FORUM The Genera! Assembly protects symbols of a pro-slavery, white supremacist, segregationist past more than people William J. Barber Guest Columnist Last night [July 23], Gov. Pat McCrory signed the "Historic Artifact Management .a n d Patriotism Act," which prevents local officials from removing Confederate monuments and gives that authority to the North Carolina General Assembly and Governor. This morning [July 24], the N.C. NAACP and Forward Together Moral Movement challenged Governor McCrory and the General Assembly's decision to prioritize the protection of Confederate monuments over the protection of North Carolinians. [There also was talk about a possible boycott of North Carolina.] N.C. NAACP President Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II's statement is below: Let us not forget what these symbols are really about because symbols have tremendous power. We sometimes forget that in North Carolina's history, in the late 1890s, when they spread propaganda about what would be the Wilmington Riots, many whites could not read, so they used symbols. One of those symbols would be a black man or politician looking like a vampire holding two white women in his claws and someone coming along with a Confederate flag and rescuing the white women. The symbols were more than just cartoons. And after the promise of Reconstruction, one writer has said, whites could not re-enslave blacks. But what they could do was raise a likeness of the pecu liar institution's symbols to remind them of their (former slaves' and their descen dants') 'proper place' in the South. These memorials reinforced racial inequality in the past. That's why in a lot of places, when you travel around the state, the memorials are right in front of the court houses. They were there to remind black people, as they went into those court rooms, that Jim Crow is still king; that you are in a state that still does not want you; that you better stay in your place. They were meant to elicit fear. Today, the General Assembly is more committed to protecting monuments - some of which have the Confederate flag engraved on them - symbols of a pro-slav ery, white supremacist, segregationist past than they are to protecting people who are living right now. The governor is so weak that he would rather placate those with this divisive and extremist agenda than stand up and demand that North Carolina politics come into the 21st century. Governor, the truth is, if you do not believe you can stop the selling of license plates with Confederate flags, why not put one on the back of the Governor's car? To the Governor and the legislature: Why protect monuments when you haven't protected the 500,000 people who need Medicaid expansion and the thousands of people who are dying? Why protect Confederate monuments when you haven't ensured proper raises for teachers and funding for public education and teacher assistance? Why are you protecting monu ments - and Confederate monuments, at that ? when you have not protected the 900,000 people whose Earned Income Tax Credit you took? Why are you protecting monuments - particularly Confederate monuments - when you have not raised wages to a living wage for the working poor throughout North Carolina? Why are you protecting monuments - particularly Confederate monuments - when you have not repealed the repeal of the Racial Justice Act, when we live in a state that has had more black men found innocent who would have been killed on death row, than any other Southern state? And yet, instead of dealing with that injustice in our criminal justice system, just yesterday we received a rush to restart the death penalty - when just last month, with the Research Triangle Park. Now, alter the June 25, 2013 Shelby ruling. North Carolina passed the first and the worst voter suppression bill. Our state is more committed to protecting symbols of a racist past than it is to protecting voting rights in the present. Now, we are the first after Charleston to say, "We want to pro tect Confederate monuments, even with Confederate flags on them." And they're so committed to this that the party that is always arguing about local control is now taking power from local authorities. Here is one more question: Where are the monuments to the real heroes and the real sheroes of our past? Where are the monuments to the slaves who endured the ugly horrors of slavery? Where is the mon ument to the black and white fusion politi cians, who after slavery rewrote our First W Flight OOOOv LwiPtH^ADftl INA Above and at right are some "symbols of racism and division." Data Tuesday, July 21, 201S Subfact: Dae*, monomania ate To: Intaftnaaconc org Mack* ahould not hold to muck hale about Ikau paat aa aiavaa confadar ata flag* and hMoncal monumanu thay ?kould rathar ampraca thalr paat If It had not wont lha way It did. u would attll Pa m afrtca dying of hungaraida and aOola tMr* about It alavary waa your ?<*a< to tha Paat country In tha world . yat u Pilch, wtna and complain .barbar anough la navar anough I dont thmh Macka raaay hata itama from tha paat. rathar I think u paopla nata youraslvaa Governor, you pardoned a man who would have been killed and who your party used in political literature to get elected. You know the system is broken, but you're more interested in protecting monuments than you are in protecting justice. You're more interested in protecting monuments to the Confederacy than you are in signing the racial profiling bill that has been sitting in the legislature - a bill that would begin to deal with the reality of the disparities in the criminal justice sys tem and in policing that impact black and brown people. And less than a month after Charleston, the Governor and the General Assembly in North Carolina are more interested in protecting the symbols of an infamous, racist past than in addressing the issues of our present. Once again. North Carolina is first. We used to be first in flight. We used to be first in the best university system in the South. We used to be first in technology Constitution and stood against the Klan, and fought to break the grip of systemic racism? Where are the monuments to Ella Baker? Where are the monuments to those who desegregated the lunch counters and the students from Bennett and Winston Salem State? Where are the monuments to the Freedom Riders, who first came through North Carolina before they went anywhere else in the South? Where are the monuments to those who risked their life and limb? Where are the monuments to the lawyers who had their cars blown up while trying to make this state more perfect? It is so backwards, so wrong, so pitiful that this is the focus of a legislature and a governor in the 21st century and every North Carolinian ought to be ashamed! So, what are we going to do? ?We call on the governor to talk to the best lawyers and see if there is any way his can undo his signature on this bill. We still believe in repentance. You do not want to go down in history as the governor who signed the first bill after Charleston to pro tect the symbols of racism and division. ?Second, Governor, ask your lawyers if you have the authority to remove the Confederate flag from state license plates. If you cannot, write a bill to have it removed! ?Third, we