'Jjoe 785.
Tarborough, (Edgecombe County, JY C.) Saturday, Jlnrch i h 1811.
Vol. XVII JW. u.
i . , 1 - J flMMBBBMMHM
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visements must be marked the number of in
sertions required, or they will be continued until
otherwise ordered ami charge 1 accordingly.
Letters add ressed to the hMitor must be post
pal
d or they may not be attended to.
Doctor Win. EYAAS'
SOOTHING SYRUP
For children Teething,
PREPARED BY HIMSELF.
T o .Mothers and .Yurses.
rflHE passage of the 'lVetli through the
gums produces troublesome ami dau
gerous symptoms. It is known by nnuli
ers thai there is great irtiuiiui in the
mouth and gums during this process. The
gums swell, the secretion of saliva is in
creased, llie child is seixed with frequent
aiu sudden It I s oi crying, vvatchiuus, start
ing in the sleep, and sp isms of peculiat
pari?, lite cltll 1 shrieks with extreme vio
lence, and thrusts its (infers into its mouth.
If these precursory symptoms ate mo spee
dily alleviated, spasmodic convulsions uni
versally supervene, and soon cause the
dissolution of the infant. If mothers who
have their little babes afflu led iih these
difttessing symptoms. would apply )r
William Evans's Celebrated Soothing
Syrup, which has preserved hundreds of
infants when thought past recovery, from
being suddenly attacked with that fatal
malady, convulsions.
This infallible remedy lias preserved
hundreds of Children, when thought past
recovery, from convulsions. As soon as
llie Syrup is rubbed on the gums, the child
will recover. This preparation is so in
nocent, so efficacious, and so pleasant, that
no child will refuse to let its gums be
rubbed with it. When infants are at the
age of four months, though there is no ap
pearance of teeth, one bottle of the
Syrup should be used on the gums, to
open die pores. Parents should never be
without the Syrup in the nursery where
there are young children; for if a child
wakes in the night w ith pain in the gums,
the Syrup immediately gives ease by open
ing the pores and healing th cuius; theie
by preventing Convulsions, Fevers. &:
To the Agent of Dr. Evans' Southing
Syrup : Dear Sir The great benefit
afforded to my suffering infant by your
Soothing Svrup. in a case of nrot rarird
and painful dentition, must com "nice every
feeling parent how essential an eailv ap
plication of such an invaluable meiliriue
is to relipve infant misery and torture. .My
infant, while teething, experienced such
acute sufferings, that it was attacked with
convulsions, and my wife and family sup
posed that death would soon release the
babe from anguish till we procured a bot
tle of your Syrup; which as soon as ap
plied to the gums a wonderful change was
produced, and after a few applications the
child displayed obvious relief, and by coo
linumg in its use. I am glad to inform
)oii, the child 1 las completely recovered
ana no recurrence of that awful complaint
"as since occurred; the teeth are emaua
'"'g daily and the child enjoys perfect
Health. I give von my cheerful permission
10 make this acknowledgment public, and
Wl'i gladly tiive any infoi tnatiun on this
c'rrinstanre.
'"en children begin to be in pain with
"eir teeth, shooting in their gums, put
'"lie of the Syrup in a tea spoon, and
"h the finger let the child's gums be
'"Obed for two or three minutes, thre
roes a day. h must not be put to the
or?ast immediately, for the milk would
t,le syrtirj off too soon. When the
teeth are just coming through their gums.
Others should immediately apply the sy-
JUP it will prevent the children having a
fVeri and undergoing thai painful opera
ll0n of lancing the gums, which always
flakes the tooth much harder to come
rough, and sometimes causes death.
Hew arc of Counterfeits.
. Caution. Re particular in purcha
y Jj obtain it at 100 Chatham St.,
e York,-or from the
REGULAR AGENTS.
J. M. Redmond, ) .
Geo.Howaud, $ l'.
. M. Mussel, Elizabeth City.
January, 1840.
IN WJtUTKAL ADDRESS.
Of Gen. H trrison.
