North Carolina Newspapers

" ' --' --Cj -fejjb'' O . ' ' ' " --.in 11 mi 1 ma i 111 1 ill ! miii ! mmim mi, nm,mil mill n " ' "' - a,M-"l'M ylioleXo. 038. Tavb orough, (Edgecombe County, JV. Sniiu day, JImj 1, 1839 To. Arr Ao. 18. yit? Tarbovough JPrcss, BV GEORGE HOWARD, t . rt r . r -. . T, published WCCKiy at " "yo-j una rijiy 'per year, if paid in advance or, Three n Li at the expiration of the subscription year, r,, neriod less than a year, Twenty-five r . mnnih. Subscribers are at libertv to Continue at anytime, on giving notice thereof -nd paying .-7 - . -st invariably pay in advance, or give a respon sible reference in this vicinity. Advertisements not exceeding a square will be ted at at Uar l'ie rst insertion, and 2.) r for every continuance. Longer adverlUe cen.ic In like proportion. Court Orders and Ju- SLial advertisements 25 per cent, higher. Ad nisements must be marked the number of in VC lionS required, or they will be continued until Otherwise ordered and charged accordingly. Letters addressed to the Kditor must be post ij or they may not be attended to. 1 "-I "' """'lir'" ,''""" 11rrWWTT11""" !!l!r"MHi T'rnr 3MiS!SSR-'tMiAji.3VVnMtt WMFTWfm9''JMminm 1 1 Ill Ml I Will l' IVcw astd Fashaosiablc GOODS, jl the Cheap Cash Store. JAMES WEDDEIL, AS received anil is now opening hii spring supply ol RICH FANCY AND STAPLE JJvy Goods, Hals, Shoes, MARK On tlTr. Stamps Address to the People of the Third Concession. n! kn!ItvJ1PKet8:llin!5rC'tizen whj in c0 wh th5 rest of his fellow citizens feels to off"r n fJ V i rPT a S,lar2 in lhe ftovernment of his country, I propose hi UnZ eivrearks.fo-the consideration of my countrymen, on a pamphlet which ih MPim V, S apPe?rncc among us, under the imposing title of n Address lo p ' ! P , , , VHrd ConKrc8sioI district of North Carolina." An address of the ucprtsentative to n.s constituents I admit is neither extraordinary nor uncommonand h; ? I 0')na,e, ,cnouS 11 lo the relations subsisting between them. It is considered me act ot a pml.e servant ren lering an ac3 mit of the s demn and sacred trust confided lo mm by the people, and showing how a id in what m.nnerhe his fulfilled their ex pectations and discharged the du'ies of his oOi J3. Such an address however should at In nf-l .,hemer,tof taste, should he emphatically of a business character, snouhi exhibit an undevt .ting devotio i to the peculiar interests of the people he repre sents, should be respectful lohis constituent?; and marked by ability candor digni ty and decorum. I)es the address before us conform to this character? Is it such a p .per such an account of the performance of his duties as the fre emen of this district i 'd a right to expect from their public servant? Does it prove that he really understood lue nature ol his functions, or if understood that he hasshowji a proper regard to those intereststhat he was appointed to rherUh, t protect and defend? Far from it. It is an insult to the understanding of his constituents it is a tissue of misrepresentation --diMng-nuoiH casuistry, unwarrantable assertion, slanderous invective, cunning and dissimulation. It is the ! --- - . iw . .v kiiuuj uuuiniu in nil, lJU.ili-Lia- iiwsiui 3iii t: w; ) i nn mti liovnne ort on, (no.,,..,.. . r . i . r i . - Hi.iin.Mi.i on, mm uv.'uiiu ui inu ;iccompiisnmeni 01 nis irrational design. Hut the "address" is before you, fellow citizens it is for vou to uetcrmine whether he has merited ) our approbation or your decided condemnation, lielore 1 proceed to consider anv of the Ionics of the "address" n f,.w mvlimi..,,, China, G hi S8. Uarlhenwnrc Hard tvare, Groceries, And otlir srasonable Goods, which in point of style, quantity, quality, and eve ry requisite which will recommend them to the attention of his customers and the public he feels confident that no such in ducement lias been offered in this market as he can now present. lie will not at tempt to enumerate the many desirable ar tides of which his Stock conil, but res pectfully solicits thosp who wish to obtain Tasty, Neal and Fashionable Goods Jll Loiv Prices, To pay him a visit. Tarhoro', April 19, 1S39. NF0RMS her customers and the pub-E- lie, that she has received her spring supply of (ioods, which wilh her formei Sluck makes her as-orlment couplete, compiiing ihe usual variety of IJ.uiMets, Ribbands, Flowers, Silks Satire, L ce. Edgings Iiert ing-, &c. l:c. adapted to the And ManluS-makim business. S!.e invites an inspection of her floods, 3S she is confident I bey cannot fail to give satisfaction as respects quality and price. Tarbnro Apiil 17, l v39. To L'nnlers and Publishers. E man and Practical Printer, who has a thorough acquaintance Kith the routine ol business in A Xeicspuper Establishment, IlsdRsiroMs of making :in ei-gngement Would )e willing to superinl.'nd lhe Me cnanical thpariment of an oftice, or be vule a partner in the bus'uirss, (i.nvii.g : capital.) Would have no obj ctioo 10 eo lo the South or West. iN. ) . Having Presses, Types nnd all nxtures necessary for pihlihiog, Wotihl Or willing , . 