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Tarboro' press. volume (Tarborough, (Edgecombe Co., N.C.)) 1835-1851, March 26, 1836, Image 1

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Dhole Xo. 393 Tarborougii, (Edgecombe County, JC. C) SalutdaViVareh 26, 1836. Vol. All Xo. 13. j'ie sTarbnroush Press," ,U' OEOHOE HOWARD, nuMi'l""1 weeklv,atTwo Dollars and fiV Cents per vear. if paid in ' T'rre Vollars.rt iho .xnirat.oo ufilie icHpiio.. vear. For any perimt loss I a ear, Twtnly-fiet Cents ,r month !h -..riLers are at liberty to ilncontn.ue at ,;,e. on pivinsr ,ice eivot and ""'V.ii aire u ihose re'iJing at tlis- "n.i.1 i.iv:irially pay adt mice, ur vf rt.,,onibl.' referenc- i- tlnsvicmit y. 5 ivci tis n '),'- "n excrolm- lfi lines, jl he i,)SPi tol al ;i ecu's tin; first inter . cents ei'i'li continuance. L ng- !'f'r on ' thai ra,e fl,r every 16 "Jveitiseineins must be walked tlie mini, ijrot insertions required, or they will ! jniimipJ tun otherwise ordered, ami rmlai-coniingly. Lexers a-MreseJ to the K.htor mint lie 0t P.,iJ, or they may not be intended to. Miscellaneous Niciirr. fry Jumts Montgomery, Esq. Siht is the time for rest; How sweet when labors close, Toitlur round an aching breast The curtain of repose; Wretch the tired limbs, and lay the head Upon ciir own delightful bed! " Niiht is the time for dreams; The gay romance of Jife, When truth that is and truth that seems Blend in fantastic strife; Ah! visions less beguiling far Than waking dreams by daylight are! Night is the time for toil ! j o plough the classic field, Intent to find the buried spoil Its wealthy furrows yield; Tiil all is ours that sages taught. That pects .sung or heroes wrought. Nishtis the time to weep; To wet with unseen tears Those graves of memory, where sleep The joys of otheryears! Hopes that were angels in their birth But perish'd young, like things of earth! Night is the time to watch; On ocean's dark expanse. To hail the Pleiades, or catch The full moon's earliest glance, That brings into the home-sick mind All we have loved and left behind. Night is the time for care; liiooding on hours misspent, To see the spectre of despair Come to onr lonely tent; Like Brutus, midst his slumbering host, Mauled by Cesar's warning ghost. iglit is the time to muse; 'lhen from the eye the soul lakes flight, and with expanding views Beyond the starry pole, X'scritas athwart the abyss of night 1 he dawn f uncreated light. 'Rlit is the time to pray; Our Saviour oft withdrew lo desert mountains far away, So will his followers do; ealfrom the throng to haunts untrod And hold communion there with God. t is the time for death; yhen all around is peace, Uimly to yield the weary breath, from sin and suffering cease; Hunk of heaven's bliss," and give the ... SIS" to parting friends such death be mine! Mr. Van Iiuren's opinions on Abolition. The following is the reply of Mr. Van Buren to a letter addressed to him from Jackson, Northampton county, in this Slate, "taking t!,e enquiry, "Do you, or lloyou not believe that Congress las ihe constitutional " power, to 'nterfere with or abolish Slavery 10 the District of Columbia?" Washington, March 6th, !83G. -Gentlemen: I have the honor 10 acknowledge the receipt of your lelter apprising me of the deep anstety which is felt by-a portion 0y"r fellow-citizens, as to my !',ews upon a topic vitally afiect ,n6 their immediate welfare and 'jlPpiness, and of the importance 01 lleir being possessed of a tho rough knowledge of them; and ask,g me to say, whether I do or Jnotbelieetliat Congress has constitutional power to inter fcn? with, or abolish slavery in the lj,ict of Columbia? arn not only willing, but desi rous, gentlemen, that you should have the most thorough knovvl edge of my views and feelings up ju uie ueiicate and interesting subject with which your question is connected; and I shall endeavor to acquaint you with them in the lullest manner in my power. Not having, heretofore, had the honor of being in political commu nication with you, not advised whether the sentiments relating to u, which nave been avowed by myseii ana by my authority, with in the last two years, have come to your knowledge. I deem it there fre proper, to furnish you with the substance ol them, before 1 re ply to your more specific inquiry. I lie avowals to which 1 refer; were 1st. An opinion that Congress has no right to interfere in any manner, or to any extent, with the subject of slavery in the States. 2d. Against the propriety ol their doing so in uie District of Columbia; and odly. The statement of my full concurrence in the sentiments ex pressed by the citizens of Albany, in public meeting, the most im portant of which are as follows, viz: "That the Constitution of the United Stales carries with it an adjustment of all questions involv ed in the deliberations which led to its adoption, and that the com promise of interests in which it was founded, is binding in honor and good faith, independently of the force of agreement, on all who live under its protection and participate in the benefits of which it is the source." "That the re lation of Master and Slave is a matter exclusively belonging toj the people t)f each State w ithin its own boundary, and that any at tempt by the Government or peo ple of any other Slate, or by the Genera! Government, to interfere with or disturb it, would violate the spirit of that compromise w hich lies at the