nmn
IBdDIECD'9 IP
Ul.
11 hole. Vo. 970.
Tarborough, Edgecombe County, j t Saturday, Octobers, 1814.
ni.xxvn. 4o.
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Br George Howard. Jr.
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Important Notice.
To Ihe Democracy of the Union.
The Democratic Association, the Hieko
rv and Young Hickory Clubs, and other
Democratic Clubs and Associations now
orsnnized throughout the United States,
are most respectfully and earnestly solici-'
ted, tl thev have not aireauy none so, to re
port themselves, without delay, by letter,
post. p tid, to the Executive Committee of
ihe Democratic Ass jciation in Washington
city, D. C. Thev are requested to give
tlie n imps of ilvir members, &c &c. &c
It is impi'fa t that this st'p should be ta
ken to secure a more thorough and efficient
organization of the democratic parly than
now exists, for these reasons:
1st. That each association shall keep the
other well informed of the condition of par
tie. 2d. That aumentic and correct informa
tion may be disseminated far and wide.
:i. !'hit the returns, whether of Stale
or fed'-rd !ec!io vi, may b circulated in a
form authentic ami olhctal, and which can i
he nrli -d upon by our friends for any pur
posp, especially to counteract the false im
pivsMons which miv be)created bv the pub-lie-ttion
in the whig journals of the results
of elections.
I is already ascertained that that party
have a well organized svstem of falsehood,
i 't only in thp publication of erroneous re
t iru- of lectiMis. hut bv the publication of
tracts and documents The v big and
o iie of the neutral pipers in every section
of the Union attend to the first branch of
the fraud, and the congressional whig cen
tral franking committee at Washington are
attending lo the latter, by publishing and
disseminating one set of opinions by Mr.
f'l.ty for the South, and another set for the
manufacturing and abolition districts of the
North and West: alo documents for the
North making Mr. Polk a free-trade man,
and documents for the South making him
a tariff man. These frauds have been de
tected in this ei'v; therefore we warn our
friends io guard against them. Discredit
'jverything coming from a whig source,
until suh-ttantiated by information derived
from those whose eflort will be not to de
cree, but to enlighten with the truth.
We do not hesitate to say that the election
returns which have been, and are being
published in the Globe can be relied on by
our friends for any purpose. They are as
accurate as unofficial returns can possibly
he, some of which, from necessity, being
copied from whig papers. The official re
turns will be published in the Globe as
soon as they are received. When the or
guiization proposed by this notice is com
plete, the faciTty for getting the correct
returns will he such as is desired. We ap
peal to the democracy in those sections of
country where no associations exist to
forthwith organize and report in accord
ance with the above. We make this ap
peal not from any doub of the strength of
our cause, or that we have not the nunr
hers to carry it on to victory. We must
not despise the enem)T however corrupt or
weak thev may be; but knowing them to
"e weak and corrupt should make
us more vigilant and active to guard
aptnst the unfair and unjust means to
which they will from necessity resort to
cover their weakness. We can assure our
friends that that we have no doubt Polk
a'id Dallas will be elected. We must,
nevertheless do our duty. We make the
appeal with another view; that channels
"lay be established through which we can
develop to the American people one of
the most corrupt and villanous schemes ev
r concocted Jy any party which has been
Set on foot by whiggery to subjugate re
publican libettv. arid brinir nor inslitoiions
flown to the footstool of the tyranny of the
wni V iirlrt Wo . n f. . I,
i .
l exposure will not only defeat itsobject.
will overwhelm the men and the party
ho conceived, and are attempting to-ma-lur
it, in infamy so deep that the friends
jf civil and religious liberty throughout
e world, to the remotest generations,
wll execrate there very names. When
"organization is complete, the exDOsure
Hill
made, and their plan rendered.
abortive Therefore organize-organize
forthwith North, South, East, and West.
P. S. This is to give notico to the tie
mocracy, that the whig central committee
in this city are publishing; documents pur
porting so show the votes of Mr Polk
which, in fact, if they do not in all cases
actually falsify his votes, suppress some of
the facts connected therewith, and thus
give a false aspect to them. It will be the
duty of the democratic party in every sec
tion of the country to discredit lrVe doc
uments, denounce them as vile whig slan
ders, a they are, ask a suspension of pub
lic opinion, and write immediately to
Washington to the executive committee of
the democratic association to send ihe real
facts in each case, to bs derived from the
Congressional archives, as authenticated
by the clerk in charge of tl'em.
