5A
OPINIONS^ triie Charlotte ^osst
Thursday, October 19, 2006
It’s far better to
light candles for
truth, justice
“I am sick and tired of being sick and tired. ”
Fannie Lou Hamer
The past few weeks have been fraught with frustrations
and angst for those of us viewed as leaders or spokesper
sons for African American people. Oh yes, it has been an
extremely daunting task to reside in
Charlotte-Mecklenbm^ and dread having to
remove the plastic bag from the daily mom-
I ing paper.
I And while not having conducted a survey,
I I am confident that I am not the only one
I harboring these emotions. I want to believe,
I indeed must believe that others feel the
same way I do when they scan the front
page above the fold an find a face peering
back of a black male/man that has been
arrested for allegedly committing some heinous offense.
Dr. Martin L. King Jr. reminded us all, in essence, that
the character of a man is not determined during times of
comfort and convenience but where he stands during times
of challenge and controversy. History is replete with the
successes of black people making a way out of no way.
Weathering storms and overcoming obstacles. Words from
the Negro National Anthem “Life Every Voice and Sing”
are a rallying cry reminding the world that “We have come,
over a way that with tears had been watered. We have
come, threading our path through the blood of the slaugh
tered.”
I am hard-pressed to accept as fact that James Weldon
Johnson, author of what many now call the Black National
Anthem, cotdd ever believe his reference to “tears and
blood” would cease to imply the hard earned victories
fought in the arena of Civil and Human Rights but would
shamelessly come to personify a Travis Davis.and Ms.
Sherry Hampton who both died at the hands of what
appears to have been black male assailants. There are
indeed innumerable challenges and controversies in black
communities and what may on the surface appear to be
signs of defeat; but there also exists developmental oppor
tunities.
My fourth trip to Ghana, West Africa in late July result
ed in my having successfully facilitated an intemationdly
attended conference on reparations, repatriation, reconcil
iation and transformation. The sojourn to the ‘Mother
Land” also served to strengthen my resolve to redouble my
efforts to do ever3dhing I can to leave my community more
beautifiil and beneficial than when I inherited it. I also
found solace in knowing I am not alone in this work of
addressing the myriad issues confronting blacks in gener
al but black males in particular.
In mid October I had the great fortune to attend the
Metrolina Chapter Association of Black Social Workers
fourth annual Training Institute. The theme for this year’s
conference, “He Ain’t Heavy; He’s My Brother; A Response
to an American Crisis,” hinted at an array of workshop
topics ranging from “Empowering Single Mothers to Raise
Sons to be GreAAAt Men!” and “Black Boys: Wonderful,
Thriving, and in Need of Permanence,” to “Reaching
Defiant Black Males.” It was a very meaningful day and I
would venture to say the conference served to identify
existing programs in Charlotte that are making a differ
ence in the lives of black males.
During that same week, I sat with others at a most
enlightening event entitled “Souls of White Folks” spon
sored by Mecklenburg Ministries. Three white reverends
gathered to discuss their individual experiences resulting
fix)m having read and discussed hteratiue related to white
privilege, one of the last remnants of racism/white
supremacy. Suffice it to say I left the Food for Thought
Luncheon with hope and a heartfelt belief that there were
now three additional whites who will hopefully ask what
they can do to begin exploring ways of repairing the dam
age and addressing the injustices stemming fiom the
many manifestations of white privilege. Three more
whites on the path to becoming aUies for change.
I agree with Dante, that the hottest places in heU are
reserved for those who, during a period of moral crisis,
maintain their neutrality. Charlotte, like America, is
undergoing a moral crisis. Many of whom I have met over
the past few weeks have confirmed my belief that rather
than continue to curse the dark, it is far more prudent to
light a candle.
Community activist AHMAD DANIELS lives in Charlotte.
There are indeed innumerable
challenges and controversies in
black communities and what
may on the surface appear to
be signs of defeat, but there also
exists developmental
opportunities.
Please, don’t vote
On November 7, will you fall for the politricksters’ games again?
