TO
3
?rioc JNtf. 780.
horouSh,( Edgecombe County, X. CJ Saturday, .Mar
( 2 1. 1811.
Vol. Mil Xo 12.
pmm rp i yyft
i
Tip Tarborongh S9rcss,
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INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
Of Gen. Harrison,
(con fin ucd from our Ins!. )
Upon another occasion I have given my
opinion, nt some leng'h, up v the impro
priety of Executive interference in the le
iiislaiion of Congress. Tint the article in
the Constitution making it the duty of the
President to communicate, information,
and authorizing him to recommend me. is
ures,was not intended to m ike him the
jonrce of legislation, m l, in pu licuiar,
that he should never he looked to for
schemes of finance. It wool I he very
siranjjp, indeed, that the Constitution
should have strictly forbidden one branch
of the Legislature from intei It-ring in the
origination of such bills, and th.it it should
he considered proper that an altogethi r
different department of ihe Government
should be permitted to do so.
our best political maxims and
.some oi :
have been drawn from our parent I1
There are others, however, which cannot
be introduced in our syem without singu
lar incongruity, and the production of
much mischief. And this I conceive to
be one
Xo matter in which of the Ilotis-
esof Parliament a bill may originate, nor
by whom introduced, a minister, or a
member of the opposition, hy the fiction of
law, or rather of constitutional principle,
the sovereign is supposed to have prepar
ed it agreeably to his will, and then sub
mitted it to Parliament for their advice and
consent. Now, the very revcise is the
case here, not only with regard to the prin-!
ciple, but the forms prescribed by the Con
stitution. The principle certainly assigns
to the only body constituted by ihe Con
stitution (the legislative body,") the power
to make laws, and the forms even direct
that the enactment should be ascribed to
them. The Senate, in relation to revenue
bills, have the right to prr.po-e amend
ments; and so has the Executive, by the
power given him to return them to the
House of Representatives, with bis objtc
lions. His in his power, also to propose
amendments to the existing revenue laws,
suggested by his observations upon their
selective or injurious operation. Hut the
delicate duty of dev ising schemes of reven
ue should be left where the ConMitution
has placed it with the immediate repre-
""aui" onnc people, ror similar rca
?ons
the mode of keening the public !
reasure should be prescribed by them;
jncl the farther removed it may be from
e control of the Executive, the more
Mioiesomc the arrangement, and the more
1!1 accordance with Republ ican principle.
Connected with this subject is the char
ter of the currency. The idea of making
"exclusively metallic, however well iu
CniH appears to me to be fraught with
re 3tal consequences than any other
scheme, having no relation to the personal
r!.ghts of the citizen, than has ever been de
thrr any 's'nS,e scheme could produce
e effect of arresting, at once, that mini-
linn f ... .
u" condition hy which thousands ol
'ndust
iuiyiii it-iiow Citizens oy ineir
ana enterprise, are raised to the
'sMonol wealth, that is the one.
If
an ,ulSOne me;,s"'C better calculated than
' 0 Jerto produce that stale of things so
" deprecated hy all true republicans,
hoard h richa,e (,ai,y :i(1,lil'o iHcir
D r s'andthe poor sinking deeper into
cVo it.isan exclusive metallic curren
char lie,e i? a process by which the
acter of the country for generoitv and
lenessol'leelingmay be "des'roye'd by
, J,e great increase and necessary toleration
sivc meialhc currcn-
L)-
Amongst the other duties of a delicate
racter which the President is cdled
P011 DCrfnrm K C .1-.
