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EDITORIALS/ The Charlotte Post
Thursday, September 4,1997
®l)c Cljarlotte ^ogt
The Voice of the Black Community
A subsidiary of Consolidated Media Group
1531 Camden Road Charlotte, N.C. 28203
Gerald O. Johnson
CEO/PUBLISHER
Robert Johnson
CO-PUBLISHER/
GENERAL MANAGER
Herbert L. White
EDITOR IN CHIEF
Capital’s
loss is
personal
Taking home rule away from
Washington voters hurts all of us
By Eleanor Holmes Norton
THE WASHINGTON POST
At a time when unity of purpose is indispensable, we are in
danger of becoming a city of polar choices. At least some people
are so outraged by the loss of home rule rights that they even dis
parage the president’s rescue package. Yet the president’s plan
was unrelated to the anti-home rule attachment. Instead, he pro
posed (but Congress did not enact) the elimination of the D.C.
congressional appropriation committees, which have been respon
sible for almost all violations of home rule over the years. Without
this rescue from pension liability and from state functions -
which District officials requested - this city was on its way to
becoming hopelessly underfunded or permanently insolvent.
In contrast, two recent articles in the Aug. 17 Outlook section
(of The Washington Post) accept the premise that the only way to
fix this city was to turn in home rule. David Nicholson [“Shame
and Blame”] traces Marion Barry’s failures as mayor to his ori
gins in the civil rights movement and throws me in for good mea
sure with an ad hominem attack repeatedly clothed in race.
' The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, chaired by
my colleague, Rep. John Lewis, when I was active (John was one
of the civil rights leaders who spoke at the 1963 Varch on
Washington), was, according to Nicholson, “not...nonviolent but a
combative Black Power offshoot.” Race has not been (and must
not become) an issue in the current home rule controversy, but
.'Nicholson’s piece is about nothing but race. His piece is a case
. study in how to incite division rather than repair the city.
. Patricia Eaton [“Get a Grip, Eleanor”] believes that I apolo
gized for my work on the rescue package, that I no longer support
'it (Nicholson believes this too) and that I feel an obligation “to
show solidarity with Barry.” What? I certainly did not apologize,
but I should now - for gross miscommunication of where I stand.
Ironically, the origin of the flawed communication was my
: relief that we had saved the critical financial provisions of the
plan. Medicaid and pension relief almost didn’t make it whole into
the package. I briefed the press on the good news before the dust
'had settled on the bad news. I knew that home rule had not come
out whole, but, lacking the full details, I concentrated on the “big
wn.” I should have warned that there might also be a big loss.
When I spoke soon after of “a shameful act,” it did not occur to me
that anyone would think I meant the financial package (rather
than the anti-home rule attachment) I had just praised and had
’ worked so hard to achieve.
Initially, I did not expect so deep a move against home rule, but
I was not surprised that the obvious management problems of the
city would arise during the negotiations. For many months, I had
repeatedly asked city officials and the control board to do more
than talk about the “transformation plan” (Mayor Barry) and the
“strategic plan” (control board) but actually to tackle city opera
tions. Nevertheless, in the negotiations, I thought I was prepared
with a tested way to solve the cit/s considerable management
problems without taking down more home rule. The only rapid
and significant signs of change in any city agency have been in
the Metropolitan Police Department, including a 17 percent
reduction in crime and 400 officers put on the streets from behind
their desks. This model became my counterproposal during nego
tiations both because it was working and because no home rule
changes had been necessary. Sen. Lauch Fairclotb (R-N.C.) ulti
mately accepted this approach, and it would have done the job, as
it is doing in the police department. However, he insisted upon
changes in the authority of elected officials that had not been nec
essary to achieve the changes in the police.
Some are said to cheer the extinguishing of their rights. I do
not believe that. I believe that the cheers reflect exasperation
with Mayor Barry and other city officials about the condition of
the city. People don’t cheer about losing their rights — in the
District or anywhere else on the planet. Sometimes, though, they
grow weary enough to look for relief from any source.