basis of the fede ral compact." "That we can on ly hope to maintain the Union of the States by abstaining from all interference with the laws, domes tic policy and peculiar interests of every. other Slate." "That all such interference, which tends to alienate one portion of our coun trymen from the rest, deserves to be frowned upon with indignation by all who cherish the - princi ples of our revolutionary fathers, and who desire to preserve the Constitution by tlie exercise of that spirit of amity which anima: ted its Cramers." "That they deprecated the conduct oC those who are attempting to coerce their brethren in other States into the abolition of slavery, by appeals to the fears of the master and to the passions of the slaves; and that they could not but consider them as disturbers of the public peace, and vvould, by all constitu tional means, exert their influence to arrest the progress of such measures." "That whilst they would maintain inviolate the lib erty of speech and the freedom of the press, they consiaereu uiscus sions, which, from their nature, tend to inflame the public mind and put in jeopardy the lives and property of their fellow-citizens, at war with every rule of moral duty, and every suggestion of hu manity, and would be constrained, moreover, to regard those who, with a full knowledge of their pernicious tendency, persist in carrvinor them on, as disloyal to the Unfon." "That the people of the South would do great injus tice if they allowed themselves to helieve. that the few who are in- uu ihp nuestion of slavery, are acting in accordance with the sentiments of the North upon the . subject;" and finally, "that they made these declarations to their Southern brethren in the same spirit of amity which bound together their fathers and ours, during a long and eventful strug gle for independence: and thai they did, in full remembrance of that common association, plight to them their faith to maintion in practice, as far as lies in their power, what they had thus solemn ly declared.' . These views, thus expressed and sanctioned by myself, appear to me to cover the whole ground, save the abstract question to which you have been pleased to call my attention, and 1 cheerfully embface the opportunity you have felt it your duty to afford me, to explain myself fully on that also. As anxious as you can possibly be.Mo arrest all agitation upon this disturbing subject, I have considered the question you have propounded to me, with a sincere desire to arrive at the conclusion, that the subject, in respect to the District of Columbia, can be safe- ly placed on the same ground on heen made an exception to the which it stands in regard to the unrestricted legislative power giv States, viz: the want of constitu-ien to Congress over the District tional power in Congress to inter-! fere in the matter. I own it however, to candor, to say to you. that I have not been able to satisfy myself that the grant to Con gress, in the Constitution, of the power of "exclusive legislation in nil cases whatsoever1' over the Federal District, does not confer on that body the same authority over the subject that would other wise have been possessed by the States of Maryland and Virginia; or that lonirress miffht not. in j u virtue thereof, take such steps up on ihe subject in this District, as those States might themselves take! w ithin their own limits, and con sistently with their rights of sov ereignty. Thus viewing the matter, I woidd not, from the lights now be fore me, feel myself safe in pro nouncing that Congress does not possess the power of interfering with 'or abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. But whilst such'are my present impressions; upon the abstract question of the; legal power of Congress irapres-j sions which 1 shall at all times be not only ready, but disposed, to surrender upon conviction of error I do not hesitate to give it to you as my ueiiueraie anu well considered opinion, that there are objections to the exercise of this power, agaiost Ihe wishes of the slave-holding States, as imperative in their nature and obligations, in regulating the conduct of public men, as the most palpable want of 1 constitutional power would be. You have alluded in your letter to the conspicuous situation in; which I have been placed before the public; and I take it "for grant-! ed, that it is to that circumstance, rather than to any other, that I am to ascribe the solicitude felt by yourselves and fellow-citizens in respect to my views on this sub ject. 1 recognize, to tne lullest extent, the propriety ol this desire on your part, and although there is nothing in your letter makiug the avowal necessary, 1 prefer that uot onlyyou, but all the people of the United States, shall now un derstand that if ihe desire of that portion of them which is favoura ble to my elevation to the Chief Magistracy, should be gratified, lj must go into the Presidential! Chair the inflexible and uncom promising opponent of any at tempt on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes of the slave-holding States; and also with the determination equally de cided to resist' the slightest inter ference with the subject in the! States where it exists. In saying this, I.tender neither to them nor to you, any pledges, but declare only settled opinions and convic tions of duty. Those who doubt that they will be carried into full and Cair effect, are under