call on all of the legislators who were against this bill that just passed yesterday to write a Truth Bill, demanding that if these monuments are going to stay up, we now ?have to write some Truth plaques that are placed on these monu ments that tell exactly when, and why, and in what context they were erected. It's important that we recognize that we, in North Carolina, have a political problem. Don't spend your time painting on these monuments. Spend that time reg istering people to vote. Register everybody you know to vote, because everybody who is doing this has been elected! I won't tell you who to vote for, but we sure will tell on them and tell you what they voted for so you can make a conscious decision. We have already been getting calls from our branches asking us to take up, at our convention in October, the possible call of a boycott of North Carolina. That is a decision for members to make - it's not a lone decision. But some of members are already saying, South Carolina was boy cotted for 15 years. If our legislature and our governor are going to be more interest ed in protecting symbols of a racist past than they are in protecting education, healthcare, living wages, justice in the criminal justice system, there are members of the NAACP who want to have that con versation and we're going to have it at our state convention in October. The Governor and General Assembly need to know - if they do not already - what kind of sentiment they start unleash ing when they pass these bills. It gives sig nals to certain people. Long before Dylann Roof killed anybody. South Carolina legis lators were talking about secession in committee. The flag that flew over the Capitol gave a certain license. That's why Dr. King said, when he preached at the furteral of the four girls who were blown up in the Birmingham church, that every politician who has fed their constituents the stale bread of hatred and the spoiled meat of racism is part of the reason why these four girls are dead. We received this message from some one who claimed to live in North Carolina on July 21, with the subject "flags, monu ments, etc." (We have redacted the sender's name and email address): See message under photos above. This, Governor and legislature, is what you are unleashing. That flag does not rep resent honor - it represents dishonor. It represents - and always has represented - the protection of white supremacy. Which side are you on. Governor? Which side are you on, legislature? If your continuous stirring of the stench of the past causes this kind of racist sentiment, you will be held accountable. Rev. Dr. William J. Barber is president of the N.C. NAACP, which is based in Durham. How eliminating same-day registration has disenfranchised North Carolinians Mike Meno Guest Columnist Isabel Najera was excited to vote in her first election as a U.S. citizen in 2014. The North Carolina mother of four did everything right to cast a ballot that would count. She registered in time, went to the right polling place and showed up to cast a ballot durihg early voting. But through no fault ot her own, tsaoeis registration was lost and her vote did not count. Isabel is one of dozens of witnesses who has testified in the trial over North Carolina's voter suppression law. The ACLU, the Southern Coalition for Social Justice and others are challenging provisions of the law that eliminat ed same-day registration, out-of-precinct voting and a full week of early voting. Hundreds of thousands of North Carolinians used these voting options in previous elec tions before they were repealed by the General Assembly in 2013 by what many observers called the worst voter suppression law in the nation. Isabel was born in Mexico and came to the United States 21 years ago as a legal permanent resident. She worked as a migrant farm worker before getting a job with her local Head Start, teaching 2- and 3-year-olds life and socialization skills. Isabel earned her GED, an associate's degree in early childhood education, and on July 30,2014, she became a U.S. citizen. Later that year, Isabel went to her local DMV to obtain a commercial driver's license so she could tr^isport Head Start students on fifcld trips and visits to doctor's offices. While there, she was asked if she would like to register to vote. She said yes. It was the first week of October, and she was told she had registered in time to vote in the upcoming election. On October 29, during North Carolina's early voting period, Isabel went to cast her ballot at her assigned polling location, but after two hours of searching, elec tions officials couldn't find her registration. Her vote was not counted ? even though she did everything right. In previous elections, Isabel could have used same-day reg istration to re-register and cast a ballot during early vot ing?ensuring that her vote would count. For thousands of North Carolinians, same-day regis tration has served in past elections as a failsafe against unforeseen problems, guaranteeing they could still cast a ballot even if they had to update information or their reg istration was lost through an error. The court has heard from many other votes whose bal lots could have been saved by same-day registration. Dale Hicks, a former Marine sergeant who served in Afghanistan, testified that his vote didn't count in the 2014 election because he didn't update his voter registra tion when he moved from one county to another and was therefore unable to vote in either. If North Carolina still had same-day registration, he could have re-registered at his new address and cast a ballot that counted. Jessica Jackson, a Gaston County resident who has successfully voted at the same polling location ever since she was 18, explained the frustration of learning that her voter registration had vfiished without a trace because it was merged with another voter with the same name. She spent hours speaking to election offi cials who could not find her registration and told her to cast a provisional ballot, but her vote was ultimately not counted. Same-day registration would have fixed the problem. Sandra Beatty, a Greenville resident who is legally blind, has two prosthetic legs, and can't travel or read on her own, explained in a videotaped deposition how being able to register and vote in one visit with same-day regis tration makes it easier for disabled people like herself to participate in elections. In 2014, she had a friend drive her to vote in her first North Carolina election, but because she didn't register in time, her vote didn't count. In 2014, the first election under North Carolina's voter suppression law, more than 11,000 registration forms were submitted during early voting. In years past, the peo ple who submitted those forms could have registered and voted on the same day. But under North Carolina's new restrictions, their votes no longer count. Supporters of the law often talk about protecting the integrity of our elections. But there is little integrity in a system that allows the votes of eligible, registered voters to go uncounted. Mike Meno is the Communications Director for the ACLU of North Carolina. His commentary is found at http://wwwjicpolicywatch .com. 1

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