Dhole Xo. 393
Tarborougii, (Edgecombe County, JC. C) SalutdaViVareh 26,
1836.
Vol. All Xo. 13.
j'ie sTarbnroush Press,"
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Miscellaneous
Niciirr.
fry Jumts Montgomery, Esq.
Siht is the time for rest;
How sweet when labors close,
Toitlur round an aching breast
The curtain of repose;
Wretch the tired limbs, and lay the
head
Upon ciir own delightful bed! "
Niiht is the time for dreams;
The gay romance of Jife,
When truth that is and truth that
seems
Blend in fantastic strife;
Ah! visions less beguiling far
Than waking dreams by daylight are!
Night is the time for toil !
j o plough the classic field,
Intent to find the buried spoil
Its wealthy furrows yield;
Tiil all is ours that sages taught.
That pects .sung or heroes wrought.
Nishtis the time to weep;
To wet with unseen tears
Those graves of memory, where sleep
The joys of otheryears!
Hopes that were angels in their birth
But perish'd young, like things of
earth!
Night is the time to watch;
On ocean's dark expanse.
To hail the Pleiades, or catch
The full moon's earliest glance,
That brings into the home-sick mind
All we have loved and left behind.
Night is the time for care;
liiooding on hours misspent,
To see the spectre of despair
Come to onr lonely tent;
Like Brutus, midst his slumbering
host,
Mauled by Cesar's warning ghost.
iglit is the time to muse;
'lhen from the eye the soul
lakes flight, and with expanding
views
Beyond the starry pole,
X'scritas athwart the abyss of night
1 he dawn f uncreated light.
'Rlit is the time to pray;
Our Saviour oft withdrew
lo desert mountains far away,
So will his followers do;
ealfrom the throng to haunts untrod
And hold communion there with God.
t is the time for death;
yhen all around is peace,
Uimly to yield the weary breath,
from sin and suffering cease;
Hunk of heaven's bliss," and give the
... SIS"
to parting friends such death be
mine!
Mr. Van Iiuren's opinions on
Abolition. The following is the
reply of Mr. Van Buren to a letter
addressed to him from Jackson,
Northampton county, in this Slate,
"taking t!,e enquiry, "Do you, or
lloyou not believe that Congress
las ihe constitutional " power, to
'nterfere with or abolish Slavery
10 the District of Columbia?"
Washington, March 6th, !83G.
-Gentlemen: I have the honor
10 acknowledge the receipt of your
lelter apprising me of the deep
anstety which is felt by-a portion
0y"r fellow-citizens, as to my
!',ews upon a topic vitally afiect
,n6 their immediate welfare and
'jlPpiness, and of the importance
01 lleir being possessed of a tho
rough knowledge of them; and
ask,g me to say, whether I do or
Jnotbelieetliat Congress has
constitutional power to inter
fcn? with, or abolish slavery in the
lj,ict of Columbia?
arn not only willing, but desi
rous, gentlemen, that you should
have the most thorough knovvl
edge of my views and feelings up
ju uie ueiicate and interesting
subject with which your question
is connected; and I shall endeavor
to acquaint you with them in the
lullest manner in my power.
Not having, heretofore, had the
honor of being in political commu
nication with you, not advised
whether the sentiments relating to
u, which nave been avowed by
myseii ana by my authority, with
in the last two years, have come to
your knowledge. I deem it there
fre proper, to furnish you with
the substance ol them, before 1 re
ply to your more specific inquiry.
I lie avowals to which 1 refer;
were
1st. An opinion that Congress
has no right to interfere in any
manner, or to any extent, with the
subject of slavery in the States.