As a fourth-generation Washingtonian and a committed demo
crat, I find the loss of home rule deeply humiliating. The message
to the world is that even with a control board, we couldn’t get it
together. My family was here when the District lost home rule
under Boss Shepherd. For me, the loss is personal. The difference
may be that many residents today appear to associate home rule
with Mayor Barry and the present D.C. government. I have never
identified democracy and self-government here or elsewhere with
any person or administration. In consistently fighting for home
rule, I have always thought that I was fighting for D.C. residents,
not the D.C. government.
Let’s waste no more time. I hope residents on the “management
side” and residents on the “home rule side” will help form an
“action now side.” Action is the only way to fix the city. Action is
the only realistic way to retrieve home rule.
ELEANOR HOLMES NORTON is Washington, D.C. delegate
to the U.S. House of Representatives.
Test giver, heal thyself first
By Carol Jago
THE LOS ANGELES TIMES
News that verbal SAT scores
showed no growth nationally
came as no surprise to me. I have
been fhrstrated for years by poor
performance from smart kids
who, in my professional opinion,
should do much better. We must
be doing something wrong. In an
effort to shed some hght on what
that something was, a few
months ago I sat for the exam
myself.
The air inside the shabby class
room shimmered with tension.
Both proctor and teenage test-
takers had far too much on then-
minds to notice the presence of
an unlikely, 40-something candi
date sitting for this exam. I
sharpened my pencils, set my
watch on the desk the way I saw
other students doing and tried to
focus on the droning instructions
being read aloud. It wasn’t easy.
The logic behind putting myself
through this ordeal was to expe
rience what sitting for the SAT n
felt like for my students and to
figure out how well high school
curriculum matched the skills
required for these high-stakes
tests. I have always taken a
rabid anti-test-prep stance. I
beheved course work in English
should remain pure, focusing on
literary analysis and develop
ment of student writing. I was
sure that such instruction pre
pared my students just fine for
any quahfying exams they would
ever have to face.
The SAT 11 subject tests that I
was sitting for used to be known
as achievement tests. They are
hour-long, primarily multiple-
choice tests in specific subjects.
Unlike the SAT I, which mea
sures general abilities, these
tests measure students’ knowl
edge of particular subjects and
their ability to apply that knowl
edge. Many colleges, including
the University of California,
require that applicants submit
scores for these tests, one of
which often must be the writing
exam. Most of the students I
talked with in fine outside the
test center were juniors in high
school taking three tests at one
sitting, typically writing, mathe
matics and chemistry or biology.
I am delighted to report that
current high school curriculum
in writing, properly executed,
prepares students extremely well
for the portion of the writing
exam in which they actually are
asked to ■write. The questions are
similar to the writing assign
ments students often face in
school. The rubric used to evalu
ate the writing sample is congru
ent with what most teachers
have been using for years. The
biggest challenge for test-takers
is the length of time allotted: 20
minutes to plan and execute
their essays. 'The literature test
is made up of five passages or
poems. Students must read and
answer multiple-choice questions
based on each text. The litera
ture was chosen from a broad
range of authors and time peri
ods. My exam included a passage
from Bharati Mukherjee’s
“Jasmine,” a portion of a Zora
Neale Hurston essay and a John
Donne poem. Again, I think this
reflects the blend of classical and
contemporary literature that is
being taught in most high school
classrooms.
But the news is not aU good.
TTie multiple-choice portion of the
writing test is brutal. According
to the College Board, the test
“measures students’ ability to
express ideas effectively in stan
dard written English, to recog
nize faults in usage and structure
and to use language with sensi
tivity to meaning.” Even after
working through several practice
tests, I found the errors that I
was being asked to identify subtle
and confusing. I know that I have
not adequately prepared my stu
dents to face such questions.
For years, I have taught skills
within the context of student
writing, correcting their sen
tences and discussing commonly
made errors with the whole class.
The weakness of this method is
that many students never gener
ate the kind of complex construc
tions the SAT requires them to
analyze. This does not mean that
we should return to a diiU and
worksheet approach to teaching
English. But we do need to be
more systematic and intentional
about how we teach students the
structure of their language.
CAROL JAGO teaches at Santa
Monica High School and directs
the California Reading and
Literature Project at University of
California at Los Angeles. Her e-
mail is: Jago@gseis.ucla.edu
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An apology - sort of - to NAACP
By Wiley A. HaU HI
BALTIMORE AFRO-AMERICAN
When NAACP president and
chief executive officer Kweisi
Mfume responded to my criti
cism of his organization with a
stinging letter to the editor Aug.