The associations throughout the Union
will be pleased to pay the postage on all
communication sent to the executive com
mittee of the democratic association at
Washington, whose communications will,
in all cases, he postage paid.
The democratic papers throughout the
United Stales will subserve the cairse of
the democracy bv giving the fullest mtblic
li.. iU- -l :. "... '. . .. . 1
the remotest parts of the Union.
tij ii me aoove, unm u snail be seen in
They
are earnestly requested to do so.
By order of the executive committee.
JAMES TOWLES, Ch'n.
C. P. Senqslacle, Sec'y.
From the N. Y. Journal of Commerce
GEN. JACKSON AND ANN EX A-
JACKSON AND
TION.
I he last iashville Union contains the
following letter from Gen. Jackson to Mo
ses Dawson, Esq., in which the old hero
gives his views more at length than he has
before done, in regard to the annexation of
Texas. There is great force and point in
what he siys, on this subject, as on all
others. He treats the question as a nation
al one, and deprecates its being mingled
with party politics.
fermitagc, August 28, 1844.
Dear Sir: I am in possession of your
note of the 27th inst , and although greatly
enfeebled by the excessive warm weather
of this month, shall endeavor to reply to
it.
The more I have reflected on the policy
of annexing Texas to the United States,
the more decided is my conviction, that
since the establishment of the Federal
Constitution, no question has arisen of so
great importance lo the wellare and safety
!f ,ne people of the United States
It
eems to me that in this instance, as in the
devolution and our last war with Great
lirttian, kind Providence still interposes
to help on our efforts in the cause of self
government, and to give us the necessary
guaranty for our independence. j
Under the treaty of 1803, by which Mr.
Jtflerson obtained Louisiana from France,
the people of that country acquired the!
right to incot pora'.ion in our Union as am
ple and complete as lhat possessed by the
original States and iheir territories, and all
the corresponding rights of citizenship and
protection. In the treaty, therefore, of
IS 1 9, by which the people of Louisiana,
west of the Sabine, were deprived of the
guarantees of the treaty of lfO.l, a serious
question arises whether this government
can dismember its territory and disfran
chise its citizens without their consent,
and, in the case of Texas, without the con
sent of France. Hut leaving out of view
this solemn question, and looking enly at
the conequences which have followed the
treaty of 1819, it is wonderful that the
course of events is such as to enable us to
repair ihe errors of that treaty, at the same
time that we avoid doing wrong to other
Dowers, either on this or the continent of
Europe.
The people of Texas have maintained
their separate existence, and, afier 3" ears
of battle and toil, have acheived their free
dom, and independence. And without a
slain on their character, without violating
obligations with Mexico or other foreign
powers, with no restraint on their sover
eignty other than that which has been im
posed by their God, they again come back
to us, and although the guarantees of the
treaty of 1803 have been withdrawn from
them, they are yet willingto embrace them.
And the question is, what shall we say to
them in reply. ,
Hut before answering this question, let
us see if Mexico has any right to the terri
tory of Texas, or any cause for resisting
ihe extension to the citizens of Texas of
the guarantees of citizenship as intended in
the treaty of 1803. When did Mexico ac
quire any liMe to the territory of Texas?
I he title of France was conveyed to us,
and that title was then recognized by all
the civilized world as the only good one.
Did we convey it to Mexico? We did not.
We conveyed it to Old Spain, and she did
not convey it to Mexico. How, then,
does Mexico derive her title? She pretends
to none except what results from the con-'
federation which was formed in 1S24, and
founded on revolution, in which compact
Texas expressly stipulated that her sepa
rate sovereignty was retained. The over
throw of lhat confederation or compact by
military force gives Mexico no title to the
territory unless she can show that she has
conquered one. .and if we examine the claim
on the score of conquest, it is notoriously
unjust. That claim was silenced by the
battle of San Jacinto; alter which event
the principal powers of the world recogni
sed Texas as an independent State. There
is, then, no reason for the opposition now
made by Mexico to the annexation of Tex
as to the United States none founded on
any just claim to the territory or the loyal
ty of the citizens of Texas. -
We are then brought to the unembarras
sed question: Is it right for us to possess
Texas on the reasonable terms proposed
by her? Is it a step necessary to our safety
and prosperity? I sa3' it is, &. as you have
requested my reasons, I will briefly stale
them.