e ' "nmentoftheTerritoriiS of lhe Uui
I lined i ''nosef them which re ilcs
j! litiCaj fbe?ome members of our great p(,
Wicl y' :Ue C0!,le,Si,,ei1 !,V ,lu
: r0J,,h proS;css from infancy lo manhood,
I M'llJ parV.al ant 'cniporary h pi ival i ui
j political rights I,,; in. .his U,s-
! Hefou-r;!1,3 Ar citizen, are
I Ofn.e "iiujuiiucr a sett ed sv.stem
privileges, without any inspiring
only con
mion, under circu :nsanccs of such depri
i . :
vation, is that of the devo'ed exterior
guirds of a camp tint their sufferings se
cure tranquillity and safety within. Are
there artv of their countrymen whj would
sunjeet them to greater sacrifices, to any
)t!i r hu nili uions than those ess nti illy
nec-ssirv to the security of the obi-ct foV
j which they were thus separated from their
fellow citizens? Are their rights alone
j not to he gu ir intied hy the ap;ilic ition of
I those -rre.it principles, upoi which all our
j Constitutions are founded? We are told
oy the greatest ot ISntish orators and states
men, th.it, at the Commencement of the
wirofthe devolution, the most stupid men
in Enn;l.ind spoke of -'their American sub
jects. Are there, indeed citizens of any
of our States who have dreamed of their
subjects in the District of Columbia) Such
drennscin never he realized hy any agen
cy of mine.
The people of the Dilri ft nf fi-tii m t i
,uv- Jvj.jjt;L-i oi me people oi the
Slates, hut free American citizens. Be
ing in the latter condition when the Con
stitution was formed, no words used in
tint instrument could h-ivc b en intended
o deprive them of that character. If there
is any thing in the great principles of tina-
iro nn i in piiiti.i.iiA r i 1 i- .
1
nen.ioie rights, so emphatically insisted
upon in our Declaration of Independence,
thev could neither make, nor the United
Mates accept, a surrender of their liberties,
and become ihe in other words,
h" slaves of ihcir former fellow citizens.
it mis De in!-, and it will scarcely he de
nied by any one who has a correct idea of
his own riglrs as an merican citizen, th
grant to Congress of exclusive jurisdiction
in the District of Columbia, can he inter
preted, so fir as respects the aggregate
people of the United Si.dcs, as meaning
,,," i,;u; man in aiiow to ontrress
:he controlling power necessary to allbrd a
free and snfe exercise of the functions as
-igned to the General (iovernmcnt by the
Constitution. In all other respects, the
leiiisl itioil of Coiln-p Jimdd lio n,t .Mtr.-l
to their necnli:i- .Ifiinn o,t ,ic ..,,1
be conformable with their deliberate opi
nions oi tiieir own interests.
I have spoken of the necessity of keep
ing the respective Departments of the Go
vernment, as well as all the other authori
ties of our country, within their appropri
ate orbits This is a matter of difficulty
in some cases, as the powers which they
respectively claim are often not defined
by very distinct lines. Mischievous, how
ever, in their tendencies, as collisions of
this kind may be, those which arise be
tween the respective communities, which
for certain purposes compose one nation,
are much more -o; for no such nation can
long exist w ithout the careful culture of
those feelings ol confidi nee and affection !
which are the effective bonds of :;:;!'ri be- j
tween free and confederated States. St s uc ;'
as is 1 he tie Ot interest. It has hern rdien
f.und ineffectual. Men, blinded by their 1
pa.vMon.s, nave oeen Known lo adopt mea
sure for their country in direct ojj)o.-.i,iv):
hope as to the future. Their
to all the suggestions of policy. The al-1 ii! their engagements and maintain their
tentative, then, is, to destroy or keep down j credit: for the character and credit of the
a had passion by creating and fostering a 'several States form part of the character
good one; and ibis seems to be the corner jand credit of the whole country. The re
stone noon vdiich our American noiitiivd ' snurppc nf Ihn pnnntrr nre idinndnnt llio
architects have reared this fabric of nuc'i
Government. The cement which was to
bind it, and perpetuate its existence, was '
the affectionate attachment between all its i
memhers. 1 o insure the continuuance of
this feeling, produced at first by a com
munity of dangers, of sufferings and of in
t crests, ihe advantages of each were made
accessible to all. No participation in any
gootl, possessed by any member of an ex
tensive confederacy, except in domestic
government, was withheld from the citi
zen of any other member. Uy a process
attended with no difficulty, no delay, no
expcr.se but that oficmoval, the citizen of
one might become the citizen of any other,
and successively of ihe whole. The lines,
too, separating powers to he exercised by
the c'niztns of one Slate from those ot
another, seem to be so tli.-tincily diawn as
lo leave no room for misunderstanding.
