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Tarboro' press. volume (Tarborough, (Edgecombe Co., N.C.)) 1835-1851, September 21, 1844, Image 1

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S r.ifL p ' ' ' " ' tiMum in nam i iiiiiiiimiiiim mi, , mil ii ii inn , N ", x 'f ri Wholc.Yo. 90S. Tarborough, Edgecombe County, t Saturday, September 21, IS 11. 'f 4 0 t ! The 'tfarlidrmijjli Iress, By George Howard. Jr. Is Published weekly at two Dollar!, per yfiar, if paid in a.lvanoe-or. Tivo Dollars and F,fly Cents at the expiration of the subscription year. Subscribers are at liberty to discontinue at any time on ri viiis notice thereof and paying arrears. Advertisement not eKceedin? a square will he inserted at One D.diar the first insertion, arid 2 j Cents for every continuance. Longer advertise ments at that rate per square. Court Orders and Judicial Advertisements 2'j percent, higher. Ad Vertisements must be market! the number of inser tions required, or they will be continued until otherwise directed, and charged accordingly. Letters addressed to the IMitnr must be post paid, or they miy not be attended to. IniporLmt Police. To Ihe Democracy of the Union. The Democratic Associations, the Hicko ry lit1' YuhjS Hickory Clubs, anil other Democratic Clubs and Associations now or liiize 1 through ti t the United Stiles, are most respectfully and earnestly solici ted, if they have not already done so, to re port themselves, without delay by letter, postpaid, to the Executive Committee of the Democratic Ass ci tion'in Washington city, D. C. They arc requested to give llie n tmes of tlv'ir members, &c &c It is important that this stpp should be ta ken to secure a mot e thorough and efficient organization of the democratic party than now exists, for these reasons: 1st. That each association shall keepthe other well informed of the condition of par tics. 2d. That authentic and correct informa tion may be disseminated far and wide. 3d. That the leturns, whether of Slate or federal elections, may be circulated in a form authentic and official, and which can be relied upon by our friends for any pur pose, especially to counteract the false im pressions which may be)created by the pub lication in the whig journals of the results of elections. It is already ascertained that that party have a well organized system of falsehood, not only in the publication of erroneous re turns of elections, but by the publication of tracts and documents. Ihe whig and some of the neutral papers in every section of the Union attend to the first branch of the fraud, and the congressional whig cen tral franking committee at Washington are attending to the latter, by publishing and disseminating one set of opinions by Mr. Clay for the South, and another set for the manufacturing and abolition districts of the North and West: also documents for the North making Mr. Polk a free-trade man, and documents for the South making him a tarifT man. These frauds have been de tected in this city; therefore we warn otir friends to guard against them. Discredit everything coming fiom a whig source, until substantiated by information derived from those whose efloit will be not to de ceive, but to enlighten with the truth We do not hesitate to say that the election returns which have ben. and are being published in the Globe can be relied on by our friends for any purpose. They are as accurate as unofficial relUi ns cart pos-ibly he, sonic of which, from necessity, being copied from whig papers. The official ie turns will be published in the Globe as! soon as they are received. When the or-! Ionization proposed by this notice is com-! plete, the facility for getting the coirect returns will be such as is desired We ap peal to the democracy in those sections of country where no associations exist to forthwith organize and report in accord mice with the above. Wc make this ap peal not from any doub of the strength of our cause or lhat we have not the iitim hers to carry it on to Victory. We must Pot despise the enemy however corrupt or weak they may be; but knowing them to fco weak and corrupt should make fJ more vigilant and active to guard against the unfair and unjust means to which they will from necessity resort to cover their weakness. We can assure our frtenrjs that that we have no doubt Polk nd Dallas will be ejected. We must, nevertheless, do our duty. Wc make the Appeal with another view; that channels may be established through which we can develop lo the American people one of tl'e most corrupt and villanous schemes ev r concocted by any party which has been , set on foot by whiggery to subjugate re publican liberty, and bring our institutions down to the footstool of the tyranny of the Old World. We do not fear the scheme. ts exposure will not only defeat its object, b'H will overwhelm the men and the party xvho conceived, and are attempting to ma ture it, in infamy so deep that