'That territory is represented by Mr
Thompson, and other gentlemen of charac
ter who have the means of judging correct
ly, as possessing some of the finest lands in
the world. In soil, climate and produc
tions, it is said to surpass the Floridas, and
to equal Louisiana and Mississippi. As a
portion of our confederacy, then, will it
not benefit us in the same manner lhat ihe
States just mentioned, and the other new
States have done? Have not these Stales
contributed to the wealth, safety and pros
perity of the other portions of the confed
eracy? Have they not furnished homes for
thousands and thousands of happy and free
people engaged in the noble pursuit of ag
riculture, and have not the products of this
agriculture, exchanged in our own and for
eign markets, given healthful employment
to our manufacturing and navigating inter
ests, and to the various mechanical arts?
IT 1 -
unless the measure 01 our prosperity is
different from that which is applicable to
all other nations, it is impossible to resist
the conclusion, that it will be promoted by
the annexation of Texas. I his conclusion
I deem self-evident.
Hut great as are the advantages of an
nexation in the encouragement which will
result to our industrial pursuits advanta
ges in which all section of the Union will
participate they arc not so important as
the security which Texas in a milita
point of view offers us. It is in this aspect
of the question that I shudder when I look
at the course of the newspaper press oppo
sed to annexation, and read the speeches
of many public men who, absorbed in
the effort to make a President, seem to
care nothing for the intrigues of Great
Hritain to defeat our true policy.
We have labored for many years to free
the States composing our Union of the In
dian population within their limits, and
may be said to have just succeeded in the
accomplishment of this humane policy.
These Indians are now placed on our wes
tern frontier, and in a territory favorable
to their gradual civilization and protection,
against the intrusion of influences hostile
to them and to us At present they are
not accessible to British influence, except
on the northern boundary line Is it not
apparent, however, that the whole of our
policy in respect to their civilization, will
be thwarted if any foreign power acquires
control over Texas. 'The line between
Texas and these Indians extends some thou
sands of miles, and communicates with Or
egon in the most direct and practicable
route to the great river of that territory
Texas, therefore, in hostile hands, could
feed and sustain an army that could not on
ly act against Oregon, but at the same time
against Louisiana and Arkansas, and by
conjunction with the Indians could make
inroads on every western State to the lakes.
An army thus employed, seconded by a
proper organization of force on the lake,
would put the whole west in a blaze, and
cause us more injury in blood and money
in six months, than years of peace could
alone for.
The sagacious statesmen of England un
derstand much better than we do the mili
tary considerations I am here suggesting;
and hence you will find that no pecuniary
obligation will be deemed by them too
great lo prevent the annexation to this
country. 'The success of our free system,
its capacity lo secure order, to promote the
progress of the aris and sciences, and to
stimulate ihe energies of our nature, to a
point far higher than any yet attained un
der the forms of government in the old
world, is alarming to the advocates of mon
archy. The further progress of our princi
ples will' be a demonstration which the
popular mind throughout the world can
not mistake, and opposition 10 these princi
ples is therefore a necessary port of Euro
pean policy; and it would be as short sigh
ted for us to take for granted lhat a differ
ent feeling will control their policy, as it
would be for one of our navigators to em
bark on the ocean without chart or needle, j
to aid hm in IVMlhurinn olnrma o r rt rrf- I
venting shipwreck. So settled do I con
sider this antagonistic feature of monarchy
and republicanism, in the present stale of
the world, that I would feel safe in iu fur
ring what our course ought to be in refer
ence to this measure f such vital national
interest, by finding out what was the course
of Great Hritain. Our position here, as it
has been generally heretofore, will be
found to be directly opposite to hers.