no obli gations to trust me. An opportu nityis afforded them to exercise their free choice in the matter, and they may be assured, that there is no one less likely to complain of us exercise than myself. The peculiar importance of the subject, and a desire (which you will allow me to feel) that my views of it should be correctly un derstood, make it proper that 1 should explain the grounds of the opinions above expressed. They are founded, amongst others, on the following considerations, viz: 1st. 1 believethat if it had been foreseen, at theiimeof the adop tion of the Constitution, that the seat of the Federal Government would be fixed in a slave-holding region, and that the subject of slavery would be there agitated to the prejudice of those holding this species of property, the right to do so, would, with the assent of tne non-slave-holding States, have 10 he ceded. 2dly. 1 cannot but regard the agitation of this subject in the District of Columbia, as a sur prize upon the people of Maryland and Virginia, being very confi dent that if the state of things which now exist, had been at all apprehended by those Slates, the cession of the District would not have been made except upon the express condition that Congress should exercise no such power; and that with such a condition the cession would, in the then state of public opinion have been read- ily accepted. Udly. J do therefore believe, that the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes of the slave-holding Slates (assuming that Congress has the power to aflect it) would violate the spirit of that compromise of interests which lies at the basis of j our social compact; and 1 am tho- roughly convinced, that it could not be so done, without imminent peril if not certain destruction, to the Union of the States. Viewing ne matter in this light, it is my clear and settled opinion, that the Federal Government ought to ab stain from doing so, and that it is the sacred duty of those whom the people of the United Slates en trust with the control of its action, so to use the constitutional power with which they are invested, as to prevent it. I think it due to the occasion, and only a simple act of jus lice to my fellow-citizens of the North, of all political parties, to add the expression of my full be lief, that the opinions above ex pressed, accord in substance, with thoseentertaiued by a larger majo rity of the people of the non-slave holding States than has ever be fore existed in those States on a public question of equal magni tude, his also due to them to say, that their sentiments on this subject spring out of considera tions of too high a character, and look to consequences of too so lemn an import, to be shaken by slight causes. "With only 'a gen erous confidence on the part of the South in their brethren of the North, and a firm determination on the part of each, to visit with their severest jjispleasure, any at tempt to connect the subject with party politics, those sentiments cannot be overthrown. All fu ture attempts on the part of the abolitionists to do so, will then only serve to accumulate and con centrate public odium on them selves That there are persons at the North who are far from con curring in the prevailing senti ment 1 have described, is certain ly true; but their numbers, when compared with the rest of the community, are very inconsidera ble; and if the condition of things be not greatly aggravated by im prudence, many of them, I have doubt, will ultimntplv arlnnt sounder views of the subject; and the efforts of those who may per sist in the work of agitation, may be overcome by reason, or render ed inoperative by constitutional remedies. To one class of those who have hitherto petitioned Congress for the abolition of slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, I cannot for bear to refer: I allude to the soci ety oC Friends, or the people usu ally denominated Quakers. The uniformity of their course upon this subject, the temperate manner in which it has been manifested, and the marked excellence of their conduct and character," appear to have conciliated respect for their motives, even from those who dif fer from them in opinion. As far as my observation has enabled me to judge, it is due to them to say, that as there has been no indica tion of any chance of opinion ud- on ineir part during the present .1 . . . i excitement, so has there been no evidence of a disposition to lend themselves to the undue agitations of ihe DubJic mind attemntrd hv ( - - j others. There is certainly no class of neonle in this countrv. who have a deeper interest in the preservation of the Union and of the happy system of Government which it upholds, than iIipv? anrl J - Jl v.V it has now become very apparrent In oil n . 