2d. Against the propriety ol
their doing so in uie District of
Columbia; and
odly. The statement of my full
concurrence in the sentiments ex
pressed by the citizens of Albany,
in public meeting, the most im
portant of which are as follows,
viz: "That the Constitution of the
United Stales carries with it an
adjustment of all questions involv
ed in the deliberations which led
to its adoption, and that the com
promise of interests in which it
was founded, is binding in honor
and good faith, independently of
the force of agreement, on all
who live under its protection and
participate in the benefits of which
it is the source." "That the re
lation of Master and Slave is a
matter exclusively belonging toj
the people t)f each State w ithin its
own boundary, and that any at
tempt by the Government or peo
ple of any other Slate, or by the
Genera! Government, to interfere
with or disturb it, would violate
the spirit of that compromise
w hich lies at the basis of the fede
ral compact." "That we can on
ly hope to maintain the Union of
the States by abstaining from all
interference with the laws, domes
tic policy and peculiar interests of
every. other Slate." "That all
such interference, which tends to
alienate one portion of our coun
trymen from the rest, deserves to
be frowned upon with indignation
by all who cherish the - princi
ples of our revolutionary fathers,
and who desire to preserve the
Constitution by tlie exercise of
that spirit of amity which anima:
ted its Cramers." "That they
deprecated the conduct oC those
who are attempting to coerce their
brethren in other States into the
abolition of slavery, by appeals
to the fears of the master and to
the passions of the slaves; and
that they could not but consider
them as disturbers of the public
peace, and vvould, by all constitu
tional means, exert their influence
to arrest the progress of such
measures." "That whilst they
would maintain inviolate the lib
erty of speech and the freedom of
the press, they consiaereu uiscus
sions, which, from their nature,
tend to inflame the public mind
and put in jeopardy the lives and
property of their fellow-citizens,
at war with every rule of moral
duty, and every suggestion of hu
manity, and would be constrained,
moreover, to regard those who,
with a full knowledge of their
pernicious tendency, persist in
carrvinor them on, as disloyal to
the Unfon." "That the people of
the South would do great injus
tice if they allowed themselves to
helieve. that the few who are in-
uu ihp nuestion of
slavery, are acting in accordance
with the sentiments of the North
upon the . subject;" and finally,
"that they made these declarations
to their Southern brethren in the
same spirit of amity which bound
together their fathers and ours,
during a long and eventful strug
gle for independence: and thai
they did, in full remembrance of
that common association, plight
to them their faith to maintion in
practice, as far as lies in their
power, what they had thus solemn
ly declared.' .
These views, thus expressed and
sanctioned by myself, appear to
me to cover the whole ground,
save the abstract question to
which you have been pleased to
call my attention, and 1 cheerfully
embface the opportunity you have
felt it your duty to afford me, to
explain myself fully on that also.
As anxious as you can possibly
be.Mo arrest all agitation upon
this disturbing subject, I have
considered the question you have
propounded to me, with a sincere
desire to arrive at the conclusion,
that the subject, in respect to the
District of Columbia, can be safe-
ly placed on the same ground on heen made an exception to the
which it stands in regard to the unrestricted legislative power giv
States, viz: the want of constitu-ien to Congress over the District
tional power in Congress to inter-!
fere in the matter. I own it
however, to candor, to say to you.
that I have not been able to satisfy
myself that the grant to Con
gress, in the Constitution, of the
power of "exclusive legislation in
nil cases whatsoever1' over the
Federal District, does not confer
on that body the same authority
over the subject that would other
wise have been possessed by the
States of Maryland and Virginia;
or that lonirress miffht not. in
j u
virtue thereof, take such steps up
on ihe subject in this District, as
those States might themselves take!
w ithin their own limits, and con
sistently with their rights of sov
ereignty. Thus viewing the matter, I
woidd not, from the lights now be
fore me, feel myself safe in pro
nouncing that Congress does not
possess the power of interfering
with 'or abolishing slavery in the
District of Columbia. But whilst
such'are my present impressions;
upon the abstract question of the;
legal power of Congress irapres-j
sions which 1 shall at all times be
not only ready, but disposed, to
surrender upon conviction of error
I do not hesitate to give it to
you as my ueiiueraie anu well
considered opinion, that there are
objections to the exercise of this
power, agaiost Ihe wishes of the
slave-holding States, as imperative
in their nature and obligations, in
regulating the conduct of public
men, as the most palpable want of 1
constitutional power would be.
You have alluded in your letter
to the conspicuous situation in;
which I have been placed before
the public; and I take it "for grant-!
ed, that it is to that circumstance,
rather than to any other, that I am
to ascribe the solicitude felt by
yourselves and fellow-citizens in
respect to my views on this sub
ject. 1 recognize, to tne lullest
extent, the propriety ol this desire
on your part, and although there
is nothing in your letter makiug
the avowal necessary, 1 prefer that
uot onlyyou, but all the people of
the United States, shall now un
derstand that if ihe desire of that
portion of them which is favoura
ble to my elevation to the Chief
Magistracy, should be gratified, lj
must go into the Presidential!
Chair the inflexible and uncom
promising opponent of any at
tempt on the part of Congress to
abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia, against the wishes of
the slave-holding States; and also
with the determination equally de
cided to resist' the slightest inter
ference with the subject in the!
States where it exists. In saying
this, I.tender neither to them nor
to you, any pledges, but declare
only settled opinions and convic
tions of duty. Those who doubt
that they will be carried into full
and Cair effect, are under no obli
gations to trust me. An opportu
nityis afforded them to exercise
their free choice in the matter, and
they may be assured, that there is
no one less likely to complain of
us exercise than myself.
