Newspapers / The courier. / Oct. 22, 1914, edition 1 / Page 6
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THE TAXATION By Prof. Charles Lee Raper, Professor of Economics in the University of . .N6rth Carolina. I am glad to make a statement of my views upon the taxation amend ment. While 1 have no desire for pub lic office, I am deeply interested in good government, and I am always ready to render any service within my power toward making the government of my state or locality more effective. The act of assessing property for tax ation purposes and of levying rates upon it is so fundamental to the life of the state and of the tax payers, that I cannot let pass an opportunity to aid in making it more just and ef ficient. I do not believe that it is any lon ger necessary to argue that our pres ent system of assessment and taxation is as good as it might be, on every hand we hear convincing statements to the effect that this system has con spicuous defects. Many of us have time and again seen that this system has at least two notable defects: (1.) a large amount of property escapes assessment and taxation and thereby fails to '-;ear its due share of the bur den of government; (2) the inequality of tfce present assessment of the val uation of property is remarkably great, and consequently one citizen pays a larger amount and another a smaller amount than he should. It Appeals to All To remedy such a situation to re form our assessment and taxation should, therefore, appeal to all of us. At our better moments we wish for an effective government and we are ready to pay to it the necessary reve nue; and our higher ideals of life and citizenship cause us to wish and to labor for maximum justice in this government as between different citi zens. It is, I am convinced, largely due to our old system rather than to our better ideals that we have so much injustice and ineffectiveness in our present government as it asseses values for taxation purposes and as it levies rates uoon them. We need an important change in our present system this much we must all accept as correct. To make it possible for our Legislature to make this necesary change, the last session submitted to the voters an important amendment to the section of our Con stitution which treats of taxes. The amendment would in many respects radically change the power of the Legislature in matters of assessment and taxation. Is It a reasonably sound proposition? This is the ques tion that we should all ask ourselves and answer in our minds and hearts. I for one have given the proposition my best thought for a good many months, and I am ready to accept it to vote for it and to urge others to vote for it. I do not think it ouite a perfect proposition, but I feel cer tain that it contains a sufficient amount of good to make it worth our while to have it. Poll Tax Some of us think that the proposal should not make obligatory a tax on the poll. We believe that a uniform tax on the poll no longer represents the citizen's ability to pay tax the really correct principle of taxation or the benefits which he derives from the government to which he pays the tax. Such a tax can only be just when all the citizens are equal in their ability to pay taxes, and such equailty most certainly no longer exists in North Carolina, if indeed it has ever existed. Some of us desire that our Slates shall do as many democratic state have done abolish the com pulsory poll tax. To those of us who have such convictions, the proposed amendment does not go far enough. But the amendment, while it does not go as far as some of us would wish, does propose to improve the present Constitution -o far a it deals with the poll tax. It abolishes the poll tax as the standard tax for the state and county purposes, and it abolishes its compulsory equation with the tax on propcrtv a Constitutional rerpiie ment which has many a time placed an obstacle in tl.e wav of effective taxation. The amendment would also plae an absolute limit of .92 for all state and county purposes, and th city or town may levy such a rate on the poll, or any rate, only upon au thorizftin from t'ie T.erislat'ire. The present poll may be ij,2 for the or nary state and countv purposes, more for extraordinary purposes. It ranged in 1011 from $1.80 in Martin countv to S'k'jO in Dare county; the municip al noli tax from 15 cents in Lawndalc to $4.65 in Asheville. Limit to Rate on Property. Some of us also believe that the Constitution should not place a limit of rate on property, either for state, county or municipal purposes. We think that the legislature should fix a rate according to its best judg ment, as is done in such progressive states as Wisconsin and New York. The proposed amendment still con tains a Constitutional limit upon such a rate so far as the Legislature may fix it. This may, however, be exceeded whenever a majority of those who vote upon the specific proposition to exceed it say so. Classification and Segregation. The two radical propositions as contained in the proposed amendment are those for the