Page A4-The Chronicle, Thursday, December 22, 1983 Witiston-Salem Ctir'oriicle Founded 1974 ERNEST H. PITT, NDUBISI EGEMONYE ( (i-l imniler ALLEN JOHNSON t.xfcuiive tc/iior ELAINE L, PITT 0/fi e ManuKcr JOHN SLADE Assisiani Editor A Christinas List Items on a grown man’s Christmas list: - A large spray can of Cabbage Patch doll repellant. - A year’s worth of soup line meals for White House counselor Ed Meese, whose recent comments about hunger, or the lack thereof in America, are some of the ignorant, callous and infamous words since Marie Antoinette advised the French masses to eat cake. — A G.I. Joe action figure for President Reagan, who’d do the world and the American public a big favor by playing soldier in his backyard rather than all over the globe. - A Monopoly game for those black people in Winston- Salem who have the money but refuse to invest in such wor thwhile and lucrative ventures as the East Winston Shopping Center. Maybe they’ll invest more if the capital is play money. — A one-way space shuttle pleasure cruise for U.S. Senators Jesse Helms and John East. — The ultimate weapon: a kind of neutron bomb that, when detonated, only destroys Mr. Microphones. -- A trip to the principal’s office for our school board, which deserves a good paddling for coming up with one of the most unfair school reorganization plans in history. — A set of Tinker Toys for our school board to use when renovating Glenn Junior High to become an unneeded eighth high school. That would be poetic justice: a building as childish as the idea of creating it. — A ban on Christmas commercials in September. — A parking space close to Hanes Mall. — The recall of all artificial Christmas trees that look like green pipecleaners or huge killer scrub brushes. -- A history text for those shortsighted people who say they won’t support Jesse Jackson’s presidential bid because his chances of winning are not great. Imagine where we all would be today if our forefathers subscribed to that illogic. - All the stories my computer terminal stole from me during the calendar year. — A dollar for every liquor house in Winston-Salem (with which 1 would buy an island chalet in the West Indies and retire). - A fresh batch of concerned young black candidates for the coming elections in 1984 and ’85. - More coordination and cooperation among local black organizations and leaders. — And, very seriously, a safer, .saner, happier world than the one 1 see right now. - Allen Johnson Crosswinds A Segregated City From Perspectives (published by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights). Before too many more self-congratulations are heard about the civilized way Philadelphia went about electing its first black mayor - compared to the racial undercurrents that swirled around Chicago’s recent mayorality - check out a new study by the private Citizens’ Commission on Civil Rights. It depicts the City of Brotherly Love as decidedly un- brotherly: Between 1970 and 1980, Philadelphia was one of two big U.S. cities (Cleveland was the other) that actually became more segregated. During that same time, such .sohthern bastions of Jim Crowism as Birmingham, Atlanta, Jacksonville, Richmond and Nashville became more in tegrated. The Citizens’ Commission — comprised, in part, of former memhers of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights - looked at those 28 major cities with black populations of 100,000 and up. Its segregation index was based on the 1970 and 1980 Census as well as on how well city blocks were mixed with blacks and non-blacks. Oakland, across the Bay from San Francisco, has long been depicted by the news media as an “all-black” city: In fact, it may be the most integrated of all 28 cities, with only 2 percent of the hlack poptdatiou living on exclusively “black blocks.” Dallas, once 96 percent segregated, has dropped to 8.J percent - no doubt due in part to a 1971 “fair housing” ordinance. But Philadelphia, which in 1970 ranked 18th in terms of segregation, now has climhed to fourth place, right behind Chicago, Cleveland and St. Louis. 'WlB NUCL£^R hms R^Ce IS UKG Two mu S[Mmer \u n ?ool of (jASOUHE... ^^HTW EKCH OME iRVmij To (tET we NAKTCHES "THW TV\E OTWER- \T's 6RA.zyA I COULDN'T AeCEE ^N\T^\ YOU we ll's THE &\ZE Of TME rtE^D THM COUNTS Celebrating Christmas And Kwanza By CLIFTON GRA VES Chronicle Colunmist Kwanza is not necessarily an at tempt to supplant ^‘Christmas;'’ rather, it provides an opportunity for African-Americans to reinforce in a concrete way the historic bonds bet ween us and our ancestral home. - Dr. Maulana Ron Karenga -- A cookbook with a cook included. - A self-cleaning car that fills itself up with gas when it’s low, checks its own oil, automatically picks its owner up at his doorstep each morning and drives him to work, and cusses at shady mechanics who try to sabotage it. Ever get the feeling that the true spirit and meaning of Christmas have