1 viiunjr ,0 p,,, Jn jrelnnor op a new rr. i r 0C'-a,iC P',,')C''' u i,h ,h( ProsPe,2,s f,f aing it a permanent buines. Address iPtpaid) Baliimore ftcpublican.' March 19. 1 Botanic Medicines. In half and quarter pound Papers, prepared by E. Lanabee, u"umorp, 2nd and 3rd Preparation of do. vomPosition-crude& pulvpiizpd Myrrh, Afri nWdcr an(1 Ntrve Ointment, lii.(ICa1, Pnne' sP'ce IJitiers, C l rR0t' GldenSeal, J oer..ni Dysentery Syrup, Sol ?Uc rinC"re, Woman's Friend, ThnlS 1Cnin- P:,s,e'', Sviinjres, No. G, U P5? 8 (5"'de and Narrative, CrS1 8 8nd Jersey's books, dm gine, &c. &c. For sale by , , GEO. HOWARD. iarboro.April 17th, onscrvaltons will be annionriate and neeessarv. nnd ibov shnll I tent with perspicuity. Without attempting to trace the origin of parties in the United States, it will be sufficient to remark that immediately after the adoption of our excel lent constitution and the organization of our government under it 1 wo political parries only were distinctly recognized contending lor the administration of aff drs one desig nate I by the name or title of Federalists the other by that of Republicans They were then lhe uncompromising antagonists of each other on the theory and praciicc of our government. Etch contended with the mo.-t zealous devotion for their principles, and whatever error might be on either side candor must acknowledge that the contests between them were conducted with a .strong conviction of the obligations of patriotism and love of country. The strength of the Federalists, preponderating over that of the Re publicans, (which could easily be accounted for if the occasion required it,) unaided as they no ware by the most perfect party discipline they had not then sought to increase their political power, by an am.dg.mntion with self-created societies few of which in that day had indeed any existence. Their unlimited and indiscriminate affiliations with the heterogeneous parties of the present day under the thousand and one names of Fed eralists r eucrai Kenuuucans even Democratic federal Kenub hcans Wince Pn. servaiives Antimasuns: Abolitionists IIoco Pocos, &c. is the work of modern polit icians and tacticians. Much less had it ever occurred to that party to take shelter under the sacred name of Whigs. Whiggery was in those d iys a term of reproach, contemptu ously and freely abandoned to the Republicans, who were considered then as now as possessing but a small proportion of the wealth, talents and decency of the community. Well, fellow citizens the same political parties are in reality the only existing parties of the present day stripped of the mockery of mere names and I may fairly predict that to the end of time, they will be the only real parlies ever known in the politi cal history of our country. The Federalists have always been and will ever be the friends of a splendid costly and energetic government instead of a simple, cheap and mild one and consequently must ever be essentially hostile to the just rights and interests of the people. The Republicans diametrically opposed to such no tions of government must be the assertors and vindicators of those rights and inter ests. These two parlies I repeat which lived and moved and had their being at the establishment of our government still meet in stern and fierce contention on the polit ical arena at the present day. Of this truth none of you are uninformed nor can cur late Representative himself pretend ignorance of it. It will be useful lo inquire in this place to which of these parties Mr. STANLY be longs and whether we arc to place him in the ranks of these politicians hostile to pop ular rights or in the ranks of those who are the friends and assertors of them. To do this we must direct our attention to the best evidence the case admits of. Let us then resort to the open and public declarations of the gentleman hiimclf. From his public speeches and the public avowal of his opinions thciecan be no hesitation in pronoun cing that he is a Federalist thnt he stands in those ranks, hostile to the l ights and in terests of the people. As a Federalist, he must be considered as the advocate of all the opinions and principles of that party. He is the avowed advocate of a National Hank, and this is an institution pronounced by Mr. Jcflerson to be in deadly hostility to our institutions. That he isa latitudmarian m tnc construction cl our constitution necessa rily follows, because the power to incorporate a Hank is not to be found among the enu merated powers "ranted to Congress neither is it incidental to any of those powers nor is such power to be found in any pari ol the constitution. It must therefore depend upon a Ialiuidinarian construction it is lo all intents and purposes an arbitrary and va grant power an imaginary creation resting perhaps upon some of the favorite vis ions of Mr. J. Q. Adams or the beautiful hypothesis of the "general welfare." Put thank heaven it is neither the constitution nor the law nor the prophets. We are constrained to consider Mr. S. a Federalist from his votes in Congress, especially on those questions which go directly lb mark and distinguish the party. I will not say in the parlance of the day that he is a whole-hog Federalist or that he is an advocate for Internal Improvement by the general government or of a paper circulation in op position to a metallic cunency or of the policy of taxing the people for collecting are venue lo distribute among the States or df a national debl or of the American system or of the protective system in all its extent or of a high tariff or that he is the eu- st of the scdilion law or of. Mr. Crittenden's gag law, to deprive the subordinate lojiist officers of government of the right of speech though as at present informed, I am in clined to believe it but I do say that these arc some of the essential and vital princi ples of the party to which he belongs He is of course the advocate of monopolies and exclusive privileges the friend of associated wealth lhe friend of the rich and how extensively the friend of the poor; it is not difficult to conjecture. It must be also presumed, that he coincides with the often expressed opinion of the Federal patty that the people are incapable of self-government as well as in another sentiment that the Federal parly possesses or lays claim to all the decency and all the talents of the country. . In thus designating the party to which Mr. S. belongs, I have not sought to do him or hi3 party injustice. "I nothing extenuate, or set down aught in malice." It will be necessary however, to advert a little further to the political opinions of Mr. S., and to his course of action since he became a servant of the people. It is notorious that he is imbued with the most inveterate hatred of the late and present Administration that he is the slave of the most bitter and irrational prejudices against the President of the people's choice, that he has exhausted the vocabulary of invective and abuse m refer ence to Mr. Van Buren the fixt and immovable friepd of popular and Slate rights and the very antithesis of Federalism and Federal tactics. I would not go too far in saying that, regardless of those grave and important interests which the people m an evil hour confided to his patriotism his zeal and intelligence, his whole course in Congress has been marked by an indecorous and slavish subsemcr.cy to a desperate faction in their efforts to obstruct the public business by the agitation of every subject promising undue heat and excitement, and calculated to render tne government odious lo the people by unqualified opposision to every useful measure and in vain endea vors to revolutionize public opinion and to render it hostile to the Administration of the people's choice; Behold the" mighty labors of the Representative of the people. But Mr. S. has rendered himself obnoxious to a heavy accountability which the people of this district will keep steadily in view. He has exerted his most rancorous hostility a-ainst a measure recommended bv the President lor the safe keeping and dUbursing'he public funds, for withholding the people's money and the credit ot the Government from the rapacious hands of the banks who have almost dared to claim it is a rieht to use the public. revenue for their own special emolument and that of their stockholders. In these daring assumptions-lhe banks-have uniformly received the couritenance and support of the Federal party: This partv to which Mr. S. belongs has been so long accustomed to use banks as political instruments in- their efforts td bankrupt and prostnije the Government,, bv the management of panics and suspension. ol payment that they become desperate from the idea that in withholding the credit and revenue of the Government fr om the use of these soulless corporations a whole some rclorm and regulation of them must follow and that thus no longer being able.to lend their aid as political instruments -the Federal pirty will lose the great lever b which ihey expect to overturn the order and prosperity of the whole community to create contusion dismay and ruin in all ranks of society and to uproot the founda tions of a Government reverenced and cherished by the people and admired by all but the enemies of soci d order and happiness who call themselves Whigs! save the mark ! Mr. S. therefore would refuse the people the right of disbursing their own mo ney, by their own officers, for the support of Government; because forsooth j the hanks could not otherwise seize upon the revenue, discount upon it and cleSe iheir vaults up on it, when the government should de;mr.i it, for the disbursements necessary for its support for the prccrvat(on of its faith and the honorable discharge of its engage ments. And here fellow citizens permit me, at the iik of a little digression, t' predict that before 1810 passes