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Whole JVo. 890. Tarborough-, (Edgecombe County, X C.J balm day, Mat) 2?, 1843 Vol. XIX JVo si. BT li&ORUfc HOWAhn, Is published Weekly at Two Dollars and Fifty Cents per vea'r if Daid in advance or Three Vollarszi the expiration of the subscription yean ror arij period less than a year, Twenty-Jive tcMs per month. Subscribers are at liberty to discontinue at any time on gmn notice thereof ind paying arrears those residing at a distance, rttust invariably pay in advance, or give a respon sible reference in this vicinity. Advertisements not exceeding a square will be i - nn,n,,llnr tha fifai insertion, and 25 cents for every continuance. Ldner advertise- nncncu a v-' L ' " - - ments in like proportion. Court uroers ana j-; dicial advertisements 25 per cent, higher. Ad vertisements must be marked the number of in- fiprtiotis required, or theywiU be continued until: otherwise ordered and charged accordingly. Letters addressed 10 me r,un. r ,aid or they may notbe attended to FOR THE TAKBORO PKESS LINES, IFril 'en in a pensive ni6nd. Ve gay illusions, that inspired my soul: Ye fond ideas, that bewitched my mind: Why have you lost your former blest con trol? Where shall this fainting frame thy influ ence find? Lite to my languid heart retain no joy. But al this world appears a barren wild, A trifling bauble, or an e-npty toy, Formed to amuse an artless prattling child: The common rustic toiling for his bread, And by his daily labor earning food. Is happier far than him by dainties fed, On whom soft sensibilities inirUJe: Not long emerg'd from childhood's happy state. Not long elaps'd that Seison of delight; Yel sickening fancy paints the frowns of fate And pictures future years a darksome night. Bat why should fancy sicken at the view, And ever image heavy clouds of woe? Fortune ne'er heard me for her favors sue, For, fortune never yet appeared my foe: No, lis not for myself I heave the sigh, No, lis not for myself 1 start the tear; Tis for mankind, whj on a thread rely, Yet live unbiaVd by a single fer: Yon playlul intant, who, with sportive smile, Heeds nol the storms nor feels the cares of life; Poor helpless wretch, he little thinks of guile, Nor future tempests ofhearl-breaking strife 1 once, like him, could sport, could smile and play. Nor knew a care nor felt a single grief; My life was then as jocund as the May, And all my joys were creatures of belief. Oh! how my heart in sorrow bleeds for thee, How I compassionate thine helpless case; Could but those sorrow, that afflicted me, Prevent a tear from flowing down thy face: I'd warn thee of the ff.iiltie of my youth, And every rock 'gainst which my bark had struck; Of dark d signs, beneath the mask of truth; And baseness lurking in an hones' look. But ah! the beacon does not always guard, The cautious mariner by temp- sis hurPd; Nor do the precepts of the pensive bard Preserve the stripling from a crafty world. Have we not all, however few our years, Beheld our friends like autumn leaves de Cay? Have We not all in sable artd in tears Follow'd the coffin o'er the church-yard wayr Ah! poor humanity! I pitv thee, Hut pity cannot check the tears that flow ; Oh! could we soothe the sorrows that we see, Mis'ry woulj raise her eye and cheerful grow. Vet there are transient hours in which we " feel The thrills of pleasure and the charms of or beauty's smile can all our sorrows heal, And yield a tincture of the joy's above. Ntcharethe hours that flv on goldfn wings, 'nen converse cheers my droop- tng heart; Such are the joys my charmpf ever brings, vvhich she like magic ever can impart JILPUA I7M Year .nfim . If is iid thett ill be deilSM fiVV3fma of lnnu( ihic viai lroughout all parts of the country. It has itry ueen 17 VPin (inin Un. innnl.ilarl Iko and, and every 17 years they pay us a vis- i Maduonian. THE PRESIDENCY. ..c .u.....r. in t'irs from Messrs. Calhoun, Johnson, Cass. Buchanan, and Van Buren in rprSlv 1., van Uu'en, in reply t- ceria.n questions propounded to them by ie iiiuiana uemocratic Convention, touch- ing the prominent political topics of I day, Ihey areas follows. KfcPLY OF MR. CALHOUN. Washington, January 26, lh43 Gentlemen: I have been honored by your note of the 10th instant, covering a copy of the resolutions adopted by a con- veution ot the Democratic party of tin State of Indiana, held at Indianopolis on the 9 h instant, reauestintr mv vniv in re ference to the different questions therein pioposed to the individuals of the party who have been named as candidates forth Presidency and Vice Presidency. 