\ Page A4-The Chronicle, Thursday. February 23, 1984 Winston-Salem Ctyroiiicle Founded 1974 ERNEST H. PITT NDUB1SI EGEMONYE ALLEN JOHNSON f i?- htuitlr' t vr\~uii >r Lditor ELAINE L. PITT JOHN SLADE Of fur S4un*gr' 4uist*ni tduof The Little Plan 44lf something ain't broke," the plain-folks maxim declares, "don't fix it." If, on the other hand, something is very broken, and inherently unfair to boot, it ought to be repaired, and with all due speed and resolve. A three-judge panel has determined that the multi-member 39t+i House District is "broken" because it makes it difficult for black candidates to be elected to the North Carolina House of Representatives, and in so doing violates the Voting Rights Act. A better alternative would be several single-member districts that, like the ward system designed to elect our aldermen, gives black citizens a much better alternative for equitable representation than one district that includes most of Forsyth County and dilutes black voter strength significantly. True, two black state House representatives, C.B. Hauser and Annie Brown Kennedy, were elected^ under the otd system. But that was clearlv the excention and nnf th^ ml* as black candidates' earlier losses in the same races show. Further, opponents of single-member districts argue that the population of Forsyth County can only support one predominantly black single-member district. Though it would all but guarantee one black man or woman in the state House, they say, it would limit black representation in the Forsyth County delegation to that one person, since the remaining districts would be overwhelmingly white -- and white people have shown a tendency historically not to vote for black people in droves. Not true. North Ward Alderman Larry Little has huddled with some of his colleagues and devised what he says is a means to carve two majority-black districts out of the county. If Little has done all of his homework, and we believe he has, the plan could mean a major change in black political leverage in the county and, more importantly, would inject some old-fashioned fairmindedness into county politics. Little presented his plan Tuesday night at a meeting of the Black Political Awareness League and received strone en _ - - w dorsemcnts from his fellow black aldermen as welt as the BPAL membership* and County Commwssi^^ Mazie *. . Woodruff, ? \ { ?> The pi 'iffO^iudcftng, however, is the rfest of the For- 1 syth County House delegation, which would introduce it to the House for consideration, if it decides it wants to. The other crucial element is public support for the plan, which no doubt would have a telling effect on how the delegation behaves. If an alternative plan is not adopted by March 16, the court will draw its own plan, though we would prefer for the process not to go that far. A plan conceived by the people in a district for the people in that district would be preferable. So we urge you to study what we'll call henceforth The Little Plan, ask questions about it and be heard. After all, if \ VOIir futnro o* '' r < ? _/vmi iuiuiv (.iitti 3 en 31(inc iiiuic man me TUlUies OT a handful of politicians. Moreover, we like what we've seen of the plan and we think you will, too. But that's for you to decide. Crosswinds ( \ / Blacks and Jews From The Philadelphia Tribune. It was Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. who once said that wherever there was discrimination and oppression against Jews, he would be compelled to join his Jewish brothers and sisters in raising his voice in protest, whether or not they sought his help. King made the same point about religious discrimination in referring to his support for Catholics. Neverthless, Dr. King's support for the Jewish liberation cause was intertwined with the civil and human rights movement of AfricanAmericans. Thus, King's repeated reference to "our Jewish friends" was no accident, in tact, history will clearly show that Jewish support, physically, mentally, financially and otherwise, went to the very core of the civil rights movement. Whether it was because the enemy Ku Klux Klan and Nazis repeatedly bunched Jews and blacks together or that our historical ordeals seemed parallel in our plight for survival and freedom, Jews and blacks stuck together. There was a bond which seemed everlasting as the civil rights movement reached its pinnacle. But what has happened to change all of this is a serious question facing both the Jewish and African-American communities locally, nationally and internationally. The two communities in Philadelphia have gone adrift and there is no denying the fact. Since the great days of the civil rights movement, things have certainly changed considerably. Both communities apparently have separate agendas and both communities have gone about in separate directions seeking to attain their full p< ? ctiiials. Please see page A5 I / Black lawye By CLIFTON GRAVES^ Chronicle Columnist |; . j, M e should organize die country over, o Raise funds and employ counsel. * Then, if an individual is denied some f rig hi or privilege, let the race make N his wrnnv ih^ii c/n/u; .ih.i /?.? ?