Called from a retirement which I had
s i pposel was to continue for the residue
"f mv life, to fill the Chief E ecutive office
ol t hi gre it and free nation, I appear be
lore vo i, fellow citizens, to take the oaths
which ihi Constitution prescribes, as a ne
cessity qualification for the performance of
its duties Ami in obedience to a custom
co eval with our Government, and what I
believe to be your expectations. I proceed
to present to you a summary of the princi
ples which will govern me, in the disch irge
of the duties which I shall be called upon
to perform.
It was the rem rk of a Roman Consul,
in an curly period of that celebrated Re
piblic, that a most striking contrast was
observable in the conduct of candidates for
offices of power and trust, before and af
ter obi lining them they seldom carrying
out in the latter ease the pledges and pro
mises ni ide in the former. However much
tiie world may have improved, in many
respects, in the lapse of upwards of two
thousand years since the remark was made
by the viituous and indignant Roman, 1
ear til it a strict examination of the annalsl
otsomeol the modern elecive Govern
ments, would develops similar instances o(
violated confidence.
Although the fiat of the people his gone
forth, proclaiming mcthe Chief Magistrate
of this glorious Union, nothing upon their
put remaining to be done, it may be
thought that a motive may exist to keep up
the delusion under which they may be
supposed to have ac;ed in relation lo my
principles and opinions; and p-rhaps there
may be some in this assembly who have
come here ei;her prepued to condemn
tho-c I .-shall now deliver, or, approving
them, to doubt the sinreiity with which
they are uttered. But the lapse of a few
months will confirm or dispel their fears.
The outline of principles 10 govern, and
measures to be adopted, by an Ail minis
tration not yet begun, will soon be ex
changed for immutable history ; and I shall
stand, either exonerated by my country
men, or classed with the msss of those who
promised that they might deceive, and
flattered with the intention to betray.
However strong may be my present
purpose to realize the expectations of a
magnanimous and confiding people, I too
well understand the infirmities of human
nature, and the dangerous temptations to
which I shall be exposed, from the magni
tude of the power which it has been the
plasure of the people to commit to my
b onis, not to place my chit f confidence
up)i the aid of that Almighty Power
which has hitherto protected n.c, and en
abled me to bring to favorable issues other
important, but still greatly inferior trusts,
heretofore confided to me by my country.
The broad foundation upon which our
Coutitutions rests, being tiie people a
breath of theirs having m;ide, as a breath
can unmake, change, or modify it it can
be assigned to none of the great divisions
of Government but lo that of Democracy.
If Mich is it theory, those who aie called
upon to administer it must recognise, as its
leading principle, the duty of shaping their
measures so as to produce the greaieM good
to the greatest mumber. Hut, with these
broad admissions, if we would compare the
sovereignty acknowledged to exist in the
Lavsol our people with the power claimed
hy other sovereignties, even by those
which have been considered most purely
Democratic, we shall find a mot essential
difference. All others lay claim to nower
limited only by their own will. The ma
jority of our citizens, on the contrary, pos
sess a sovereignty with an amount o pow
er precisely equal to that which has been
granted to them by the parties to the na
tional compact, and nothing beyond. We
admit of no Government by Divine right
believing that, so far as power is con
cerned, the beneficent Creator has made
no distinction amongst men, that all are
upon an equality, and that the only legiti
maie right to govern is an expnss grant of
power from the governed. The Constitu
tion of the United States is the instrument
containing this grant of power to the sever
al departments composing the Govern
ment. On an examination of that instru
ment, it will be found to contain declara
tions of powei granted, and of power with
held. The latter is also susceptible of di
vision, into power which the majority had
the light to grant, but which they did no?
think proper to intrust to their agents, and
;hat which I hey c-uld not have granted.
not being possessed by themselves. In
other words, there are certain rights pos
sessed by each individual A met iean citizen,
which, in his compact with the o'hers, he
has in ver surrendered. Some of them,
indeed, he is unable to surrender, being,
in the language of our system, unalienable.
I he buasled privilege ol a Konian citi
zen was to him a shield only against
oetty provincial ruler, whilst the proud
democrat of Athens could console himselt
hinder a sentence of death, for a supposed!
violation oitne national taith, which not
one understood, anil which at times was
the subject of the mockery of all, or o
banishment from his home, his family,
and his country, with or without an alb-'g
ed cause; that it was the act, not of a single
tyrant, or hated aristocracy, but of his as
sembled countrymen. Far different is the
power of our soveteignty. It can inter
fere with no one's faith, prescribe forms of
worship for no one's observance, inflict no
punishment but after well ascertained
guilt, the result of investigation under
rules prescribed by the Constitution itseli.