2, my first impulse was to ignore
it,
“Oh please!” I sneered, and
tossed the offending document
aside. (I missed the trashcan, but
of coiuse that’s not because my
aim is poor; letters that are criti
cal of me just aren’t very aerody
namic.)
My next impulse was to reply
in-kind. Mr. Mfume accused me
of writing in “typically incorrect
fashion,” of having a “hatred of
the NAACP” that “is clear in
every article he has written,” and
of seemingly being incapable of
“writing about the facts and not
the fiction.” Mr. Mfume knows
those charges are not true, of
course, but this is just the kind of
snappy repartee we columnists
love.
“What!” I exclaimed. “Does he
really think he can trade barbs
with me!” I may never have been
good at playing the dozens on the
playground, but I’m hell on
wheels with pen and paper. I
once called a critic a “galmnphing
old jingoist,” a “siUy, nitpicking,
quibbling little pettifogger,” and
by goUy my victim fell to his
knees and begged for mercy.
But at last I considered the
substance of Mr. Mfume’s com
plaint. And upon reflection, I
realize that I owe the NAACP an
apology.
In a July 19 column I said the
NAACP behaves as though its
letters stand for the “National
Association for the Advancement
of Celebrity People.” This was
after the organization presented
boxing promoter Don King with
its President’s Award dining the
NAACFs aimual national con
vention in Pittsburgh last month.
Last year, I noted, the sfinking,
prancing, lipstick and eyeliner-
wearing artist formerly known
as Prince was presented with the
organization’s Image Award.
Are these truly the heroes of
our community? I wondered. Are
these the kind of people who
exemplify the values of the
NAACP?
But I forgot - and Mr. Mfume
has kindly and oh, so gently
reminded me - that it is not the
NAACP that focuses on celebri
ties, but the mainstream media.
I did not attend the NAACFs
national convention in
Pittsburgh. Had I done so, I
would have seen so much that
was powerful, inspirational, and
positive, that the award to Don
King would have been worth lit
tle more than a footnote, if I men
tioned it at aU.
King
But those of my colleagues in
the media who attended the con
vention apparently ignored the
hundreds of young adults who
are working to improve their
communities through their local
NAACP branches; the hundreds
of adult men
and women
who give of
S I ■; themselves
selflessly; and
* even . the
dozens of work
shops address
ing critical
issues such as
how to
strengthen and
preserve our families. None of
those were worth mentioning in
the media’s eyes. They focused
instead on a relatively insignifi
cant event - Mr. Mfume’s award
to the notorious Don King. The
media often focuses on the ridicu
lous and the profane in our com
munity and this distorts the real
ity of what we are all about.
African American journalists
such as myself have a particular
responsibility to look beneath the
headlines and portray our peo
ple, our community, and our
organizations and institutions as
they really are.
So, I apologize. I failed to look
beneath the surface. Lord knows,
the NAACP is not perfect. But I
doubt that either Don King or the
artist formerly known as Prince
were honored because they are
fine fellows. TThey were thanked,
publicly, for contributing to the
organization. Eveiy organization
must do this, otherwise contribu
tions fiom wealthy donors would
wither and disappear. And as my
friend Eddie puts it, “the NAACP
caimot depend on penny-pinch
ing knuckleheads like Wiley Hall
for money.”
Sad, but true. So, IH say again
(and for the last time) that I was
wrong. I did not consider the
entire picture and I have an
obligation to do so. But I don’t
want any of you to think I am a
pushover for apologizing. I do not
wish to see a flood of critical let
ters to the editors. TTie next per
son who messes with me will get
called a “goat-headed blowhard,”
a “pea-brained fuddy-duddy,” a
“pie-faced, bug-eyed, self-serving
hypocrite.”
I’ll write that your mother
wears combat boots and that you
were bom in a test tube marked
“failure.” FU report that when the
Lord gave out brains, you
thought He said “rain” and cov
ered your head with an umbrella.
Tm warning you: Never, ever
presume to bandy words with the
power of the press.
WILEY A HALL HI is a
columnist with the Baltimore
Afro-American.