/?-. r - ...? v u?.u UMII l(7.M Iflf L cause in law. C . F I: J. Waning, H Baltimore's first black attorney F S! The black lawyer should be a social c engineer. li Charles Houston, i\ Lena/Pioneer p ir Charles H. Houston, William * Henr> Hastie, James A. Nabrit Jr., a, Leon Ransom, Oliver Hill, Spott- r swood Robinson, Wile> Brent on, |y Joseph Wadd\, Hope Stevens, A jn Leon Higginbotham, William a Bryant, George Crockett, Bruce T Wright, Hanv Toussaint Alexander, ui Constance Baker Motle>, Julius L. tl ChambeKv Jasper'A. (Jack) Atkins and ThCK^eodfr Niarshalt -- with the tf exception 61 'the lattei, not a e< household name among them. h Yet, those knowledgeable of the detei mined and protracted struggle ol " African-Americans to achieve equali- 0 t> and to make this nation live up to 'r *the true meaning of its creed b> a challenging the legal underpinnings ir of rarivm und iniuc.t ? ? ....W MljUlllVVl (II V. l^UIIW u familiar with the efforts of black bat - li ristets. cl The problem By DR. MANNING MARABLE I Guest Columnist < , Since Jesse Jackson has announced \ his candidacy for the presidency, a I number of black elected officials and i civil rights leaders have continued to back former Vice President Waltei c Mondale. I They insist that our principal goal 1 should be the defeat of Ronald . / Reagan next November, and that P yiontiale has the best chance of defeating the incumbent president. An> black candidate is simply a we take apart some of these flawed and faulty assumptions about national politics. [ First, our immediate political goal i must not be simply the defeat of Ronald Reagan, but the entire reac- v tionary philosophs of Reaganism - r the elimination of public programs in ( health care, jobs, public housing and ( welfare; the buildup of both convcn- s tional and nucleai weapons; an ex- c pansionist and imperialist foreign t policy abroad; and the repudiation of <. the very concept of social justice for | blacks, Hispanics, women, gays and lesbians, the elderly, poor people and I the disabled. \ Politically, this requires that the 1 black community target all of f Reagan's supporters for defeat in the CAPITAL PUMKHMeNT IS OH ? A e\v\Lrz\ki6 foccG j $iiirwNMi ' / rs and black Jt was thestaunch belief of black iw>ers that the battle for equal stice under the law must be waged >n several fronts. Until 1929, one 'front" ? the sociopolitical protest lont -- had been fairly well-covered. 1en and women such as Frederick )ouglass, Sojourner Truth, W.E.B. )u Bois, Henry McNeil Turner, A. Tiillip Randolph, Mary McLeod lethune, Walter White, Langston lughes and Paul Robeson had conistentl> singed AmericaVconscience, hallenging the hypocrisy of this naon's ways. Yet, despite n ^ mJus ic Jiyf merican life. his was " I iBr" rrderscored by ie official Clifton Graven tnctioning of ie farcial doctrine of "separate but ^ual" enunciated by this nation's ighesf court in Plessy vs. Ferguson 1896), a pronouncement that opened ie floddgates for white racists to verturn the minimal gains made durig Reconstruction. That doctrine Iso prompted states (North Carolina tcluded) to pass constitutional mendments establishing poll taxes, teracy tests and "grandfather lauses" in the attempt to disen! with Walte, Movembei 1984 election. It also iemands support for progressive epresentatives of civil rights interests ,.u~ ..u?n 1 - - *nu wiictucngc mouerates insiae tne Democratic Party primaries this coning spring and summer. I am much more optimistic about )ur ability to defeat congressional *eaganites than I am about the emoval of the incumbent president. \s things now stand, either Walter ^londale, John Glenn or Reagan will "What's wrong with Mondale? F new; We are witnessing a revival and 1972 presidential campaigns ?e inaugurated in January 1985, and Reagan is the clear favorite. Among the white males currently .eeking the Democratic Party's lomination, only Alan Cranston and Jeorge McGovern could be identified is "progressives." But neithei hav*? ubstantial links with black, Latino >r labor groups, and the tardy enranee of McGovern has all but scot:hed any "dark horse" possibilities 'or the California liberal. What's wrong with Mondale? -irst, Mondale's strategy is not new: >Ve are witnessing a revival of Hubert -I. Humphrey's 1968 and 1972 residential campaigns. Mondale's crucial base of support IT CLEACLY etfta/K "THE CClltoNM- ' fCONV "TOE COLLECTIVE ~ ^ < { > f Sv**D dejure segregation in America, and would later inspire an entire generation of black and white attorneys to no low 4s i. tor ot an antiquated status quo, but as the defender .of basic human rights, as well as the catalyst foi social change. While that view has been dimmed ! somewhat in recent years, entities such as the National Conference on Black Lawyers, the Legal Defense Fund, the National Bar Association, the North Carolina Association of Please see page A5 ! 