1 l to all refleclllinr and nhsprv o - "-o minds, that the question of Slave ry in the District of Columbia cannot be Dressed to ihp result they desire, with safely to those paramount objects. Do not these considerations justify the hope, that from them, at least, we may reasonably expect for the futrue, a mode ol dealing with the subject, which, whilst it does no injustice to their principles, shall repress instead of increasing agitation, aud not endanger the great inter ests to which 1 have referred? To doubt it, would be to distrust the influence which industry, morality, intelligence and republican habits qualites which all admit them to possess in a high degree are calculated, in great emergencies, to exert upon the conduct of their possessors. And for the like rea son, it may certainly be expected, that well disposed persons of other religious denominations, who, without a full consideration of the difficulties which surround this subject, and ol the dangerous con sequences to which the efforts of the Abolitionists so evideutly tend have lent to those efforts: the in fluence of their names and charac ter, will be careful hercaftpr to avoid the repetition of an "error so unfortunate and mischievous. In every view of the subject, therefore, it does appear to me, that, although there certainly is, in the present condition of the country in relation to it, sufficient to excite he most serious atten tion, there is nothing in the stale of public opinion in the United States, to justify that panic in the public mind which invariably dis qualifies those" who partake of it, from dealing wisely or successful ly with the circumstances by which it is produced. From a broad we have, I think, some right to expect less interference than heretofore. We shall, 1 am confi dent, for some time at least, have no more foreign agents to enligh ten us on the subject. Recent re sults here, and the discussions with which they have been attended, cannot fail to attract the attention of the reading and reflecting por tion of the Foreign Public. By these means they will be made to understand our real condition in this respect, and they will know that the unchangeable law of that conouion is. that the s ave ones . , u niw o.u.. lion must be left to the control of the slave'holding States them selves, without molestation or in terference from any quarter; that foreign interference of every cievl no cription, can only be injurious to ihe slave, without benefit to any interest, and will hot Le endured by any section of our countrv ; and that any interference, coming from even the non-slave-holding por tions of our own territory, is cal culated to endanger the perpetui rV, and if sanctioned by the Gen-, eral Government, would inevita bly occasion the dissolution of our happy Union. Seeing the subject in this, its true aspect, and con scious as they must be, that the downfall of this Republic would be the severest blow that the cause of liberty and self-government could receive, and from which its recovery would be hopeless, the wise and the cood amoncrst them those who are really guided by me principles ol justice and hu-, inanity will pause aiid acknowl edge, that they have misapnrehen ded the true bearings of this ques tion, instead of accusing onr couutrymen who hold property in slaves, with disregarding the Gen eral principles of liberty and the dictates of a pure religion, they will recognize, in this class of our citi zens, as sincere friends to the. hap piness of mankind as any others, and will become sensible that this species of property, the result of causes over which they had no control, is an inheritance which - J - - iniiVI they only know how to dispose oC. Inefn. J C .. 1 ' . -1 I Instead of charging the people of the iion-slave-holdmg States, as has often been done, with hypo crisy in professing an ardent love of freedom, they will find that the " free citizens of the North are only acting upon the principles of fidel ity, to their most solemn engage ments; that if they were to at tempt the accomplishment of what' is desired of them by those who ' regard slavery as inconsistent with , the equal rights on which our in stitutions are founded, they will involve themselves in the odium, either of seeking to invade a com-' pact which was the means and the pledge of our national existence or of availing themselves of their present power and unexampled posperity, to dissolve a connection with their Southern brethren formed at a period of mutual ad versity, for a cause which was then not only known to exist, but the continuance of which was ex pressedly recognized in the bond of their Union. 1 have thus gentlemen, hprr compelled to extend my remarks considerably further than I intend. when 1 commenced to answer your enquiry. As, however; the sub ject was delicale and imnoctant. feel that 1 have not tresnnscprl farther upon your lime in iiev. amination than was proper to ena ble you comprehend the views I entertain of it. br than w res pectful to the c'onsiderat". oils wliirfi justified your caU for those views. Ana i. tee l assured, whatever may be the" difference of oDinioiit if an v. which exists between mvself anrl" any other portion" of mv ftflaw citizens, that tin issue of this mat ter as of all preceeding- question which have atritated thf phLCo t) ------ - mind, and have been ihou!.t ft be pregnant with danger, will, in their hands, be such as to strength en' the bonds of their Union, and to increase those fraternal and patriotic affections,- which -ou"' past National'historv lias so nftpn and so honorably illustrated. i am, very respectfully, 'your obedient servant, M. VAN BUKEN. Messrs. Junius Amis, hiae hall, John Wall, C. Yeilo.. by, Sam uel B. Spirrill, and . Iair.cs W. Puizinn, .rc-s$,:, V C. - Marvellous. A lunatic recent- 1 1 iumnprl frnm o tliinl cinro iU;n: J J- - nil. -JW'IJI .will- dow, at Richmond, Virginia, on - to the cellar door' below, and -1 thence rebounded into the gutter, without experiencing the slightest injury. A Y. Star,

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