away, you will witness ano:her imrting of banks, another pan ic, another suspension of payment, all this being necessary accoiding to Federal tactics to revolutionize public opinion and put down the Van Huron administration, by making the people feel the pungency of dis.ress (which they will of course ascribe to the Government) & the danger of longer opposition to the wishes & designs ef the Whigs. But there i.s another charge againsl our Representative (quaere Representative) for vVhieh the people will hold him toa heavy responsibility, li is a subject on which no tiiiiiug will be tolerated. It is the countenance direct "or indirect which he has render ed to ihc advocates of Abolition, and their infamous pretensions during lhe last session. Ho sjems to have forgotten lhe peculiar sensitiveness of the Southern people, on this subject of all others the most deucate and impracticable; the very contemplation of which is sufficient to lash the mildest tempers into stern and fierce resentment fix them in deep resolve and prepare them for determined action. .The effects of the inter lcre.nce of Abolitionists upon the peculiar structure of Southern society, has been deep ly considered and keenly but calmly surveyed. The opinions of the people on this exciting subject are not to be shaken by dexterous management ingenious shifts, or puny arguments. A searching scrutiny into Mr. S.'s course on this subject will not be. easily parried, nor will the attention of the people be diverted from it, by his abuse of the Administration, or the offi crs of the General Government nor by the ebullition ol his wrath against other inembtrs of Congress. On this subject the people will fix on him a calm but vigilant gaze rejtct his sophistry and judge him evcrcly. Thd" subject i.s too dangerous, too painfully interesting to treit with levity or indulgence. W'e now approach the '"Address" and invite you, fellow citizens, to accompany me in it's examination. It commences by abruptly announcing that on the 11th Decr Athcrlon's resolutions were presented to the House of Representatives. The fht cir cumstance that strikes us as not a littie remarkable is, that not a syllable of that con ventional sua v it, which denotes a courteous intercourse between the'Renfeseutative" and his constituents, intioduces this -address." This in the severity of iufetence would prove, rather a defiance of his constituents, than a desire to set himself right in their opinion. But let that pass. The temper of the very first paragraph is openly rancorous unamiabie nay furious. He leaps into the arena of discussion like an enraged bully, hurling a general defiance, ami demand. ug the combat; and with whom does lie st eU to do battle? Why, with i he Republicans, whom be mocks and si.ctrs t as abstract Republicans loco focos, and dough f. ce, &c. ! and in whose defence does this champion rush to the encountei? S;rang--, s. range indeed! why in di fence of Abolitionists and V higs, agamsi whom you heur not one word of abuse or reproach in this whole address! Here is the last sentence of this, first shoit paragraph of eihl lines: - The Van Huron party in and out of Congress i laim to be the de oted, if no; the exclu sive friends of the South; they take great merit for the introduction of these resolutions, and point to those who sustained the o ..s worthy tit the thanks of their country for their self-sacrificing patriotism, and for their nobly standing by the South in the assertion of their rights." Afer reading the resolutions, let us pause reidcr and ask, if any man of sound patriotic feelings, a man of true Southern feelings could have penned ucti a sentence ' on such an occasion. Here are the resolutions: Atherton's resolutions as they passed the The same resolutions except some slight House of Representatives, which Mr. S. alterations. Mr. S. savs these could have refused to vote for. 1. itwot'c, That this Government is a Govern meiit cf liiuiteJ powers; and that, by the cousiim-! lion ot the United States, CoiijjTrss lias no juris diction whatever over the institution of slavery h. the Several States of thts Confederacy! 2. Ilc-ulctd, That petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Terri- slavery in the District ef Columbia and the Terri tories t liie United States, an l against the re-mo- t -rie.-! ol the United States, and against the remo val of slaves from one State to another, are a pari val of slaves from one State to an oilier are intended ol the plan ot operations set on loot to aiL-et tin; j to a Feet the institution of slavery in the several I cen toleraled. Would Mr. S. haye voted f r theni? Assuredly not. 1. Resolved i That this Government is a Got eminent ef limited powers, nnd that by the ron s'kntt 'in (fthe United 'tates, Congress has no ju risdiction whatever over the subject of slavery in the several States of the confederacy. 