These precious privileges, and those scarce
ly less important, of giving expression to
his thoughts and opinions, either by wri
tiog or speaking, unrestrained but bv the
liability for injury to others, and that ol
a full participation in all the advantages
which flow from the Government, the ac
knowledged property of all, the Ameri
can citiz -n derives from no charter grant
ed by his fellow man. He claims them
because be is himself a man, fashioned by
the same Almighty hand as the rest of his
species, and entitled to a full share of the
blessings with which he has endowed
them.
Notwithstanding the limited sovereh'n-
ty possessed by the people of the United
States, and the restricted grant of power
to the Government which they have adopt
ed, enough has been given to accomplish
all the objects for which it was created.
It has been found powerful in war, and
hitherto, justice has been administered,
an intimate union effected, domestic tran
quillity preserved, and personal liberty
secured to the citizen. As was to be ex
pected, however, from the defect of lan
guage, and the necessarily sententious
manner in which the Constitution is writ
ten, disputes have arisen as to the amount
of power which it has actually granted, or
was intended to grant. This is more par
ticularly the case in relation to that part
of the instrument which treats of the legis
lative branch. And not only as regards
the exercise of powers claimed under a
general clause, giving that body the au
thority to pass all laws necessary to carry
into effect the specified powers, but in re
lation to the latter also. It is however,
consolatory lo reflect, that most of the in
stances of alleged departure from the let
ter or spirit of the Constitution, have ulti
mately received the sanction of a majority
of the people. And the fact, that many
of our statesmen, most distinguished for
talent and patriotism, have been, at one
time or other of their political career, on
both sides of each of the most warmly dis
puted questions, forces upon us the infer
ence that the errors, if errors there were,
are attributable to the intrinsic difficulty,
in many instances, of ascertaining the in
tentions of the framers of the Constitution,
rather than the influence of any sinister or
unpatriotic motive.
Hut the great danger to our institutions
Iocs not appear to me to be in a usurpa
tion, by the Government, of power not
granted by the people, but by the accu
mulation, in one of the departments, of
that which was assigned toothers. Limit
ed as are the powers which have been
granted, still enough have been granted to
constitute a despotism, if concentrated in
rmp nf tbf dpnart merits. I his nantrpr is
greatly heightened, as it has been always !
observable that men are less jealous Gf
encroachments of one department upon
another, than upon their own reserved
rights.
When the Constitution of the United
States first came from the hands of the
Convention which formed it, many of the
sternest republicans of the day were alarm
ed at the extent of the power which had
been granted to the Federal Government,
and more particularly of that poition which
had been assigned to me executive oranca.
There were in it features which appeared
not to be in harmony with their ideas of a
simple representative Democracy, or Re
public. And knowing the tendency of
power to increase itself, particularly when
exercised by a single individual, predic
tions were made that, at no very remote
period, the Government would terminate
in virtual monarchy. It would not be
come me to say that the fears of these pa
triots have been already realized. Hut, as
1 sincerely believe, that the tendency of
measures, and of men's opinions, for some
years past, has been in that direction, it is,
I conceive, strictly proper that 1 should
take this occasion to repeat the assurances
I iave heretofore given of my determina
tion to arrest the progress of that tenden
cy, if it redly exist, and restore the Go
vernment to its pristine health and vigor,
as far as ibis can be effected by any legiti
mate exercise of the power placed in my
hands.
1 proceed to state, in as summary a man
ner as I can, m opinion of the sources of
the evils which have been so extensively
complained of, and the correctives which
may be applied. Someoflhe former are
unquestionably to be found in the defects
of the Constitution; others, in my judg-
mr-nt, are attributable lo a misrnnsir.e.tion
ol some of its provision. Of the former is,
me eligibility of the s-itrin individual to a
second term of the IV sideney. The sa
gacious mini! of Mr. Jefferson early saw
i
ami lamented this error, and attemp's have
been made, hitherto without succ -ss, to
apply the amendatory power of the States
to its corree ion.