been lost? Well, I encourage you to check out Kwanza. The cultural celebration of Kwanza was first introduced in the United States in 1966 by Dr. Maulana Ron Karenga, professor of African- American Studies at San Jose Stale College and perhaps one of the most astute scholars of African-American politics and culture of our time. Kwanza -- which in the East African language of Swahili means “first fruits” - is a year-end celebra tion, observed between Dec. 26 and Jan. 1, during which time the celebrants reaffirm their commitment to uphold and adhere to the Ngoza Saba (Seven Principles) of Blackness., Each of the seven days of the week- long celebration is set aside to pay homage to a principle. These seven principles are: Umoja (unity), Ku- jichagulia (self-determination), Ujima (collective work and respon sibility), Ujamaa (cooperative economics), Nia (purpose), Kuumba (creativity) and Imani (faith). In order to create a more authentic atmosphere, celebrants of Kwanza use certain items such as candleholders (a candle is lit daily), straw mats and a “unity cup,” sym bolizing respectively the strength of parenthood, cultural tradition and homage to our ancestors. The beauty of the Kwanza is not just in its re- Cllfton Graves affirmation of our Afri can heritage, but more so in the fact that it stresses values of love, sharing, peace and justice, which those of us who celebrate Christmas have apparently lost track of. Jfms, iri a large sense. Kwanza serves not necessarily as an alter native to Christmas, but as a comple ment to the “season of peace.” While many in our community still ignorantly reject any association with their African ancestry, it would be wise for them to remember that Africa is the birthplace of all civiliza tions, and that ours is a heritage to be proud of. Indeed, Dr. Karenga’s introduction of Kwanza in the 1960s was, in effect, a culmination of centuries of African- American attempts at political, economic and cultural linkage with the Great Continent. Historians, scholars, writers and Pan-Africanists such as Martin Delany, the Rev. Henry McNeil Turner, Paul Cuffee, Marcus Garvey, Dr. W.E.B. Dubois, Paul Robeson, Langston Hughes, Chancellor Williams, Malcolm X and Maya Angelou (among others) con sistently have attempted to present a positive, accurate, yet not romantic, picture of the Africa that was, as well as the Africa that will be, with par ticular emphasis on the role of African-Americans in the present and future political and economic development of our Motherland. Kwanza attempts to link us with the past, as well as provide a bridge for the future. Below are listed in more detail the fundamental principles of Kwanza, principles which should be adhered to not for one week, or one year, but rather for one’s lifetime: •Umoja (unity): To strive for and maintain unity in the family, com munity, nation and race. •Kujichagulia (self-determination): To define ourselves, name ourselves, create for ourselves and speak for ourselves rather than allow others to do these things for us. •Umima (collective work and Please see page A 5 ^UnfinishedBusiness': Part Two DR. MANNING MARBLE Guest Columnist From the vantage point of the vast majority of blacks, the past decade has been a period of economic chaos and political reaction. We can best comprehend the current level of black unrest by reviewing the economic data. In 1969, non-white unemployment in the U.S. stood at 6.4 percent, com pared to 3.1 percent for whites. Black married men experienced unemploy ment rates of only 2.5 percent that year, and only 10.5 percent of all black families had no income earners. By 1977, 13.1 percent of all black men and 14.8 percent of black women were unemployed. Nearly one in five black construction workers was jobless; 18.5 percent of all black households had no income earner. After several years of Reaganomics in the 1980s, the situation became critical. Black youth unemployment in some ghettos exceeded 80 percent this summer. During Reagan’s first year in office, the real median income of black families declined by 5.2 per cent. In two years, the percentage of black families below the federal government’s “poverty level” in creased from 32.4 percent to 36.5 per cent. About one-third of all black voters will be jobless for some period of time during 1983. Even Reagan’s “lax cut” passed two years ago to stimulate consumer savings actually perpetuated racial inequality. The average white household was schedul ed to receive $1,019 in tax breaks in 1983, and $1,369 in 1984, whereas black households average $542 in 1983 and $632 in 1984. This steady deterioration of blacks’ economic basis within American society has produced devastating socioeconomic consequences: an alar ming increase in alcoholism, drugs, crime and juvenile delinquency. By the late 1970s, over two million Afro- Americans were arrested every year. Today, about 55 percent of all black families