1 hav embraced the earliest onuorlunitv which my other engagements permitted, to com ply with your request. In answer to the first question, in which I am desired lo state whether I am in favor ol, or opposed to, the chartering 61 a na tional bank, or any other national instil u lion, by whatever name it may he called, authorized to issue bilN ol credit for bank ing purposes, or to regulate exchanges, with my views of the constitutionality and expediency of such an institution? I re ply, I am opposed to a national institution, be its name what it may, authorized to is sue bills of credit for Banking purposes or to regulate exchanges, both on the ground of expediency and constitutionality. My reasons for both, in reference to a national bank, have been so fully stated in the vari ous discussions on the subject, since the stoppage of payments in 1837, that it is not deemed necessary to repeat them on this occasion, as ihey must be well known to the community. As to a bank, or art in stitution of any kind to regulate exchan ges, I hold that the objections to the expe diency or constitutionality of a bank of is sue are applicable to any such institution. lo the three next questions whether I am in favor of. or onposed to, thedistnbu lion of the proceeds ot the public lands among the several States of the Union? whether I am in favor of. or opposed to, a protective tariff"? and, also, loan amend ment of the Constitution of ih-. United Stales, still further limiiing the vtue pow er? I answer, I am opposed lot-acn; & for my reasons, refer to my speeches delivered recent.lv in the Senate on IhtSL! MUhiecln. - - . J influence to the nominee of said convt n : tion. if not myself nominated by said con vention? This question seems lo assume that I am a candidate, solie.ii ing the office nf Prirlfrit. and rlplrminini'. hv mv in dividual judgment, the proper measure to be adopted to secure i. It is no- the l.ght i .... . ,r i . in wninn l rpwanl mvcp . or ( t'Mrn tr ho, regarded by the public. My name has been presented for that high office by no agency or solicitatiort of mine; and it be longs to the friends who prefer me, and have presented my name to the people, lo decide on the course proper to hi adopted, in reference to this question. I have, how ever, no reason lo doubt but thai they will cheerfully abide by the decision of a con vention, fairly called, and fairly constitu ted; that would allow ample time for the full development of public opinion, and would represent fully, equally and fairly, the voice of the majority of the p.riy. W ith great respect, 1 am, &c. J. C. CALHOUN. Hon. Ethan A. Brown, John Law, Na thaniel West, John Pettit, Jesse D Bright, and A. C. Pepper, E-quiresj committee. REPLY OF MR. JOHNSON. Frankfort, Ky.. Feb. 6. 1S43. Gentlemen: Your letter of the 10th January was duly received. It gives me pleasure to make known my views upon any political subject connected wiih the of fice of President of the United Slates. The resolutions enclosed, of the Drmorati Slate convention of Indiana, embrace th bank of ihe United States, the distribution I nf th nrnffrt. nf thf nublic lands amnnn iko Vtl'iloe a -v onl lira tariff an ft .1 natinii ! al convention. I will answer in the or- The fifth and hst question is. whether I uersianu n, to give tins incidental protec will abide by the decision ol a national ; ,ion to agriculture and manufactures, and convention of the Democratic party, in thejthus Se universal satisfaction to all libe seh ction of a candidate for the Presidency . ra!-minded men, by extending a general and whether I will give my support and 1 "vantage, equally regarding every inte- der in which you have presented your in quiries. The charter of a bauk of the United States by Congress, I have always consid ered unconstitutional and inexpedient having given my vote against it in 1811. and at each successive presentation of the subject since-, up to the period of the 4th of March, t84l, When I retired from the public service df the United States, in ac conlance with the will of the people. 1 1 has been my constant practice and my dis position, to construe with strictness the powers delegated to the Federal Govern ment, and lo confine my action within the plain meaning of its constitutional provi sions, carefully avoiding any enlargem-em of its authority. Notwithstanding the pr o traded investigations and elaborated dis cussions of this annoying question, I am confirmed in my first opinion, lhat Con gress has no powerj constitutionally, to charter a bank of the United States au thorized to issue bills of credit for banking purposes, or to regulate exchanges." The Federal Constitution contains no specific grant of power to raise money to be distributed among the States. I look upon the act of Congress relative