The citizens of c.ich Stale unite in their
person all the privileges which that char-
cter confers, and ail th;it they may claim
as citizens of ihe United States; but in no
Case can lhe same person, at ihe same lime,
act as the citizen of two separate Slates,
and he. is therefore positively precluded
from any interference with the reserved
powers of tt ny Slate but that if which he
is. for Ihe time be'iog, a citizen. He
ma indeed offer lo the citizens of other
Stan, s his advice as to their management,
and lhe form in which it is tendered is left
to his own uiscieuoii uuu sense oi proprie
iy. It may he observed, however, that or
ganized associaiions of citizens, requiring
i dMipli.ince ith their widit s, too much
n sen. hie the recommenda I ions of Athens
o hi i allies s ipported by an armed and
powerful fljet. It was, indeed, to the
ambition of the leading M:des of Greece to
control the domestic concerns of theotheis,
(that the destruction of that celebrated con-
- federac.y, and subsequently of all its mem
ners, is m-iinly to be attributed. And it
. ....u.,,,., ul llMl n, m incj
ueivcim couieueracy lias lor so many
years oeen preserve
Aever has there
be?n seen in thfi intiintirtria r iK c.
- ""iuhj ui me .-.jjn.iie
mcuioersotany conledcracy more elements
of discor 1. In the principles and forms of
g iveanment and religion, as well as in the
circumstances of the several cautious, so
marked a discrepance was observable, as
to promise any thing but harmony in their
.iueicour.se or permanency in their alli
ance. And yc, for ngos, neither h is been
interrupted. Content with the positive
benelits which their union produced, with
the indenende net1 and safptv from f.
reign aggression which it. secured, these
sagacious people respected the institutions
of each other, however repugnant to thsir
own principles and prejudices.
Our Confederacy, fellow-citizens, can
only be preserved by the same forbear
ance. Our cit izens must he content with
the exercise of the powers with which the
Constitution clothes them. The aitemnt
of those of one State to control the domes
tic institutions of another, can only resuli
in leeiings ot distrust and jealousy, the
certain harbingers of disunion, violence,
civil war, and the ultimate destruction of
our free institutions. Our Confederacy is
perfectly illustrated by the terms and prin
ciples governing a common copartnership
There a f ind of povvcr is to he exercised
under the direction of the joint councils of
. i. i i .
me auied memocrs, lint that which ha
been reserved by the individual members
is intangible to the common Government
or the individual members composing it.
To attempt it finds no support in the prin
ciples of our Constitution. It should be
our constant and earnest endeavor mutual
ly to cultivate a spirit of concord and har
mony among the various parts of our Con
federacy. Experience has abundantly
taught us that the agitation by citizens of
one part of the Union of a subject not con
fided to the General Government, but ex
clusively under the guardianship of the lo
cal authorities, is productive of no other
consequences than bitterness, alienation,
discord, and injury to the very cause which
is intended to be advanced. Of all Ihe
great interests which appertain to our coun
try, that of union, cordial, confiding, fra
ternal union, is by fir the most important,
since it is the only true and sure guarantee
of all others.