have only one parent or guardian. Over half of all black children are born out of wedlock, and the number of black women who are divorced has more than doubled in the past 15 years. Many of the older social institutions which provided stability and order within black neighborhoods during the segregation era - churches, civic clubs, communi ty associations -- have been seriously weakened if not destroyed. The vast majority of blacks are now trapped within either the lowly People Don’t Prefer Povert By MARIAN EDELMAN Guest Cotumnisl “I never imagined that be poor," says Cathy Baker, grew up in a comfortaj Maryland community. “Even fa, ther from my mind thought that my children 4, woau ever be without a father, wiifij,, money, without a home.” Bn, January 1982, after nine years of marriage, Mrs. Baker took In, three children and fled from Ij upper-middle-class home and k. physically abusive husband. Soo, after, with no money, no home job, three small boys to feed anil . rising feeling of panic, Mrs. turned to the welfare system. Although many people belie,, that those on welfare are diffe,,, from, and somehow worse, ibj, the rest of us, it’s simply not tni. Recent testimony by Mrs. Bah, and three other welfare mothersn a House Budget Committee h ing shows that many women art one husband away from povenj and the welfare bureaucracy, was devastated,” Mrs. Balt, recalls, “but to them, I was one more person asking 4, money.” She is not alone. Sadie Moblq vas forced to go on welfare when her husband left her with two daughters to raise after 15 yearsof marriage. A housewife and 1 mother, with only a seventh-gradt education and limited job skills she has few choices about whereto turn for financial support. Contrary to the belief that most people on welfare are adults who could be working, 68 percent of the welfare population consists hi children. Most adults on welfait are single mothers like Mrs. Baket and Mrs. Mobley who are trying their best to bring up childrei alone amid countless obstacles toward getting a job. Women who have no skills fre quently can’t get the education and training they need to find work, Mrs. Mobley’s “job training” con sisted of looking through a com puter job bank listing until she found a job cleaning the welfare offices at night. And she had ti give that up because no child care was available for her youngest daughter. She later found 1 daytime job on her own. Women with skills who earn above a certain income are caught in a no-win situation — they stand to lose essential food, cash and health care benefits as soon as the; earn a few extra dollars. Because of this, Mrs. Baker says a wotkei at her local social service agent; suggested she quit her three-day-a- week job and stay on welfare. Mrs. Baker kept her job but says, “It was discouraging and depressini being shoved back while 1 wJ struggling to go forward.” Anita Shepard, another welfare mother, feels the same. “I don’t want to stay down and sit waiting for a check,” she says. “I wanta job. I want a place to call home.’’ But she believes that because she’s poor she “will not be given a chance.” It’s not hard to see why she Please see page AS “The vast majority of blacks are now trapped within either the lowly paid blue-collar work force or are in the the growing ‘underclass’ of the poor. ” Chronicle Letters Happy Holidays To The Editor: About half of the 600,000 American men behind bars and the 1,300 awaiting execution on death row are black. Over 10,000 black men are murdered every year. Black male homicide rates are eight to nine times higher than for while males. The black family has been fun damentally transformed by this pro cess of social chaos. In 1960, for ex ample, 75 percent of all black children lived with both parents. By 1975, only 54 percent lived in two- parent households; for families earn ing less than $4,000, 83 percent were living with a single parent. paid blue-collar work force or are in the growing “underclass” of the poor. Their world is filled with crime, decaying housing, inadequate social services and a constant fear of unemployment. The small black elite usually lives outside of the sprawling ghetto in the residential neighborhoods of upper-middle-class whiles. The black elite worries about interest rates and tax deductions, while the ghetto contemplates police brutality and a lack of public medical care. The black elite forms part of the Please see page A 5 (This letter vjm addressed to sh the readers of the Chronicle, ad especially to those in the Ward.) Thank you for reading, thanl you for caring, thank you for help ' ing me to be a responsible aldeL man. We must do more in ’84. To each and every one of have the merriest Christmas ever and a New Year filled with boun tiful blessings. Virginia K. Newell Eastward AldermnJ UHWLONeD ?Eo(ie will Ten VoO THEV?e BUT VoO CAN'T TRUST WHAT THEY SAY ^ IT they WERT Honest kw Trustworthy- they'd have jobs