2. Le nlcfd, I hnt petitions f r lhe abolition of iiisuiuuon oi slavery, in me several Mates, and thus indirectly to distroy that institution within their limits. oi Resolved, That. Congress has no riht to do States, and thus, indirectly, to destroy that insti tution within their limits. 3. Rescloed, That Congress has" no riifht to do that indirectly which il cannot do directly and that . that indirectly which it cannot do directly, and' the agitation of the subject of slavery in the Dis-that the agitation of the subject of slavery in the trict of Columbia or I he Territories, as a means i District of Columbia, or in the Territories, or m and with a view of disturbing or overthrowing that &ny manner, with ihe view of disturbing or over- insiitution in the several States, is against the true i throwing that institution in the several States, u equally ancomiJuHonal, and Ltyvnd its Itgiiluiivi competency i spirit and meaning of the constitution, an infringe ment ol thoroghtot the States aliected,and a breach of the public faith on which they entered into this confederacy! 4. Retotvi'd, That the constitution rests on the broad principle of equality among the members of this confederacy; and that Congress, iu the exer cise of its acknowledged powers, has no right to discriminate between theinstitutions of one portion of the States and another, with a view cf abolish ing the one and promoting the otheri o Resolved, llurtfore, That all attempts, on the part of Congress, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia or the Territories, or to prohibit the removal of slaves from Stato to Stale, or lo discri minate between the institutions of one portion of the country and another, w ith the views aforesaid, are in violation of the constitution, destructive of the fundamental principles on which the Union of these States rests, and beyond the jurisdiction of Congress; and that every petition, memorial, res olution, proposition or paper,touching or relating in any way or to any extent whatever to slavery, as aforesaid, or the abolition thereof, shall, on the pre sentation thereof, without any further action there on, be laid on the table without being debated, printed, or referred. 4; fierblved, al e, That the constitution rests oil the broad principles of equality nmongthe members of the confederacy, and that Congress, in the ex ercise of acknowledged powers, has no right io dis criminate between the institutions of one portion of tile States and another, with a view of abolish ing the one and promoting the other. 3t Rewired, then fore. That all attempts on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District .f Columbia or in the Territories, or to regulate the removal of slaves from State to State, or to discriminate between the institutions of one por tion of the covftdirucy and another, with tha views aforesaid, are in violation of lhe constitution, des tructive of the fundamental principle on which the Union of these States rests, and beyond the juris diction of Congress; and that, as such, no peti tion, memorial, resolution, proposition, or paper; touching or relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to slavery, as aforesaid, or to the aboli-, tion thereof shall be entertained or considered Ijj thin Lome, but, en the presentation thereof, shall, without being read, debated, printed, or referred be laid on the table, and no further action whatever shall be had thereon These then are the resolutions which have roused lhe indignation of our Representa tive, on which he has discharged all his hileand venom and on which oh! shme to a Southern man: he refused to vote and this very address is written and circulated among his constituents to palliate and excuse this open abandonment of sound consti tutional ground, and these eminently true Sjuthern princip!cs. Is there a man among you who loves his country, and especidly the fair portion tf the South, where he has cast his lot, determined to cherish and defend its institutions to the last drop of his blood, is there a man among you whether Whig or Republican who will not solemnly place his hand upon his heart and say, I subscribe most heartily and religiously to thse resolutions and the principles they contain? Is there a man among you who will not pronounce the men who supported and passed these resolutions lhe patriotic and devo ted friends of the South and its public benefactors? Is there one among you who wiil refuse them the thanks of their country, not for their fclf-sacrifice (for sacrifice there was none except in the over-heated brain of Mr. S.) but for their actual nobly standing by the South in the assertion of their lights. Will it he beliecd iliat Mr. S. is pre pared to deny or refuse his assent to the principles contained in these resolution? If tie. dare do so, then is he utterly unworthy a residence among Southern men then is he a traitor to the trust confided lo him and deserves expulsion from the fair clime h' inhabits. Denying these principles will he dare to cfier himself to the peoole for r