1 r Mondale is organized labor, big city Democratic Party organizations and the most moderate elements of national minority leadership-. His speeches and policy statements clearly indicate that he is not a progressive or true liberal, but a moderate in the Cold Wat Liberal tradition. Black leaders who have now committed themselves to Mondale's campaign insist he is the "most liberal" candidate who has any hope of derail7rst, Mondale's strategy is not * r of Hubert Humphrey's 1968 9 9 ing Reagan. This may be true: II Mondale wins the nomination, a larger number of minorities, labor and other liberal constituents will * turn out than if Glenn is the nominee. s But this obscures the more fundamental issues ? which are how can * we build a stronger civil rights move- \ ment, and how can we reverse the ad- r vances of Reaganitc conservatism? 1 Moreovei'7 how can we seriousl> e\- " pand the electorate in 1984 to include ( millions of young people, blacks, Hispanics, women and poor people? Working for Mondale in the f Democratic primary does not do this, ^ and, in fact, it virtually guarantees f Please see page A5 kND TteCW/ ?9AFRS\\? COULD NDU SOCIAL C0NTB*rr B? MOGE 0 \/?n spsapic? Cffjj \ Chronicle Letter Let's get behind Jacksoi[ To The Kdilor: ^ I feel that it is the time for black to come togethet as one. The Rev Jesse Jackson has taken a grea stand b> making his proposed bic 101 president of the United States Instead of saying it isn't his time o? he isn't financially capable, we should back him with pra>et and moral support. ^ If we take time to remembei about another powerful black leader^ the Rev. Martin Luther ICino. Ir it fnok nnifv ;inH tirorxViti ....... - . .. ? "<; MilVi .111 VII5HI for him to accomplish the goals that he set out to achieve. (This is not to compare Jackson to King). Another outstanding group ol individuals were out ancestors. They united because they had onl> each other. They managed to sta> together during years of bondage. Our ancestors withstood the hard work and the abusive manner in which they were treated. Jackson's name should be included on thii list. The black community makes a difference in the political field. Our 18 million eligible voters is enough power to make or break presidents. This effort should not be turned into a racist campaign. We can support Jackson in every effort that he undertakes. He needs support from his people. Jackson went to Syria and negotiated with the Syrians and secured the release of Lt. Robert Goodman. If he didn't have people supporting him, his mission would have ended in failure. Another effort that Rev. Jackson has proposed is his platform consisting of six main objectives: enforcement of voting rights act, voter registration, the equal rights amendment, affirmative action, U.S. policy in El Salvador, and blacks in the Democratic Par lt" we support Rev. Jackson, we will give him that valuable element of confidence. Bishop Lawrence S. Tale Winston-Salem Support Schools To The Lditor: 1 enjoyed the article "Black Alumni Giving: It's Improving Slowly But Still Below Pat" appearing in one of the December rssues. As past alumni president of the Winston-Salem State University Alumni Association, 1 have given nany hours of my time and energy. It was an honor to serve ny alma mater. The loyalty that \c have is undescrihahlp Many of our graduates were rained as teachers and nurses. It -vas not until the late 1970s that the business administration program vas added. Therefore, educational md medical institutions do not natch annual giving donations ?uch as business and corporations. Alumni have a tendency to designate their funds for their area )f interest. Personally, if athletes vho are alumni woudid~paiTrcrpare^ vith their time, talents and gifts, naybe Coach tkBighouse4' Gaines :ould support four students (in tate or out-of-state). Wake Potest, A&T, North Carolina Central, and the Univerity of Noith Carolina at Chapel Hill alumni who have benefited torn athletic scholarships have >ride. Sad to sa>, my fellow alumti in this category have triixed feelngs about loyalty. 1 know the proHem but everything can't be put >n nanei. I agree with Walter Brown at >haw Universit), whom I had the nivilege to work with on the Vinston-Salem State Univcrsit> :oundation Board. He said, "PeoPlease see page A5 fF WITH THEIR HEAD*// |* 4 ?