A, however, on? mode of correction is
in the power of every President, and con
sequently in mine.it wo ild be o-elest, anl
perhaps invidious, to enumerate the evils
of which, in th- opinion of our fellow-citizens,
this error of the sagos who framed
the Constitution ma have been the source,
and tliG bitter fruits whMi we are still to
gather from it, if it continues to disfigure
our system. It may b.- observed, howev
er, asa general rem.rk, that U --publics can
commit no greater t rior than to adopt or
continue any feature in their systems o!
government which may be calculated to
create or increase the love of power, in
the bosoms of those to whom necessity
obliges them to commit die management of
their affairs. And, surely, nothing is more
likely to produce such a state of mind than
the long continuance of an office of high
trust. Nothing can be more corrupting,
nothing more destructive of all those noble
feelings which belong to the character of a
devote 1 republican pairi.it. Wh-n thi
corrupting passion once takes possession of
the human mind. like the love of gold, i'
becomes insatiable. It is the ncver-dv in-:
worm in his bosom, grows with his
growth, and strengthens wiih Ihcdeclioing
years of its victim. If this is true, it is the
part of wisdom for a republic to limit the
service of that officer, at least, to whom
she h is intrusted the m mngemcnt of her
foreign relations, the execution of her laws,
and the command of her armies and na
vies, to a period so short as to prevent bis
forgetting tint he is the accountable ag -nt.
not the principal the servant, not" the
master. Until an amendment of the Con
stitution can be effected, public opinion
may secure the desired object. I give my
aid to it, by renewing the pledge hereto
fore giren, that under no circumstances,
will 1 consent to serve a second term.
Hut if theie is danger to public liberty
from the acknowledged defects of the Con
stitution, in the want of limit to the contin
uance of the Executive power in the same
hands, there is, I apprehend, not much
less from a misconstruction of that instru
ment, as it regards the powers actually
given. I cannot conceive that, by a fair
construction, any or either of its provisions
would be found to constitute the President
apart of the legislative power. It cannot
be claimed from the power to recommend,
since although enjoined as a duty upon j peel that bodies so constituted should not
him, itisa privilege which he holds in : sometimes be controlled by local interests
common with every other citizen. And land sectional feelings. It was proper,
although there may be something more ol therefore, to provide sonre umpire, from
confidence in the propriety of the measures whoe situation and mode of appointment
recommended in the one case than in ihejmore independence and freedom fiom
other, in the obligations of ultimate deci-i such influeni es might be expected. Such
sion there can be t.o difference. In the ! a one w. s afforded by the Executive De
language of the Conlitution,''all IliC le-1 parfment, constituted by the Constitution,
gislative powers" which it grants "are ! A erson t h cicd to that high office, hav
vested in the Congrtss of the United ! ing his cons'ituents in every s ction, State,
States." It would be a solecism in Ian-j and subdivision of the Union, must con
guage to say that any portion of these is s;der him-clf bound by the most solemn
not included in the whole. sanctions to guard, protect, and defend the
It may be said, indeed, that the Consli-
lution has given lo the Executive the
Power ' :,nmi1 l,,e ac,s (,f ,hu lcSilaiivo
body, by refusing to them his assent. So
a similar power has necessarily resulted
from that instrument to die Judiciary; and I a a conervaiivi power, to be used only,
yet the Judiciary forms no put of the Lc ! 1st protect the Constitution from viola
gislature. There is, it is true, this differ- j "O"; 2diy, the people from the effects of
ence between these grants of power. The j ',;)s-ty legislaton, when? their will has
Executive cm put his negative up m the j een pi obably disregarded or not well tin
acts of the Le ;islaiure for other cause than I derstood ; ami. 3.., to prevent the effect of
that of w..nl of conlbrmiiy to ihe Constitu- 'combinations, violativeof the rightof min
tion, whilst the Judiciary can only declare jorities. In reference to the .second of
void those which violate that instrument, these objects, I may observe, that I con
Hut the decision of the Judiciary is final sider it the right and privilege of the peo
in such a case, whereas, in every instance p to decide disputed points of the Con
where the veto of the Executive is applied, ; stitution, arising from the general grant of
it may be overcome by a vole of tvo-1 pnvver to Congress to cany into tffect the
thirds of both Houses of Congress. The powers expressly given. And I believe,
negative unon the acts of the Legislative ' with Mr. Madison, that repealed rccogni-
bv the Executive authority, and that in !