Hut why should I press on you further
views of the paramount importance of Tex
as to the United Slates on the score of safe
3'? Every mind conversant with the ope
rations of war, and with the causes which
give military ascendency, must see from a
glance at our map, that such a genius as
Wellington's or Napoleon's, sustained by
n3val armaments on the gulf of Mexico,
and on the lakes, and and in possesion of
I exas, with a very small force on land.
could, in one campaign, paralize one-half
of our Union, deprive us of Oregon, and
produce scenes of servile insurrection . and
massacre, lhat humanity would shuddtr to
describe. 'This is no fancy tketch no
chimer-i of the imagination, to frighten wo
men and children. It is the natural opera
tion of cause and effect inevitable and ir
resistible. Give Texas and Oregon to Great Britian.
and she will have more territory on ibis
continent than the United States. She
will surround us from our north-east corner
to the south-west corner. Leaving no outlet
10 us by land, we shall be literally en. bra
ced in her potent grasp, and open to her
invasion by sea and land at every point ol
ihe Union.
And yet vve are told by leading politi
cians of ihe day, that the project of annex
ation is a mere buhble blown for a political
purpose, to put down one leader, and put
up another; and this too on the face
of assurances lhat reach us evei3' day
which tell us lhat England holds in
her hands a guarantee of peace to 'Tex
as, if she will only withdraw the prop
osition of union with us. 1 am proud to
see that my friends throughout the Union
are treating these foreign menaces as A-
merican patriots should who love their
country, and are determined to stand by
it in all emergencies without regard to par
Let us next see, in answer to your third,
fourth and fifth inquiries, what would be
the probable effect of the determination of
Texas to accept the guarantee of mcnarrhial
powers. A treaty of commerce would be
the first result, and the basts of this treaty
would be one of reciprocal benefit, in the
exchange of the raw productions of Texas
for the manufactured articles of those pow
ers. England would aim at once to destroy
the manufacturing inierest of this country
in competition with her; to do this she
would be the gainer hy opening her ports
to Texas; and Texas in her turn, first, anx
ious for the payment of her national debt,
would so adjust her revenue as to 'give the
greatest possible stimulus lo the culture of
cotton and tobacco, and the development
of all her agricultural resources. Thus
her debt would soon be paid, and her pros
perity would be accelerated by the double
force of European aid and domestic pr ide
unembarrassed on the one hand by high
duties, upheld on the other by the deep
seated determination of Ihe European pow
ers to cripple the United States and scatter
among them the seeds of discord and jeal
ousy. .
Among other disadvantages resulting to
us from such a treaty belween England
and Texas, would be the necessity to es
tablish on that extensive frontier such
police as would prevent smuggling and en
force our revenue laws. Could this be
done? All experience answers, no it can
not be done? Border citizens, having the
same interest in trade, Jollowing the same
pursuits, using the same inland streams for
the transportaiion of their surplus labor,
will not submit to the operation of une
qual laws. 'Ihe cotton planter on the
south western boundary, within the Uni
ted States, will not contribute to the en
forcement of laws, the effect of which
makes his labor less profitable than that of
his neighbor in Texas; and what is true of
cotton will be true of all other agricultural
products. We know that at present, in
the United Slates, the force of this princi
ple is so strong as to compel us to put low
duties on many ariicles which would be
otherwise heavily taxed.
I know that many of our citizens sup
pose that the annexation of Texas will be
injurious because it will add to ihe quanti
ly of valuable lands in market, antTmiy be
ihe means of inducing the removal of many
of our slaves to that favored region. I
grant that this is true to some extent; but
does it not increase the arguments in favor
of annexation? If Texas has an advantage
in cheapness of land, salubrity of climate
and convenience of navigation, over our
southern States, is it not better for the cit
izens of the United States to possess this
advantage than surrender jt re the ehizens
of Europe? In the hands of Great Bri;
this advantage will be improved, !
have seen, to break up our manukcu'rr.