the friends f civil a.rd, religious liberty throughout the world4 to the remotest generations, ydl execrate there very names. When ine organization is complete, the exposure yn be made, and . their jdan rendered Abortive Therefore organizc-organize forthwith North, South, East, and vVest. P. S. This is to give notico to the de mocracy, lhat the whig centra! committee in this city are publishing documents pur porting so show the votes of Mr. Polk which, in fact, if they do not in a cases actually falsily his votes, aupprvss some of the facts connected therewith, and thus give a false aspect to them. It willbe the duty of the democratic party in every sec tion of the country to discredit these doc uments, denounce them as vile .whig slan ders, as they arc, ask a suspension o? pub lic opinion, and write immediately to Washington to the executive committee of the democratic association to send the real facts in each case, to be derived from the Congressional archives, as authenticated by the clerk in charge of Ihem. The associations throughout the Union will be pleased to pay the postage on all communication sent to the executive com mittee of the democratic association - at Washington, whose communications will, in all cas'-s, bo postage paid. The democratic pap-is throughout the United Slates will suberve the cause of the democracy by giving the fullest public ity to the above, until it shall be seen in ihe remotest parts of the Union. They are earnestly requested to do .so. I3y order of the executive committee. JAMEs TOWLES, Ch'n. C. P. Sengs I act:, Scc'y. From the Democratic Signal. AN ADDRESS To I he Freemen and footers of North Carolina. Citizens: A solemn conviction that the lasting in terest of our beloved country is in a grevt j degree dependent upon the approachirg' Presidential Election, forms our apology for this address. The contests of parties par have driven the leaders of that one which advocates the cause of Mr. Cy, to a position which is dangerous lo the safety of the Republic; and they arc fast forcing their followers into a course which the ac tual people surely do not realize, or in North Carolina, the "Southern land of steady habits," there Would hardly be a division of opinion as to the propriety of making resistance to Mr. Clay and his par ty before it is too late. Those questions of mere policy in which the theory of to day may yield to the experience of to morrow, without any permanent injury, are not the only questions about which trie Candidates for President are disputing, and Upon Which the vote of the people will be regarded as decisive of their will. Such questions, though some of them are confessedly important in themselves, yet Milk iulo insignificance, When contrasted with the momentous consequences of ALTERING THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNI TED STATES conse quences w hich no human wisdom, can fore tell. Fellow-Citigens of North Carolina, arc we mistaken in supposing that thousands ofyou have been led into error or arejempower the President to touch in the kept In ignorance of the design of Mr. Clay and his parly TO ALTER YOUR CONS I I I U TION? We cannot believe that party excitements have so blinded j you to the peril of tampering with the sa cred Charter ol our Union and our Liber ties) that a serious warning will be censu red, and a Candid appeal to your understan dings despised; and if we did, it should not prevent us from making one more ef fort to icason & to demonstrate with such of our countrymen as own no fealty to par ty that supercedes their allegiance to the Constitution. We approach you upon the subject with a manly sincerity, and shall address you in that plainness of speech which the occasion inquires. To the various propositions which have been made from time to time for more than 40 years past, to alter the Constitution of the United States, North Carolina has herfoforc replied: 'No, il is . very good as it is, and we do riot wish lo change the Charter of our Union.' And arc you ready to reverse that answer now, by elec ting Mr. Clay President, when he stands pledged to exert all the powers of that high station to effect an object you have hitherto so constantly and so wisely depre cated? If you would, under circumstances mote favorable to harmonious and wise counsels, give your countenance to this spirit of innovation, will il be quite pru dent or entirely safe to disturb the holy bonds of our Union to touch the sacred legacy of our fathers with the rule hands of Party? Think you the leaders of the 'Clay-Party of 1844, or the leaders af any party maddened as Ihey are by political animosities, will be exactly qualified - Jo Reform the noblest work, of the Whig statesmen of 1776.' and to amend the Constitution which WASHINGTON and Jiis compatriots bequeathed to us with their blessing? True it is a human work, and of necessity therefore, it must partake of the imperfections