In conscqucm e of the embarrassed state
of business and the currency, some of the
States may meet with difficulty in their fi
nancial concerns. However deeply we
may regard any thing imprudent or exces
sive in the engagements into which States
have entered for purposes of their own, it
noes not Decome us to disparage I tie State ;
Governments, nor fn discnuraye them from !
making proper efforts for their own relief:
the eontrarv. it is our dot v to encourao-o
llim t tUn ovtont nut- (.nnctitnimn.J
authority, to onnlv their best means, and I
i .i!nn..r..ii.. 4 i ii . :r.
vi it-ei i u 1 1 ui iii;iitu in i iiuuus.'vii y u I I ii ees ,
r,d submit, to all necessary burdens to ful-
i iv.onmlnwivitrnf nnr nnnnlo nm.
vet bial; and we may "well hopa that wise
legislation and prudent administration, by
the resnretivp (invnmments. each .net in or
within its own sphere, will restore former
prosperity.
Unpleasant and even dangerous as colli
sions may sometimes he, between the con
stituted authorities or the ciiizens of our
country, in relation to the lines which se
parate their respective jui isdictions, the
results can be of no vital injury to our in
stitutions, if that ardent patriotism, that
devoted attachment to liberty, that spirit of
moderation and forbearance, for which our
countrymen were once distinguished, con
tinue to be cherished. If this continues
10 be the ruling passion of our souls, the
weaker feelings of the mistaken enthusiast
will be corrected, the Eutopian dreams of
the scheming politician dissipated, and the
complicated intrigues of the demagogue
rendered harmless. The spirit of liberty
is the sovereign balm for every injury
which our institutions may receive. On
the contrary, no care that can be used in
the construction of our Government, no
division of powers, no distribution of
checks in its several departments, will
prove effectual to keep us a free people, if
i his spirit is suffered to decay and decay
it will, without constant nurture. To the
ne'dect of this duty, the best historians
a"-ree in attributing the ruin ofall the Re
publics with whose existence and fall their
writings have made us acquainted. The
same causes will ever produce the same ef
fects; and as long as the love of power is a
dominant passion of the human bosom, and
as long as the understandings of men can
be warped and their affections changed hy
operations upon their passions and preju
dices, so long will the liberty of a people
depend on their own constant attention to
its preservation. The danger to all well
- established free Gorrrnmnn'
isjihe unwiilingn-ss of the p.-cmle Jo
arises nom
r
believe
in us existence, or from the influence
designing
men, divrtine their attention
j from the quarter whence it approaches,
. r. i-
-i 'juics Hum wiiion ii can ncv
:ver co:n2.j
who would!
This is the old tn-k of those
usurp me uovernmpnt ot th-ir couutrv.
In Ihe name f Democracy Uvv spe ,k. wt ro the 'I mi. an' passions" of the whole
warning the people against the in P. icnce fj mass cf cifiz-ns. And vet. with the con
we.lth and the danger of aristociacy. llis-i inu.ir.ee -f -ie name and form of fee Go
tory, ancient and modern, is full of so--'-. i verum-nt. not a v ;i-e of these Qualities
examples. Caesir he cam-.' the master of
the lioman penpl- a ul the Senate on b V V e
pretence of supporting the Democratic
claims of the former against the aris?ocrac
of the latter; Cromwell, in the char.i torof
protector of the lihenies of the people, be
came the dictator of England; and Holivai
possessed himself of unlimited power, with)
the title of his country's Liberator. There!
is, on Ihe contrary, no single instance on
record of an extensive and well established
Kepublic being changed into an aristocra-
cy. The tendencies of all such Govern -
ments in their decline is to monarchy; and
ihe antagonist principle to liberty there isj
the spirit of faction a spirit which as -
sumes tha character, and, in times of great
excitement, imposes its -If upon the p- op!e
" l"L genuine spu n oi liveoom, ami nue
the false Christs whose coming was fore
told by the Saviour, seeks to, and were it
possible would, impose upon the true and
most faithful disciples of liberty. It is in
periods like this that it behooves the peo
pie to 1)3 most wa'chful of those to whom
they have intrusted power. And although
there is at times much difficulty in distin
guishing the false from the tine, spirit, a
calm and dispassionate investigation will
detect the counterfeit as well by the char
acter of its operations, as the results that
are produced. The true spirit of liberty,
although devoted, persevering, hold, anil
uncompromising in principle, that secured,
is mild and tolerant and scrupulous as to
the means it employs; whilst ihe spirit of
party, assuming to be that of liberty, is
harsh, vindictive, and intolerant, and to
tally reckless as to the character of the al
lies which it brings to the aid of its cause.