Wid you, once again, be tricked by the notion that aU you have to
do is vote and things will be all right for you and your people? Will
you continue to be the fodder from which “politicians for fife,” poHL
ical crooks and thieves, and political charlatans gain their wealth
while ignoring you? Will you allow yourself to be played by the
same old, wom-out refrain of, “Vote for me, and I’ll set you free”?
Will you be a “sucka” for the umpteenth time in this biennial,
obligatory, political, mating dance? Will you buy-in to the tired,
played-out, electoral bait-and-switch charade?
I truly hope and pray you won’t. And the best way to assure the
politricksters will not trick you again is by not voting for them. So
don’t vote on November 7 and show these “smiling
faces that teU lies” you wid not take their shenani
gans any longer. Show these disingenuous, pan
dering, condescending baby-kissers that you are
an intelligent, informed, and rational person who
has decided not to vote for them.
Don’t get hung-up on the fact that you are a
“life-long” Democrat or a Republican. Don’t be led
by a false sense of loyalty to any party. Don’t feel
guilty for not voting for party favorites. After all,
who made them the favorites anyway? It certain
ly wasn’t you. We only vote on choices that have already been
made; we vote for folks who have already been selected by others.
Take Bush, for instance, (to borrow a line from Henny Youngman,
“Please take him”). He was selected as the party favorite and you
had to vote for him or one of the other guys.
In local races we are “allowed” to vote for politicians who are
selected by party bosses. 'Nhy are they selected? It could be to
return a favor; it could be patronage; it could be cronyism, it could
be nepotism; it could be collusion; it could be corruption. Whatever
the reason is, we get to vote on somebody else’s choice rather than
someone who wUl do our bidding, someone who will finally get
something done for black people.
By and large, black people play the political game just to play, not
to win. We just love to feel like we have some political juice. But we
always lose in this cut-throat game of chance. If we played to win,
by leveraging our so-called voting power, a voting bloc that every
one says can determine thb outcome of an election, we might have
some juice. Our children’s future might be considered in those
secret caucuses held by politricksters. We don’t count because aU
we do is vote. So, this time, don’t vote.
lb show how politically weak we are, in the 2000 presidential
election, one black man had more power than aU of the Black peo
ple who voted. That black man was Clarence Thomas. Although
his wife was said to be collecting applications from perspective
Bush employees, Thomas failed to recuse himself,, as ^d his god,
Anton Scalia, who supposedly had two sons working as lawyers for
Bush. The final 5 to 4 “selection” by the Supremes meant that
Clarence 'Thomas had the power to determine who the next presi
dent would be; he picked George Bush. Who did the vast majority
of black voters pick? Remember; “It’s not the people who cast the
votes that count; it’s the people who count the votes that are ceist.”
Because the political game is obviously too sophisticated for the
black electorate, because we just can’t seem to understand that
politics is about self-interest, and because we don’t seem to get it
when it comes to our allegiance to the Dems or the Repubs, let’s
not vote. We are ensconced in the Democratic Party, just like we
were loyal to the Republican Party 75 years ago; what have they
delivered to us?
Now that you have a long list of what not to vote for, your check
list of what to vote for should be short enough to make your voting
decisions much easier. Of course you have to do some work, be
informed, do some research, and watch the count on election night
(they cheat, you know). But if you are not willing to think inde- .
pendently and put in a little work before and after you exercise
your precious franchise, “Please, don’t vote.”
JAMES E. CUNGMAN, a professor at the University of Cincinnati, is for
mer editor of the Cincinnati Herald newspaper and founder of the Greater
Cincinnati African American Chamber of Commerce.
THE IN BOX “
Activist’s words not offensive
Re: “Crossing border of ethnic sensitivity (Oct.5).” No surprise
here and I’m not offended at all.
The greatest chasm of racial understanding wid always exist
between whites and blacks. My concern is that black folk contin
ue to seek favor with others. I don’t care if whites favor any race.
We should focus our anger and passion to our own causes and
issues and stop wasting time trying to appease whites. We need
realistic, savvy representation in influential sectors of our society,
not race-card players.