belonging to all lhat man can uo. ru.une 'amendments' lo it j must also proceed . lrom human hand, not more infallible than those which formed it. The illustrious body of Patriots who fram ed the instruments were as wise if not wi ser, and as pure if not purer, than the Partizans of our time. American Stales men of the past age loved each other, and their Whole country as well, if not better, than the politicians who have succeeded them. Happy would it be for our com mon country, if the present generation ft-It the same aficction and practised the same loyalty to the Union and the Constitution that our Fathers felt and practised. Mth the exception of an amendment j made with the concurrence of all the States the exception of Mr. Madison, vetoed a in IbO'.i, and a clause introduced in 1 7U3, ' Bank bill; and Mr. Madison. Veto gave to prohibit suits against STATES so as a clear intimation simultaneously by to prevent collision between them ami the! remodelling the Hill his Veto might be Courts of the Union, the Federal ConsUlu-' evaded, and lhat intimation having been lion remains just what il was when it was juried upon, he finally approved and sin adopted by North Carolina. So let it br i ed Ihe ac?. Wherefore neither General We have lived under it" a free, united and j Washington nor Mr. Adam9 nor. Air. Jef happy people, for Fifty years. During' f rso:i, nor Mr. Madison nor Mr. Monroe, all that time, as well as man's w isdom eanj was at ny time constrained to put a veto lo it, it has guarded popular rights against! upon and favorite privilege to Bankers, the encroachments of Power and protected j Biokers and ether Capitalists. Their Ve the rightful authority of Goverment from I ToK eoi.fheted with no peculiar measure the turbulence of unregulated liberty, of the Money-Part); no interested nut iiioi u couio we expeeir w nai more can we want? We have the best Govern ment in the world, ami why should it be al'ered? Let not the ambition of Dema gogues nor a restless desire for change, noi the frantic delusion of a Party struggling for offices, (hough backed by the trengUi of associated wealth tempt you to put in pt ril all or any of the blessings we eniov Under it, bv making experiments upon your CONSTITUTION. We had better 'bear the ills we have, than fly to others we know not of.' You had better say at once, to any and every aspirant for the high offices of Government, when they solicit your support, that they cannot win it by these attempts to alter the organic law of the Union. You had better teach the young men who enlist in their service as partizans, that the find; duty of an A merican patriot is lo revere the 'CONSTI TUTION AS IT IS.' And should time anil experience point out the necessity any ior amendments, let the necessity he such as men of all parties see, and men of all par ties first feci to be indispensable, before you give your assent to them. The pres-j ent point of attack is the Constitutional ) which Jackson s veto let fall upon its gull VETO of the President. Let it succeed ; ty head, and Bank corporators and their and no man knows what may or may not ! ambitious party allies ?aw the privileges ol be the next. It is the Clay-party w ho are striving to attain power now, by making war upon this point of your Constitution. Another election may find Some oihcr par ty, stimulated b Mr. Clay's success, to make further arid greater inroads tl.jon the! Charter of your liberties! The VE I O of the President is a ncga- live power. If was designed as a check upon Congress, the servants of the people, j this contest has been carried on ever since and not the people themselves. It may I with a degree of violence and corruption prevent incalculable nvschicf. It cannot' Unknown before, in the political coutro do harm. It may occasionally intercept j veisies of the country. kite Union bus the passage of laws, of which by universal ; had no repose, and the order, of the gov ernment we have too many rather tliati loo! eminent has been disturbed, and the cur few. It cannot do more. It does not ; rent of business in the Nation has been in- slightest degree the privileges of property j spirit ever ounces VMse men ot every of the people, but it only enables him tojshadc of political opinion must perceive forbid such interference by others, where he has good cause to apprehend it, he as signing Ins reasons lor it at the same time. And more than all, his VETO falls harm- h sfdy to the ground, if after a reconsidera tion, tlOo thirds of Congress should pass the Act, his 4 Veto notwithstanding S It was engiafted upon the Constitution by tho3s who knew what liberty was Worth, and how it might be shielded, and who suffered much to gain it for them selves and their children. And to de nounce it as 'MONARCHICAL' and 'anti republican,' (alter the manner of ma ny,) is an insult to your understandings, and an ungrateful censure upon the Con vention of '87 who formed