When ihe genuine spirit of liberty ani
mates the body of a people to a thorough
examination of their affairs, it leads to the
excision of every excrescence which may
have fastened itself upon any of the De
partments of the Government, and restores
the system loits pristine health and beauty.
But the reign of an intolercnt spirit of par
ty amongst a free people, seldom fails toi
result in a dangerous accession to the Exe
cutive power introduced and established
amidst unusual professions of devotion tO;
Democracy.
The foregoing remarks relate almost cx-
cniMveiy 10 mailers connected wun ourdo-
mestic concerns. It nviv be oroner. how-
t-vcr, that I should give some indications
to mv fellowcitizt ns of my proposed
course o conduct in tlio management o M
our foreign relations. 1 assure them, there -
lore, that it is mv Intention to use. nverv
intention 10 use every
means m my power to preserve she friend- j "y Mr. .Ulkrsou, -to give hrn.ncss &. xthct
ly intercourse which now so happily sub to the legal administration of their af
sis's wti.. every foreign nation; and that, j lairs. "
although ol course, not well inlormed as;
to the state of any pending negotiations
with any of them, I see in the personal
character s of the Sovereigns, as well s in
the mutual interest of our own and of the
Governments with which our relations are
most intimate, a pleasing guarantee that
the harmony so important to the interest
of their subjects, as well as our citizens,
will not be interrupted by the advancement
of any claim, or pretension upon their part
to which our honor would not permit us to
yield. Long the defender of my conntr,
rights in lhe field, 1 trusi that my fellow
citizens will not see in my earnest desire to
preserve peace with foreign powers any
indication that their rights will ever be
sacrificed, or the honor of the nation tar
nished, by any admission on the part of
their Chief Magistrate unworthy of their
former glory.
In our intercourse with our Aboriginal
neighbors the same liberality and justice
which marked the course prescribed to
me by two of my illustrious predecessors,
when acting under their directions in the
discharge ot the duties of Superintendent
and Commissioner, shall be strictly observ
ed. I can conceive of no more sublime
spectacle none more likely lo propitiate
an impartial and common Creator, than a
rigid adhtrence to the principles of justice
oti the part of a powerful nation in its trans
actions with a weaker and uncivilized peo
ple, whom circumstances have placed at its
disposal.
Before concluding, fellow citizens, 1
must say something to you on the subject
of the parties at this time existing in our
country. To me it appears perfectly clear,
that the inlercst of that country requires
that the violence of the spirit by which
those parties are at this time governed,
must be greatly mitigated, if nol entirely
extinguished, or con?equences will ensue
which are appalling to be thought of. If
parlies in a Republic are necessary to se
cure a degree of vigilance sufficient to keep1
ii;e n jJiiiC tunc! lonanes within th- munrU
of law and (hi'.v. at that noint ihpir nsefnl-
of IKS
c;k!s Hevond that, thev heconifi
hicslruf live nf fvi'iiILp virtue tlioivirpnisnf
to a spirit antagonist to that of liberty and,
eventually, its inevitable conquer
have examples of UepuHics, v
ror. We
here the
love of country and of libe tv. at one time.