The peculiar importance of the
subject, and a desire (which you
will allow me to feel) that my
views of it should be correctly un
derstood, make it proper that 1
should explain the grounds of the
opinions above expressed. They
are founded, amongst others, on
the following considerations, viz:
1st. 1 believethat if it had been
foreseen, at theiimeof the adop
tion of the Constitution, that the
seat of the Federal Government
would be fixed in a slave-holding
region, and that the subject of
slavery would be there agitated to
the prejudice of those holding this
species of property, the right to
do so, would, with the assent of
tne non-slave-holding States, have
10 he ceded.
2dly. 1 cannot but regard the
agitation of this subject in the
District of Columbia, as a sur
prize upon the people of Maryland
and Virginia, being very confi
dent that if the state of things
which now exist, had been at all
apprehended by those Slates, the
cession of the District would not
have been made except upon the
express condition that Congress
should exercise no such power;
and that with such a condition the
cession would, in the then state
of public opinion have been read-
ily accepted.
Udly. J
do therefore believe,
that the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia, against the
wishes of the slave-holding Slates
(assuming that Congress has the
power to aflect it) would violate
the spirit of that compromise of
interests which lies at the basis of
j our social compact; and 1 am tho-
roughly convinced, that it could
not be so done, without imminent
peril if not certain destruction, to
the Union of the States. Viewing
ne matter in this light, it is my
clear and settled opinion, that the
Federal Government ought to ab
stain from doing so, and that it is
the sacred duty of those whom the
people of the United Slates en
trust with the control of its action,
so to use the constitutional power
with which they are invested, as
to prevent it.
I think it due to the occasion,
and only a simple act of jus
lice to my fellow-citizens of the
North, of all political parties, to
add the expression of my full be
lief, that the opinions above ex
pressed, accord in substance, with
thoseentertaiued by a larger majo
rity of the people of the non-slave
holding States than has ever be
fore existed in those States on a
public question of equal magni
tude, his also due to them to
say, that their sentiments on this
subject spring out of considera
tions of too high a character, and
look to consequences of too so
lemn an import, to be shaken by
slight causes. "With only 'a gen
erous confidence on the part of the
South in their brethren of the
North, and a firm determination
on the part of each, to visit with
their severest jjispleasure, any at
tempt to connect the subject with
party politics, those sentiments
cannot be overthrown. All fu
ture attempts on the part of the
abolitionists to do so, will then
only serve to accumulate and con
centrate public odium on them
selves That there are persons at
the North who are far from con
curring in the prevailing senti
ment 1 have described, is certain
ly true; but their numbers, when
compared with the rest of the
community, are very inconsidera
ble; and if the condition of things
be not greatly aggravated by im
prudence, many of them, I have
doubt, will ultimntplv arlnnt
sounder views of the subject; and
the efforts of those who may per
sist in the work of agitation, may
be overcome by reason, or render
ed inoperative by constitutional
remedies.
To one class of those who have
hitherto petitioned Congress for
the abolition of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, I cannot for
bear to refer: I allude to the soci
ety oC Friends, or the people usu
ally denominated Quakers. The
uniformity of their course upon
this subject, the temperate manner
in which it has been manifested,
and the marked excellence of their
conduct and character," appear to
have conciliated respect for their
motives, even from those who dif
fer from them in opinion. As far
as my observation has enabled me
to judge, it is due to them to say,
that as there has been no indica
tion of any chance of opinion ud-
on ineir part during the present
.1 . . . i
excitement, so has there been no
evidence of a disposition to lend
themselves to the undue agitations
of ihe DubJic mind attemntrd hv
( - - j
others. There is certainly no
class of neonle in this countrv.
who have a deeper interest in the
preservation of the Union and of
the happy system of Government
which it upholds, than iIipv? anrl
J - Jl v.V
it has now become very apparrent
In oil n . 1 l
to all refleclllinr and nhsprv
o - "-o
minds, that the question of Slave
ry in the District of Columbia
cannot be Dressed to ihp result
they desire, with safely to those
paramount objects. Do not these
considerations justify the hope,
that from them, at least, we may
reasonably expect for the futrue, a
mode ol dealing with the subject,
which, whilst it does no injustice
to their principles, shall repress
instead of increasing agitation,
aud not endanger the great inter
ests to which 1 have referred? To
doubt it, would be to distrust the
influence which industry, morality,
intelligence and republican habits
qualites which all admit them
to possess in a high degree are
calculated, in great emergencies,
to exert upon the conduct of their
possessors. And for the like rea
son, it may certainly be expected,
that well disposed persons of other
religious denominations, who,
without a full consideration of the
difficulties which surround this
subject, and ol the dangerous con
sequences to which the efforts of
the Abolitionists so evideutly tend
have lent to those efforts: the in
fluence of their names and charac
ter, will be careful hercaftpr to
avoid the repetition of an "error so
unfortunate and mischievous.
