that it was able logo on with
its usujI accommodations though
the deposiles hid not been icslor
ed, proving at once the ground
lessness ot the panic. As to the
power exercised under ihe au
thority of the executive govern
ment, it is expressly recognised
in the 16th section of the Bank
charter; a power known to have
existed and to have been exercis
ed from ihe organization ol the
tieasury department a power
which must exist in some officer
ol the government, somewhere,
ami in whomsoever it does exist,
the execution of this power being
the execution of the law, the offi
cer of necessity performs a part of
the executive power. It isimma
terial what depository we have for
the public money, whether the U.
States Bank, a State Bank, or
banks, still unless this power is ih
some responsible officer of the go
vernment, the whole revenue will
be o! necessity Jell in ihe control,
and at ihe disposal of an irispon-
sible power. V hat control have
Hie people ov-Dr Ue rresiueni and ;
Diiectois of ihe U. States Bank? j
What remedy would they have if,
the whole revenue should ue re
tained or impioperly used, and
the means of the Bank placed as
they might be out of the reach of
jrovernment?
On the other hand
vour public officers
are lesponsi-
hie in vaiious: ways. The 1 resi
vanous ways. i ne l resi-.
.i
is responsible to the people
, ,, X
'etion, through the influence!
dent
by election, througl
.if rviiKli A nrl nlrlii ifif4 t
peachment. And if guilty ofi?,uJ disagreeable task in exercis
Innh r.rimPS as ioslitv it. snh.V.Mi1' Only a shdte of thlS d.Stllbu
im
n ...Miin., ,it- iwMtr i,,w.ri i
I w r
out of oliice.
"The President, Vice
President, I
and all the civil officers of the United
btates, shall be removed lioni office j jy crea,ing jt. This is an essen
on impeachment ior, and con lciion j. ; c . . , r . , .
cf uxLon, bribery, or other high Hal reform which I hope short y
crimes and misdemeanors
Thus your highest civil officers
are trebly responsible, and are not
yet deemed worthy to superintend
the transactions relating to the
reveuue, while an irresponsible
body politic is justified in any
thing it may do. But 1 will not
dwell longer on this worn out sub
ject of the deposiles, all the pre
dictions in regard to which have
been wholly falsified. As to the
necessity for the United States
Bank as a fiscal agent, experience
and practice satisfactorily shew
that it is not required. The col
lection of the revenue, and the
transfer of funds to distant points
for disbursement, have been made
by the deposu hanks promptly,
e lect.ve y and wl,hout charge to
H'e public. addition to this
your money concerns are in a belt
w. Me , nan tney nave been tort
years. Executive usurpation and
executive natron ace have liWnn
-
charged and enlarged on without
measure and without justice or
propriety. Manv are not nwnri
that the executive cannot exercise.
any patronage without the previ
ous act of the legislative depart
ment of the government. All of-
nces are created by law. .The
President cannot create offices,
nor has he any but a participated
power to distribute them after their
creation. He can only "nomi
nate and by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate appoint"
to oliice, the Constitution itself
thus circumscribing" and restrict
ing the power of executive patron
age within much narrower limits
than many are tfware of. As to!
usurpation, like many others it is
a charge without proof. .And
from the structure and operation
of the government, the executive
is less able and likely to encroach
upon the legislative department
than to have its own powers
usurped, because its practical
power arid action is consequent to
the legislative and consists only in
giving ehVct to the laws. The
remark of a celebrated minister of
Queen Elizabeth (Lord Treasu
rer Burleigh,) "that when the le
gislative became as corrupt as the
executive department of the Brit
ish government, ihe Constitution
would perish," is not strictly ap
plicable here. Whatever maybe
ihe errors ctf the government, in
our system the foundation of most
of them must of necessity com
mence with the legislative, either
as acts of omission or commission,
either from neglect or error in
making laws, because the execu
tive power is dormant until
brought into action by the legis
lai ive. The control also by ini
peachment is hold by one branch
of the legislature, the immediate
representatives of ihe people. No
wise man, no one who under
stands iis effects, would desire tot;
lr, tl .v . I V
have the patronage so much talk
ed ot. Its distribution is a most!
invidious and disagreeable office,
creating more enemies than friends,
because there are always inore
applicants than offices; and where1
hut one out of many can be grati
fied the many are disappointed,
and often rendered inimical by
I not getting what it was lmpossi-
ble lor more than one to have.
Those who are not well versed in
government affairs may not be
may
aw are that a very great portion of
the opposition to every adminis
tration grows out of this very
matter ol official patronage
not desirable to any man
It is
who)
jjtes j)tai;e aRj qUjel
Unfortu-
. i , i i i
nately lor the President, whoever
, , . . ' , ,
he may be, he is compelled by the
, 1 ...
i iuv io periorin a mosi invidious
distribu-
tioti, while he is made to bear all
the blame. The nroner method
f curtailing the patronage would
be to repeal the laws unnecessari-
io see carnu uiio eneci. i ne
laws regulating ihe currency are
now so generally known that I
need not dwell minutely on them:
1 have long wished the passage of
these laws, from the conviction of
their great utility in giving a bet
ter and more stable currency and
also giving a better character to
any baojt paper which may be in
circulation. The substitution of
god and silver for paper in the
smaller transactions in money
matters, will be convenient and
useful and there is no longer a
doubt of the success of those mea
sures being more speedy and ef
fectual, if the people w ill insist on
the State legislatures using their
undoubted authority to restrict
the issue of su,u!l bank nou s.
Many of the States are rriakint;
this arrangement, and with the
aid of the treasury and .he ranirf
comaf n ,ir,.,i .. ,r
m o- u""'n success is ucr-
lain. I he new coinage is placed
so nearly upon a fooling with for
eign coins as to gender its export
ation not profitable. In future
therefore we are likely to have the
benefit of our own mint, which
heretofore has to all practical pur
poses been useless and expensive,
operating only for foreign use.