1 uii iming ui tl:C I)' s tm ot any one its rili
7c:is h wis the heaiiti'ul irmark of a
disii.igirshed English writer that "in the
lion a:i Stn He, Oct avins had a party, and
Antony a pariy. hut the Commonwealth
had none." Yet the Senate coi.tir.ued Id
meet in (he Temple of Liberty, to talk of
the sacredness and beauty of the Common
wealth, and gzeat the statnesof the elder
IJrutus and of the Curt i i and Dccii. And
'he people assembled in the forum; r.ot as
in the das of Camillns and the Scipios, to
! cast their ftee votes for annual magistrates
;or pass upon the acts of the Senate, but to
receive from the hands of the leadens of the
! respective parties their share of the spoils,
hnd to shout for one or the other as those
j collected in Gaul or Egypt and the Lesser
Asia, would furnish the larger dividend.
The spirit of liberty had fled, and, avoid
ing the abodes of civilized man, had sought
protection in the wilds of Scythia or Scan
dinavia; and so, under the operation of the
same causes and influences, it will fly from
our Capitol ami our forums. A calamity
so awful, not only to our country but to
the world, must be deprecated by every
patriot; and every tendency to a state of
things likely to produce it immediately
checked. Such a tendency has existed
uocs exiM. Always tne irienu ot my
countrymen, never tluir flatterer, it be
comes my duly to say to them from this
high place to which their partiality has
exalted me, that there exists in the land a
spirit hostile to their best interests hostile
to liberty itself. It is a spirit contracted
in its views, selfish in its object. It looks
to the aggrandisement of a few, even to
the destruction of the inteiest of the whole
The entire remedy is with the people.
Something, however, may be effected hy
the means which tiny have placed in my
hands. It is union that me want, not of
a party fur the sai.e cf that party, but a
union of ihe whole country for the sake of
the whole country for the defence of its
interests and its honor against foreign ag
gression, for the defence of those princi
ples for which our ancestors so gloriously
contended As far as it depends upotl
me, it sliali be accomjdishtd. All the in
fluence that I possess, shall be exerted to
prevent the formation at least of an Execu
tive party in the h ills of the legislative bo
dy. I wih for llic uwnot t of no member
that body to an n.en-ure of mine that
; lioes nnt atify his judgment and his sense
ot e.utv to I ho-e Ii oui whom he holds his
1 appoint nun' ; nor any c nfidence in ad
v jnce irom Ihe people, iui mai a.Mveo ur
v nom i i.e pen pie.
I deem the present occasion sulncientiy
important and solemn to justify me in ex
pressing to my fellow-citizens a profound
reverence for the Christian religion, and a
thorough conviction that soitnd morals
religious libeity, and a just sense of reli
gious responsibility, are essentially con
nected with all Irue and lasting happiness;
and to that good Being who has blessed us
by ihe gift of civil and religious freedom,
who watched over and prospered the labors
of our fathers, and has hitherto presented
to us institutions far exceeding in excel
lence those of any other people, let us u
nite in fervently commending every inter
est of our beloved country in all future
time.
The oath of office was then administered
to the President of the United States by
Chief Justice 'IVney, and the President
concluded his inaugural address as follows:
Fellow-citizens: Being fully invested
with that high office to which the partiality
of my countrymen has called me, I now
take an affectionate leave of you. You
will bear with you to your homes the re
membrance of the pledge I have this day
given to discharge all the high duties of
my exalted station, according to the best of
my ability; and 1 shall enter upon their
performance with entire confidence in the
support of a just and generous people.
On the conclusion cf the address, the
members of ihe Senate, preceded by tho
Vice President, Secretary, and Sergeant-at-arms,
returned to the Senate chamber.
Sudden Death. As the first dance at
the ball Iat evening, says the Portland Ar
rus of tTTe 5th int. was about commencing,.
he company were checked by the in -ism-,
ancous death of one of their number, Mr
taneoi
Willium PrLi i-
who fell oVad just as lie-
i. i l.-.i i.: . ... tn the floor. lie
was
taken directly to the ofiice of Dr, W ood, in,
the Exchange building, but all hie had u--
parted
i i t iTi.. ji. . . . .