to this subject as a dangerous precedent, and inju rious in its consequences. It is unques tionably a direct interference with the in-! erna! policy and domestic concerns of the States. If the Federal Government ha the right to use a financial power for muni ficence. it surely possesses the power to ex terminate evils which, in the opinion of Congress, may exist in the several States. This power would tend to consolidation. nd degrade and impair the sovereignty of he Stales, by producing a dependence in them upon the Federal Government for the revenue necessary for their existence. The power vested in Congress to lay and col lect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises must be understood as limited by the ob jects which are enumerated in the same sentence "to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general wel fare of the Stales.' A revenue raised for any other purpose than one which applies equally to all the States, would transcend the true boundary of the constitution. Im posts, which operate as burdens upon one section of the nation, and as bounties to an other, would violate the spirit of the con stitution. I am in favor of raising by du ties on importations as much money as may be adequate, when added to the sales of the public lands, to pay the entire expenses of the Federal Government, economically ad ministered, and no more. In fixing such a tariff", 1 think it good policy, and consistent with an equitable consideration for every interest, that due regard should be had to such agricultural commodities and produc tions and manufactured articles as can be J ao'"cated in abundance and pertection, and wnicn are oi essential and general use. Taxes collected indirectly by commerce are least felt, and most cheerfully paid; and if they can be so regulated as to evolve great national resources, and rear up skilful artificers and manufacturers, the patriot' hope would be consummated. It- is the true Democratic doctrine, as far as I un i-. i . . . . re-i ami every section oi mis great extend ed confederacy. If I know myself, I am rqually the friend of all, and the enemy of none: and as far as I have capacity to Judge, I have, and ever shall act upon this &,Rai P,,nc'P,e OI equai evoton to every i eCt,0n antJ ever' ,,lleresl of 0Ur common 'country. J I he Constitution of the United States was brought into being at a time and under circumstances peculiarly adapted to ensure the greatest wisdom in the enactment of laws, and impartiality in the administra tion of them. The Senate and House of Representatives the one representing the sovereignty, and ihe other the people of the several States are checks upon each olher; and to make a law, both must con cur. The President has a check upon both, as the representative of the sove reignty of the whole people of the several States, uninfluenced by sectional feelings or local interests. My opinion is, that the qualified veto which the President possess es in legislation, is beneficial and conserva live; and I am opposed lo an "amendment of ihe Constiiution of the United States, still further limiting the veto power." 1 will abide by the decision of 'a nation al convention of the Democratic party, in the selection of a candidate for the Presi dency of the United States," and will give my support and influence to the election of the nominee of said convention, if noi my self nominated by said convention. The Democratic convention of the State jf Kentucky, on the 9th ultimo, nominate! md recommended me as the candidate ft i he Presidency in 1S44; and, among othet hingS) put forth my political principles, embracing the enquiries made by you. In iddition to this res-ponsive letter, I refei io that address as containing a correct view if my sentiments upon these and other sub jects. With sentiments of high consideration and sincerely, your obedient servant, Kri. M. JOriNSON. Messrs. han A; Hrown, John Law, Na thaniel vVVst, .fchn Pettit, Jesse D Hrightj and A. C. Pepper Committee. REPLY OF MR CASS. Columbus, Ohio, Feb. S, 1843. fl kntlemkn: Your letter enclosing the resolutions of the Democratic Convention of the Stale of Indiana, was addressed to meat Washington, but did not leich that city till afier 1 had left there- It was then forwarded to me at this place; arid, in consequence oT havi.ig stopped upon the rout", considerably delay has occurred in its receipt. I make this explanation td ac count for that delay. I shall now proceed to answer the djUes tions proposed by the convention, briefly, but frankly; satisfied it will be more agree able to yours lvfes, and your colleagues of the convention, that 1 should be" led into tedious dissertations. With respect