We need activists who can “play the game.” That means building
bridges, capital and political clout which does not necessarily
equate to ‘seUing out’. However, we can only achieve success if we
act and think as a group, not individuals. Furthermore, black
individuals and institutions with influence should assume a
greater role in improving our communities. It’s 2006, not 1906. We
can do better.
• John Howard
via e-mail
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Should N.C. claim
Andrew Jackson?
North Carolina claims Andrew Jackson as one of
the three presidents it contributed to the nation,
along with James K Polk and Andrew Johnson, aU of
who later moved to 'Ifennessee.
Polk and Johnson were certainly bom in North
Carolina. Jackson, however, was bom near the North
and South Carolina boundary, with both states claim
ing him as their native son.
H.W. Brands, the author of the recent bestseller,
Andrew Jackson: His Life and Times, takes South
Carolina’s side on the birthplace ques
tion. However, he points out that
Jackson spent much of his growing-up
years in North Carolina, trained as a
lawyer in Salisbury, and even practiced
■ law here before crossing the mountains
to what is now 'Ifennessee. Even there,
his first public service was as a North
Carolina ofiicial since what became
Ifennessee was still a part of our state.
“ If North Carolina has a claim to
Jackson, do we really want to brag about it? After aU,
Jackson has his detractors, who point to several trou
bling areas of his record. He was the owner of a large
nujpber of slaves. He was the leading proponent of
the country’s Indian removal policy, which led to the
'Trail of Tfears leading from the mountains of the
■ Carolinas and Georgia to Oklahoma. FinaUy, he
enthusiastically pushed an expansionist policy
towards lands controUed by Indians and Mexico.
Negative feelings about Jackson run high in some
people. Jackson’s biographer, H.W. Brands, saj^ that
some people ask him, “How can you defend that geno-
cidal maniac?”
Brand does not argue with these criticisms of
Jackson. But he does point out that Jackson lived in
a different time. In his times in Tfennessee and other
parts of the South, slavery was the established eco
nomic and social order. Jackson was no different in
this respect than the southern presidents who pre
ceded him. Similarly, many Americans joined him in
supporting the relocation of the eastern Indian tribes
and the expansion of the country westward into ter
ritories controlled by other nations and Indian tribes.
Brands points out, too, that Jackson “knew” the easti
em Native Americans would be in danger from attack
by the white settlers if they were not removed to the
West.
'Ib show how popular Jackson was during his times.
Brands counted the number of places in America
named after each of the early presidents. Washington
and Jefferson are presidential names that are
attached to many localities. But Jackson has more
places named after him than any other president,
indicating the great affection his contemporaries had
for him.
'There were good reasons to remember Jackson with
gratitude, according Jo Brands.
'The “Jacksonian Era” was responsible for bringing
the common man into the American democratic
experiment. Until Jackson’s election as president, the
United States was only “half way” to a democracy
based on the vriU of the masses as opposed to one
based on the will of a limited group of the wealthy
and the educated.
He saved the union, twice.
First, in 1815 during the War of 1812, General
Andrew Jackson’s victory over the British at New
Orleans kept the British from grabbing control of the
Mississippi River and jamming the United States
back against the Eastern Seaboard. 'Ib those who say
the battle was a waste since the peace treaty had
already been signed, Brands says neither country
had ratified the treaty. If the British had won the
Battle of New Orleans, Britain might never have rat
ified the treaty and could have retained control of the
Mississippi.
Secondly, when in 1832 South Carolina passed an
ordinance of nullification and threatened succession,
Jackson’s firm action and threat to use armed forces
to enforce the law and put down rebellion “saved the
union” and established the precedent used by
President Lincoln 30 years later to call for troops to
put down South Carolina’s second experiment with
succession.
People can argue about where Andrew Jackson was
bom and whether or not he should be honored for his
performance as a national leader. But one thing is
certain; Brand’s account of the orphan boy from the
Carolina fixjntier country who becomes a national
hero is a compeUing story.
D.G. MARTIN is the host of UNC-TV’s North Carolina
Bookwatch, which airs Fridays at 9:30 pm. and Sundays at 5
pm.