the Constitution the wisest, purest, and most illustrious body of Republican Statesmen that the world ever saw! The facts in relation to the introduction of the VETO in the Constitution arc at once remarkable and instructive when put in contrast With the Combined efforts of ambition, selfishness and party spirit, in our day, to decry and id destroy it. On 4th June 1787, the Convention "Resolved "that the National Executive shall have a "right c to NEGATIVE any legislative "Act, which shall not be afterwards pass ed unless by TWO-THIRDS of esch "branch of the National Legislature." This is the. Veto of the Constitution. Agiinst it there were only two votes in the Convention and on the 21st of July, after nearly two months for consideration and debate, it passed UNANIMOUSLY in the AFFIRMATIVE. (See Journals of Convention of S7, pages 5G. 107.) It may therefore be asserted upon the evidence of the Journals of the Conven tion which first framed our constitution that the VETO wa passed "by a UNANI-, MOUS VO l'E. And whatever may be1 our respect for the individual who faVor i, it is difficult to treat With courtesy the! proposition that it. is an odious Feature F Monarchy unwisely introduced into the! charter of American Liberty. The circumstances which have Contrib uted more than every thing else to suggest mis exper iment of a i'arty upon the good old Constitution, are in themselves, still further calculated to alarm into vigilance! the jealousy of the people. General' Washington exerted the Vela power under the Constitution) and so we belieVe did the elder 1damsy and Mr Jeffersaru and Mr. Madison, and Mr. Mojitve, during their several administrations, without serious? complaint. None of litem however, w ith J j scnemes ot assoi iaiei weann And it was fortunate fur lluir own repose that it was so. But whilst General Jackson was Prrsi dent it so turned out that lie put his VE TO upon a bill to re-charter the Bank of the United States. We say rlolhing at present of the expediency of a National Batik. It is Milficiont that the bill thus vetoed by General Jackson, was One which would have enriched the owners of the Stock (fortigneis and natives) to an im mense amount, besides giving to them oili er valuable privileges.- And what follow- j ed this exercise of a Constitutional power ; by the r; of the Nation? Then fur the first time iir our history, you heard the strong language of denunciation against ihe VETO power. Then for the first time, the tones of indignant reprobation, real or affected, Were raised against It as a "one man power." Until it had been j thus exerted upon the tent per cent inter ests of associated wealth, you heard noth ing of its being "anli-Republican" Until a corrunt irresoosible, heartless monev corporation staggered under the blow monopolies about to give place to the high er privileges of the people, there had been no party organized, and o far as we khow, not an eminent Statesman df America, who had eVcr proposed lo abrogate this power of the Constitution. Immediately alr lhat time however, the Bank of the j United States became an undisguised parly organ, and wilh Mr. Clay for ilS leader, 1 tcrrupted by the very madnefis of' party the prevailing cause of .all this in the baul ked ambition of Mr. Clay, who has been struggling for 20 years lo be the Chief Ru lerof the Nation, and thb determination of the LEADERS of the party in alliance with him to accomplish their Schemes at every hazard to public liberty. Rule dr ruin seems to be their maxim. Mr. Clay once opposed to the National Bank as inexpedient and unconstitutional, became the candidate of the Bank party for President, lie himself upon the floor of the Senate before the election of 1832, distinctly made up the iSstle between him and General jacksdn. , Thdt issue waS made, and met, and tried tiport Jackson's Veto. It was "Clay and a National Baiik, or Jacksdh and No Bank." We rpieak to" those, many of whom rhiist remember thi, and if arty shoilld deny it, the facts are in delibly recorded In the debates of the Seri ate. The panic and violence of that event ful period need Only to be alluded to. Words could not pourtrey to stich as did not witness it, how the elerrienis of parly strife were stirred into a hurricane by the compined influence of assdeiated wealihj perverted talents, unfluShing briberies, and what were denominated ''business transac tions," aided it is true by honest advocates of a Bznk, Whom ci feu rh stances had for the time sillied to the Bank party. To those who witnessed it, memory will sup ply our Want of language to depict it. Time has since revealed, what many sus pected befoie the disclosure was made, how political leaders arid members of Con press had been accommodated with loans at the Bank upon slender securify how ihe puichaseable public Presses had been bi ibed, and the money of the People there by applied to silence the sentinels of liber ty ; how the debtors had alternately imhfl" ged, and 'pressed Coaked, and alarmed" But the people of North Carolina, and the People of the Unite ! States nobly With stood the asa,ulf, and successfully met lhat crisis. They resolutely stood by thg -Constitution as i) ,'' and by the vol of an immense majority, sided with "Jack son and No Bank." And so ended the ttiintat. . For a short period after It, there Was an apparent acpuiescence in that determina ofthe People. In 1S38, all. the candidates for President Were presented to you as the opponents of a National Bank. Judge White and Mr. Van Buren (the Only can didatcs in North Carolina) were both pledged against it upon CoN'stiTtJTloN'AL grounds-, and consequently pledged to VETO any bill to Charter such an Institu tion. Ihe was no Anti-Veto clamor whilst Mr. Clay Was out or ihe field, ex cept from the ABOLITIONISTS, who. of course decried 2 1 1 pledges to veto their fanatical projects, and repugnant to repub liean principles and adveise to the Cause o" Liberty and the People. But in the pro ges of ihe next four years, the Clay p- ty allied themselves to others ami by tneir junt thorts, ben. Hairison was elected President. In respect lo Gen. Harrison's opinions upon the Bank we shall remark, only that his declarations and his votes in Congress were opposed to it, and so hi supporters in North Carolina denied lh;it he was in favor of it. His opponent however persisted in declaring lhat ihey apprehended the contrary, and the party of this .State confidently predic ted thai the leaders of the Clay party would go for a National Bank. But that (Jen,' Harrison was in favor of the VETO is beyond ;lll cdntrovery. These were his own words as uttered in his Inaugural Ad dress a few short weeks before his death. Hear him: "The negative upon the acts of the leg "islaiive by the Executive authority, ahdj sh.t in the hands of One individual "would seem to be an incongruity in ouf" "system. Like sortie others of a similar "character; hotvever it appears tb be "HIGHLY EXPEDIENT; and it used "only with the forbearance and in tho "spirit Which was intended by its authors 'it may be productive or GREAT GOOD "and be found one of the best SAFE GUARDS to ihe UNION." (Qehefet Harrison's Inaugural Address.) Wheiefore it is deceptive to sajr that ihe election of Gen. Harrison Weakened;, and more so lo assest that it reversed, thg old decision of the people to stand by theiir Constitution as it is, and to sustain tho VETO. , , Oen Harrison having died soon after hte election Mr. Tyler succeeded to hii high station, and, in accordance with the" predictions of the Democratic party, a Bill id charter a National Bank was twice pass ed thro Congress by a majority less than two thirds, but it Was as often laid in the dust by the Veto of the President 4 Mi Ty'er in his lorn was bitterly de nounced for it, and Mr. Clay again throw ing himself at the head of the Bank party upon the floor of the Senate again rhide art issue before the People against lite VETOj and it was sent to the people' for -r 1 in. the elections of 1S42 lo Ihe Co ;,.css of IS 13. . We need not tell ydti he ii term inated. A very large majority w 0 il lumed to Congress in favor of ti.u V'ii'U and against .Mr. Clay and his Bank pirty; So ended the. last appeal. The first, it was pretended, li.icl been indecisive Of the question because Gcii. Jacksdn was the candidate, and he had a strong jtartyof his own. But the last decision of the Peo ple was made ihe Same way when it was 4 subject of boasting then; and has been ever since, that Mr. Tyler had no 'party of hid own. And wliat has followed? lias there" fjeeii a"ti acquiescence in the popular will? ti$$ Mr. Clay shown iti any sens"e a RepU'dR-. can submission to the detcrmiflatio'n tff tha People? Has he not on the contrary put him3'. If i ri array against ydur repealed de cision; againsi all the eminent men tvho ev er filled the Presidential office beginning with Washington and ending with Harris son and Tyler; against the ttnnhimoui voice bf the framers of our Constitution? He has surely ddne all this, for he and his party are now making WAR upon the Cons -riTUTl-ff itself. He arid l hey were not content to fight the question, of Bank , or No Bai.k over againi but they haye now gone a Mep further and arb distincly pledged to go for ALTERING THB CONSTITUTION OF OUR UNION; and this is the more indefensible on their part, seeing lhat the same t wo-thirds which. Ir requires to amend the Constitution , (if the people .will it so,) might piss a Bank act, the Veto notwithstanding, and yet more reprehensible in Mr. Clay, seeing that the President of the United SfatrS ha rightfully no voice in altering the Consti tution, and therefore he could not HOWEST ly use his office to effect it This plain narrative of undeniable facts leaves no room for doubt, lhat the scheme to change

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