to a national bank, I have to remark i h;t I have always entertained doubts of the power of Congress to chari er such an institution. The indirect pro cess by which this power is deduced from a very geieral provision of that instrument, has never been' satisfactory to me. But there is the les necessity for entering mort al detail into the constitutional question, a? it seems to me the public voice has pro nounced itself, and justly, against the in corporation of any national bank by Con gress. No such ins itution Si.ould, in my opinion, be established. In answer to the second tuesiion, Which relates to the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands amdng the several Stales, I reply, that I think no such distri bution should be made. I will state, in" a few words, the ground of this opinion The necessary revenue for the support of the Government of the United States must come from the people; and it must he sup plied by direct or indirect taxation, or by the sale of public property. The general sentiment is opposed to direct tax ation by the General Government, in time of peace; and, of course, there are left but the other two sources of supply to mget its expenses. Their proceeds must Consti tute the revenue of the country ; ahdj if one of them is abstracted or diminished an ad ditional burden is thrown upon the other. W hatever sum the necessary expenses of the Government may requne, if the pro ceeds of the public lands make no part of it, the whole must he raided by taxation If they make part of it, then the amount of taxation is diminished by the sum supplied by these proceeds. It follows that any proposition to divert the proceeds of thse lands from the support of the Government is, in fact, but a proposition to lay taxes upon the people. If a permanent annual it -venue of eighteen millions of dollars is iicotjsjai y lur an economical adrhihis'ralton of the Government, and if iVvo millions of these are produced by the salgs of the pub lie lands, let the source of this supply be diverted to some other object, and thee two millions must be provided by the im position of t.xes. All this is too clear to netd further illustration. A proposition, then, to distribute the proceeds of the pub lic lands among the several States, is, in ef fect, but a proposition to increase the taxa tion ol the people of the United Stales, through the medium of the General Gov ernment, in order that the amount, thus increa-i d. may be paid into the treasuries of the respective States. To me, it ap pears perfectly e'ear, that, whatever may be the annual sum produced by the sale of lands, that sum is a pai I of the revenue of ihecountr ; and that it is just as compe- !tent for Congress to take any other two millions (supposing that to be the amount) from the public treasury, and divide them among the States, as to select lor lhat pur pose t tie dollars actually produced by the land sales, it setms to me that such a course of action would be injurious in prac tice, dangerous in principle, and without warrant in the Constitution of the Uniteu Slates. The theory of our political insti tutions is familiar to us all. The Govern ment of the Confed-ration, and the Gov ernn ents of all the conlederated State, have their respective rights and duties clearly defined; and each, within ils proper sphere, is independent of the others; each raises and expends its revenue, and per forms all the necessary functions of a sov ereign State. Whet right has one to in terfere with another, unltss in cases mark ed out by ihe Constitution itself? If the General Government can provide a reve nue for the respective States and does pro vide one, it is clear that one great distinc tive feature of our political system will dis appear; and that the relations between the Confederation, as such, and the individual States composing it, will be wholly chang d. Human sagacity cannot foretell what vvould be the entire result of this state of things; but it i easy to predict that this new application of the money power would iivtt lo the Government ot the UniUd and respect, 1 am, truly st.al s a strength never Cdntemplated bf the American p bple, arid irrecdnctlabid without constitutional organisation; and that it would lead id a habit of dependence on the part df the States, by which their efficiency to resist any encroachments of the General Government would he paraly sed. Va ithout pushing these considera tions further. I conclude this branch of the subject by repeating, that, in my opinion, no distilbutidn of the proceeds of the pub- lie lauds sholild he made The sub ject of a protective tariff has beeii sd long and ably discussed, that it would b& Useless for me to do more than to give you; the result of my views. 