the hands of one indiv idual, would seem
to be an incongruity in our system. Like
some others of a similar character, howev
er, it appears to be highly expedient; and
if used only with the forbearance, and in
the spirit which was intended by its au
thors, it may be productive of great good,
and be found one of the best satVguaids to
the Union. At the period of the forma
tion of the Constitution, the principle does
not appear to have enjoyed much favor in
the State Governments. It existed but in
two; and in one of these there was a plural
Executive. II we would scarcn for the
motives which operated upon the purely
patriotic and enlightened assembly which
framed the Constitution, for the adoption
of a provision so apparently repugnant to
the leading Democialic principle that the
majority should govern, we must reject
the idea that they anticipated from it any
benefit to theordinary course of legislation.
They knew too well the high degree ol
intelligence which existed among the peo-J
pie. and 'heenlightened character of the
State Legislatures, not lo have the fullest
. n - - - -
.confidence that the two bodies elected bv
them would be worthy representatives of
such constituents, and, of course, that they
would require no aid in conceiving and ma
turing the measures which the circumstan
ces of the country might require; ami it is
preposterous to .suppose that a thought
could for a moment have been entertained
that the President, p'aced at the capital, in
the cen're of the courrry, could belter un
derstand i hj wan's and wisbts of the peo
ple than their own immediate representa
tives, wh ) spend a part oft-very year a
mong them, living with them, often labor
ing with them, and bound lo them by the
triple tie of iu'erest, du'y, and affection.
To assis, or control Congress, then, in its
ordinary legislation, could not, 1 conceive,
have been the motive for confering thr
veto power on the President. This argu
ment acquires additional force from the
fact of its never having been thus used by
die fust six Presidents; and two of them
were members of the convention, one
presiding over its d liberations, and the
other having a larger share in consummat
ing tiie labors of th t august body than any
other person. Hut if bills were never re
turned to Congress by either of the Presi
dents above rtleirtd to, upon the ground
of their being inexpedient, or not as well
adopted as they might be to the wants of
the people, the veto was applied upon that
of want of conformity lo the Constitution,
or because etrors had been committed
fiom a too hasty enactment.
There is another ground for the adoption
of the veto principle, which bail "probably
more influence in recommending it lo the
Convention than any other. I refer to the
security which it gives to the just and e
quitable action of the Legislature upon all
parts of the Union. It could not but have
occurred to the Convention that, in a coun
try so extensive, embracing so great a va
riety of soil and climate, and, consequent
ly, of products, and which, from the same
causes, must ever exhibit a great difference
in the amount of the population of its va
rious sections, calling for a great diversity
in the employments of the people, that the
legislation of the majority might not always
justly regard the rights and interests of the
minority and that acls of this character
might be passed, under an express granl by
the words of the Constitution, and, there
fore, not within the competency of the ju
diciary to declare void; that, however en
lightened and patriotic they might suppose,
from past experience, the members of
Congress might be, and however largely
partaking in the general of the liberal feel-
ings of the people, it was impossible to cx-
r tgbts of all, ard of every portion, great
or small, from the injustice and oppression
of the rest. I consider the veto power,
therefore, given bv the Constitution to
the Executive of the United States solely
lions, under varied eticumstances, in acts
of the Legislative, Executive, and Judi
cial branches of the Government, accom
panied by indications in different modes
of the concurrence of the general will of
the nation, as affording o the President
sufficient authority for his considering such
disputed points as settled."
Upwards of half a century has elapsed
since the adoption of our present form of
Governmi nt. It would be an object more
highly desirable than the gratification of
the curiosity of speculative statesmen, if
its precise situation could be ascertained, a
fair exhibit made of the operations of each
of its Departments, of the powers which
hey respectively claim and exercise, of
tbe collisions w hich have occurred between,
them, or between the whole Governm nt
and those of the States, or either of them.
Ve could then compaic our actual condi
tion, after iifiy v cars' trial of our sys'em,
with what ii vvas in the commencement of
its operaltons, and ascertain whether tba
predictions of the patriots who opposed .iti
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