her in the supply of other markets, an.; in
the carrying trade. In oiher words, will
H"l 1 r Ada UNI if uu-r (tniv" m uiwii:
formidable competitor than she would he
in il? The iron and coal regions of Vr
ginia, Pennsylvania. Ohio, Kentucky .h
Tennessee, if she is in the Union, will
find a market there so will the lowt II
and other cotton manufactures of the North
Atlantic side of our Union. The immense
power of our inland trade, the nursery of
our seamen, and the source of "so much
wealth, will find employment in Texas, if
she is in the Union. If she Is out of the
Union, British policy may monopolize all
these advantages. 1
We are aho told by some who profess to
speak on behalf of the sugar planters in
Louisiana that Texas must not come into
the Union, for, if she does, their lands sr
made less valuable, and the price of augr
will fall. If the fact were so, does it (M
low than an argument is therby afford ;
for the rejection of Texas? This wi' n
only prove to the vast number of the c .
sumers of sugar that Texas ought to be aci
ded to the Union. But is it probable m.i
the price of sugar would fall? We ?yr
lhat the production of Louisiana is t . o
limited, that ihe large protective duty
, . u.., .1 i 'k,l
ICIIUCW IU II lld, IIIW9 litl, IlOt U1I1II..S3UCU
ihe revenue from this article; and we also
know, that the lands of Texas could not be
brought into cuhivaiion for many years.
So lhat the probability i, that sugar, in.
Texas, would stand on the same footing
with cotton and other agricultural produc
tions, far more advantageous to t'.p U. S.
f in the Union than out of it. U - were it
otherwise, I feel confident that Uic sugar
planters of Louisiana will repel liiv iypu--
tation that, on account of a possible 0? pP
titor being raised up in Texas, trrV fs
willing to fee that fair country past in.
the hands of England. The sugar planter
wants security for his negro property la
bility for the Union, and independence f' r
his whole country. To giin this, he will
make ihe same sacrifice, if necessary, that
the other great interests would make. But
fortunately, ho sacrifices sre necessary, ac
cording to my view of the subject. AI?
the interests and all the sections of our U
nion, instead of having sacrifices to make,
will only have benefits to enjoy.
There are many other aspects in which
it ran be made manifest that England will
injure the United Slates if it is rejeslr .
Hut they are too obvious to bring to your
notice. Take those already notedtak
the question as it stands the indisporition
of the United States to profit ..- is
the most remai kable event that c.uf'
red in history. No nation, under sit.l.r-
circumstances, has committed such ah er
ror. If there be patriotism in the effort to
increase the wealth and happIne5SNH.aU
classes in our society to diffuse th-v?
ing of rqual laws, and a just govcT-f ' "t
If there be love in the spirit wH' . C'da
in this free land of ours the mean? to si r id
the light ol the gospel, and to tec I'ifi
man throughout the world how L e re
cover ma rigui uo civil sou rciig-- .nuer
ty -it seems to me that all this f 'riotism
all this nhilanthropy all this rsfieion
appeals to us in favor of the addition of
Texas to our Union.
Hut it has been asked, not by jj, but
by others, if these cogent reason j exist,
why did they not influence roc wh'.; ? vr.
President? My answer is, th?? ftat
time the people of Texas had er
separate Sovereignty but a few 1, be
fore the close of my administr: ad
were then at war with Mexico, not claim.
ins the benefits of the treaty of 1809. -and
not objecting lo the cession of the Tvr:tO.
ry to Old Spain in 1819. The . .;s
dence of Texas was recognized thv ay
of my administration. 1 was not t-'rotfiU
ble for the policy which dismembered -'Territory,
and had no power to reciidy
the consequences of that dismemberment.
It was my duty to be just to both Mexico
and Texas, and keep the United SUt?a
from becoming a party to their rii.rr I.
'This duty was faithfully performed He
interference on the part of this G OTf fo
ment was encouraged or countenanced.
The brave Texas troop acting for them
selves, terminated at St. Jacinto their con
test for liberty, and then settled their titlo
and claim to independence. From that pe
riod to this our relations to them havt
been changed, and the question of the pro
posed connection with them has now ceetd
taiions of Mexico.
The dismemberment of our territory m
1819, by the failure 10 execute the guaran
tee in the treaty of 1S03, has but recently
attracted public attention. But it has been
silently operating, and is now exerting
great and momentous influence on our sys
tem of government. It has been thus with
ir.ost of the causes that have produced
changes in human aflatrs unioreseen-
perhaps hardly noticed in the beginning-
hut oQt the Im portent in tne result iucx