1 think, then that the reeuue of the Government ought td be brought tlown to the lowest point cont patible with the performance or its consti tutional lunctions;and that in the imposi tion of duties nectssary, with the proceedi of the public landsj to provide this reven ue, incidental protection should be afforded to such branches of American industry as may require It. This appears to me not only constitutional, but Called for by the great interests of the country; and if a pro tective tariff Upon this principle, were wisely and moderately established, and ihen left to its own operation, so that the community 6oUld calculate upon its reason able duration, and thus avoid ruinous fluc tuations, we might look for as general ao quiescence in the arrangement, as we can i ver expe ct in questions of this complica ted kindj when local feelings have been en listed, which a prudent Legislature must consult, more or less, and endeavor to rec oncile. A proposition to amend the Constitution of the" United States is One which I should always receive with great caution. Therd us already in our country too great a dispo sition tb seek, in changrs of the laws and constitutions, remedies for evils to which all societies are more or less liable; instead of leaving them to find their own cure in the operation Of the ordinary causes which act upon Communities. It is often better to suffer s partial inconvenience than rash ly to alter the fundamental principles of i political system. Stability is better than change, When Change is not decidedly cal led for. I am not aware that the exercise of the Veto power has, for many years, p dUCed anV injury to the public service; on the contrary, 1 think in those cases w her ft it has been recently interposed, it has been properly applied, and that its action has been approved by a great majority of the" people. I see, therefore, no practical evil which demands, in this respect, a change in tiiO Constitution of the United States. Should cases of that nature occur, it wilt then be time to seek the proper remedy. Your last questions regard the obliga tions which the nomination of a nationat Democratic convention should impose upon those persons whose names have beert brought foiWard in connexion with the Presidencv of the United States. In the fUiiimer of ls4l, in answer to an applica tiort from a committee appointed by a De mocra'ic meeting in the city of Philadel phia, I s'ated my determination not to Suf fer my name lo be used in this matter, tin les nominated by the national Democratic convention. To that declaration 1 yet ad here; and 1 add. in the terms of your Ques tion, that I shall give my support and influ ence to the nominee of that convention. I beg leave, however to remark as the sub ject has xcited discussion in respectable quarters, tint I am firmly impressed with the belief that no portion of the Democrat ic party will weaken its strength, or hazard the favorable result we have a right to ex pect, by precipitating the period of the meeting of the convention. The great ob ject is a union ol views, to prevent the ef- turts of the party from being rendered use less by divisions; and this union is best at tained by that process which shall best as certain (lie public will the only legitimate source of authority. To effect this, the re preventatives at the convention should come from the people, and should assemble to exeicise their functions in as short an inter val before the presidentlal election as may be compatible with the preparatory ar rangements and investigations with such & great object n quires. The people should have all the time possible to express their latest will in the nomination of the candi date to be submitted for their support. Nothing can be gained, and much may be lost, by undue hate. It may wear the appearance of distrust of the people, or of an unwillingness to leave their proper cause in their own hands. There, howev er, it should be left till the last reasonable moment.; and then the convention will be he fair exponents of the will of their con- sittuentsat the time the delegated trust is to be exercised. I do not suffer myself to doubt but that these views will meet the approbation of ihe great Demorrat ic party. With great respeC, gentlemen, 1 have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, LEWIS CASS. To Ethan A. Brown, John Law, Nathan iel VVest, John Pettit, Jesse D. iJrijh V and A. U rtpper, e?aviri,
The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, N.C.)
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May 27, 1843, edition 1
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