There have during last Con
gress been two measures of a kin
dred character pressed upon pub
lic atteution. The Land Bill to
divide the proceeds of the public
lands among the States, and a "si
milar proposition to divide the
surplus of the general revenue
likewise. These measures have
in a great degree the same pur
pose, and would have much the
same effect. The one would have
a tendency both to keep- up un
necessarily the general reveuue
and the tuxes w hich produce it, and
also to keep up th,e price of the
public lands. The other would
also keeD up unnecessary taxation
for no valuable purpose, but in niyl
opinion for a most mischievous
one. I think the measures bothu
unconstitutional, und would be
productive of vast mischief. I can
see no possible benefit in taking
the money by taxation away from
the people, to return it again even
if it could be done equally and
justly; and if, as must be the case,
it is done unequally -and inost
probably at a great loss then the
game would surely be most un
wise. It would also be inverting
the order of our political system,
to make the federal government
the collector of revenue for the
State authorities to disburse.
Here again I appeal to those who
call themselves State Rights men,
to examine and see if these mea
sures are not directly at variance
with all their professed doctrines.
What sort of sovereigns w ould the
States be, if dependant on others
for their reveuue, and were obliged
to submit to dictation in their le-
1 .
gislaiion as those measures pro
pose, and as would evidently be
their effect. The whole scheme is
well worthy of the consolidating
principles of Alexander Hamilton,
contained in his proposition in the
r ederal Convention, tor a gov
ernment. Where, in his plan he
proposes to place the State gov
ernments under the control of the
general government by vesting
the appointment of Governor, or,
as he calls him, President of each
State in the general government,
and giving him a veto upon all
the laws about to be passed in the
(State of which he is Governor.
In effect I can see very little dif
ference between this controlling
power, and that resulting from the
measures just mentioned, making
the genera) government the source
from whence the States are to de
rive their revenue; and that to be
also directed to particular objects
indicated in part at least by the
general government. Would not
this be placing the Stales effectu
ally in a state of political minor
ship or pupilage to the federal
government, as much so as any
man could be to another who had
the control and direction of his
private concerns? Independently
of these effects the plan of exces
sive taxation beyond the wants of
the general government, and the
improper and corrupting effects
on the legislation of the States,
the discontent and dissatisfaction
arising from log-rolling and par
tial appropriations for electioneer
ing and sectional purposes, would
vastly outweigh. any supposed ad
vantage arising from these mea
sures. The proper principle is
for the federal and Slate authori
ties each to attend to its own pro
per business. Each at present is
the collector and disburser of it
own re venue. To one part of ihe
plan objections vvere so apparent
that it was proposed to al er the
Constitution to effect it. This is
of itself strong evidence that it
was at least of doubtful character.
The proper w ay to get rid of the
revenue if too great, is to reduce
the taxes which produce it. This
is the dictate of common sense.
The course pursued in regard
to our relations with France, has
been very much misrepresented.
The recommendation of the exe
cutive, though the legislative de
partment of the government did
not concur, Was not altogether of
that positively warlike character
which it was said to be. Even
had reprisals been adopted under
the circumstances of the case,
according to the laws of nations
it would not have been just cause
of war. Vatfel says:
Reprisals are used between nation
and nation to do justice to them
selves, when they cannot otherwise
obtain it. If a nation has titken pos
session of what belongs to another; if
it refuttes to fiay a debt, to tpair an
injury, or to make a just sati-taction,
the other may seize what belong
to it."
He also says!
That the wealth of the citizens
forms a pun of the total wealth of the
nation; that between State aud State,
(nation and nation,) whatever is the
property uf the membeis, is consid
ered as belonging to the body, and i
answerable tor the debts of the body:
whence it follows, that in reprisals,
they sei2e the goods of the subject in
the same manner as those of the
State. After haVing shewn that it is
permitted to make reprisals, when
we can no otherwise obtain justice, it
is easy to conclude from thence, that
a sovereign has no right to oppose
torce or make war against him who,
in such a case, by ordering the ma
king reprisals only exercises his juat
right."
France 1 think under the cir
cumstances Would not have had
just cause of war, though nation
go to war occasionally without
just cause. . r ranee recently ap
plied this remedy (reprisals) to
wards Portugal, and under cir
cumstances not more clear. Yet
prudence aud forbearance may
render it proper not to exercise
even an undoubted right, aud the
course eventually pursued by the
government generally, by its va
rious departments, has been the
most proper. There seems now
no longer any doubt as to the in
demnity being made, the appro
priatiou for which has been made
by the French legislature
There has been a charge made
that a large sum of money had
been proposed to be given to
Gen. Jackson for his own use,
There was no such proposition be
fore Congress. He can use no
public money for his own use ex
cept his salary, nor can lie draw
even any pan of this without the
same legal restriction, that any
other person receiving a part of
the public money due to him haSt
to submit to. There was a con
ditional proposition to set apart a
portion of the public money for
defending the country in case a
was supposed by many the French
might make war on us. It was
believed aud roundly asserted by
manv that this would result from
the President's message, and Mr.
Livingston also seemed to think it
not altogether unlikely that France
might commit some act of hostili
ty. The measure suggested by
the Committee of Foreign Affair
was only precautionary and con
ditional, and as events have turn
ed out if the appropriation had
been made, there would have been
no call for nor would any part of
it have been used. The hands of
the executive are so tied up by the
law, that appropriations for one
purpose cannot be transferred to
another, and any portion of an
appropriation, which becomes un
necessary, is carried to what is
called the surplus fund and must
be reappropriated before it can be
used. The Committee of Foreign
Affairs were io a situation to know
-A
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