In every view of the subject,
therefore, it does appear to me,
that, although there certainly is,
in the present condition of the
country in relation to it, sufficient
to excite he most serious atten
tion, there is nothing in the stale
of public opinion in the United
States, to justify that panic in the
public mind which invariably dis
qualifies those" who partake of it,
from dealing wisely or successful
ly with the circumstances by
which it is produced. From a
broad we have, I think, some right
to expect less interference than
heretofore. We shall, 1 am confi
dent, for some time at least, have
no more foreign agents to enligh
ten us on the subject. Recent re
sults here, and the discussions with
which they have been attended,
cannot fail to attract the attention
of the reading and reflecting por
tion of the Foreign Public. By
these means they will be made to
understand our real condition in
this respect, and they will know
that the unchangeable law of that
conouion is. that the s ave ones
. , u niw o.u..
lion must be left to the control of
the slave'holding States them
selves, without molestation or in
terference from any quarter; that
foreign interference of every cievl
no
cription, can only be injurious to
ihe slave, without benefit to any
interest, and will hot Le endured
by any section of our countrv ; and
that any interference, coming from
even the non-slave-holding por
tions of our own territory, is cal
culated to endanger the perpetui
rV, and if sanctioned by the Gen-,
eral Government, would inevita
bly occasion the dissolution of our
happy Union. Seeing the subject
in this, its true aspect, and con
scious as they must be, that the
downfall of this Republic would
be the severest blow that the cause
of liberty and self-government
could receive, and from which its
recovery would be hopeless, the
wise and the cood amoncrst them
those who are really guided by
me principles ol justice and hu-,
inanity will pause aiid acknowl
edge, that they have misapnrehen
ded the true bearings of this ques
tion, instead of accusing onr
couutrymen who hold property in
slaves, with disregarding the Gen
eral principles of liberty and the
dictates of a pure religion, they will
recognize, in this class of our citi
zens, as sincere friends to the. hap
piness of mankind as any others,
and will become sensible that this
species of property, the result of
causes over which they had no
control, is an inheritance which
- J - - iniiVI
they only know how to dispose oC.
Inefn. J C .. 1 ' . -1 I
Instead of charging the people of
the iion-slave-holdmg States, as
has often been done, with hypo
crisy in professing an ardent love
of freedom, they will find that the "
free citizens of the North are only
acting upon the principles of fidel
ity, to their most solemn engage
ments; that if they were to at
tempt the accomplishment of what'
is desired of them by those who '
regard slavery as inconsistent with ,
the equal rights on which our in
stitutions are founded, they will
involve themselves in the odium,
either of seeking to invade a com-'
pact which was the means and the
pledge of our national existence
or of availing themselves of their
present power and unexampled
posperity, to dissolve a connection
with their Southern brethren
formed at a period of mutual ad
versity, for a cause which was
then not only known to exist, but
the continuance of which was ex
pressedly recognized in the bond
of their Union.
1 have thus gentlemen, hprr
compelled to extend my remarks
considerably further than I intend.
when 1 commenced to answer your
enquiry. As, however; the sub
ject was delicale and imnoctant.
feel that 1 have not tresnnscprl
farther upon your lime in iiev.
amination than was proper to ena
ble you comprehend the views
I entertain of it. br than w res
pectful to the c'onsiderat". oils wliirfi
justified your caU for those views.
Ana i. tee l assured, whatever may
be the" difference of oDinioiit if an v.
which exists between mvself anrl"
any other portion" of mv ftflaw
citizens, that tin issue of this mat
ter as of all preceeding- question
which have atritated thf phLCo
t) ------ -
mind, and have been ihou!.t ft
be pregnant with danger, will, in
their hands, be such as to strength
en' the bonds of their Union, and
to increase those fraternal and
patriotic affections,- which -ou"'
past National'historv lias so nftpn
and so honorably illustrated.
i am, very respectfully, 'your
obedient servant,
M. VAN BUKEN.
Messrs. Junius Amis, hiae hall,
John Wall, C. Yeilo.. by, Sam
uel B. Spirrill, and . Iair.cs W.
Puizinn, .rc-s$,:, V C. -
Marvellous. A lunatic recent-
1 1 iumnprl frnm o tliinl cinro iU;n:
J J- - nil. -JW'IJI .will-
dow, at Richmond, Virginia, on
- to the cellar door' below, and
-1 thence rebounded into the gutter,
without experiencing the slightest
injury. A Y. Star,