clasification of tax ables ami rates and for the segrega tion of the sources of revenue for the state and its local units of govern ment. Each is for the most part fun damentally radical for North Caroli na. Clasification of taxables we have long had in the form of business li cense taxes. Our Legislature has had the Constitutional power to make dif ferent classes of these and to levy dif ferent rates upon them; and it has put this power into practice. Why should our Legislature have such a power when it taxes property? Why should it net have the right to make differ ent classes of property with different rates rs well as different classes of business with dilTwent rates? The AMENDMENT right to separate the sources of rove- nue for tht iiate and its local i.nits, the Legislature has possessed only to a slight degree; it has had the right to reserve for the use of the state cer- tain privilege taxes. The taxes on oroDertv are now used by all the units of government the state, tnc county, the municipality, etc. Shall t'ie Leg islature not have the right to s: parate these sources for the different units of administration? Separation Will these two proposals make our success in taxing moneys, credits and system of assessment and taxation securities by means of special classi more effective and just ? The right of fixation of them and on a small rate the Legislature to make classes of .pon them, vhne ouiu a...,.v.ss with taxables and rates will, I am con- the same rate coii them r.s upon vinced, have much to do toward re- land, etc., has been higniy discourag form in our present system of taxa- ing. Minnesota has for a few years tion. The separation of the sources had an equally notable success with of revenue for the state and its local special classification and rate as have units is, however, in the minds of Pennsylvania and Maryland. Let me many citizens the more interesting of give the results of the Pennsylvania the two proposals. They believe that plan. For 26 years the amount of if the real estate and personal prop- this kind of intangible property erty are left to the locality to tax, placed upon the assessor's books and they will be assessed with greater taxed at the special rate of 40 cents fairness. They think that the state 0n the hundred dollars has increased treasury can procure its necessary more rapidly than the real estate, revenue from taxes on corporations, while in many states, where the uni inheritances, etc., and thereby leave form rate upon all property is re all the real and personal property to quired by the Constitution, the amount the local government. Would such a of the intangible property upon the legislative power be of great assist- tax books has decreased until it has ance in tax reform in North Carolina? almost reached the zero point. Penn I am in favor of the separation of the sylvania now taxes nearly two billion sources of revenue whenever the in- dollars of intangible property; in dustrial conditions of a state make it many states the total is only a few practicable, though I cannot think of thousand. it as the most important thing in tax-( Let me also give the Minnesota ex- ation reform. Such a, plan has been in perience. operation in a few of our states but In 1911 a special tax of 30 cents it should be held in mind that they on the one hundred dollars was levied are much more largely industrial upon moneys and credits other than states than North Carolina now is or mortgages. The Minnesota Tax Com- probably will be in the next few mission makes this comment: years. Connecticut, .New York, isew Jersey and Delaware have at times obtained all their state revenue from certain sources and have left the real and personal property to the local units of government. Pennsylvania and California have also had in opera- tion such a plan, at least in a par- tial way. In these states separation has worked reasonably well though some people think that it has led to extravagance on the part of the Leg- slature. Since it has not levied rates upon the propertyof the majority of the voters, only upon corporations, etc.. the tendency has been for the Legislature to be more extravagant in its expenditures. The largest objection is, however, in the actual conditions 01 economic life. Separation may work fairly well in cne state; it mav not in an other with different conditions of in dustry. In New Jersey 92 per cent, of the state revenue may at times be and in California as much as 76 per cent, without nlacine a great handi- cap upon industries. Could North Carolina obtain as much as 4o per cent of her state revenue from such As I understand the con- ditiorts now prevailing in our state, it would be unwise for the Legislature to establish a complete separation of state and local revenue. Still I be- liero if i,M ho woll fn,. tVio T oo-ic. for sennratinn. nnrtial or eomnlete. ivkmovw iho t-nnriitinna it nraetirable. I cannot think that the Lrrislnture would use such a right until the conditions make its opera- tinn oiTo..tivo Classification. The great gain offered by the pro- P.-Tiam,l"t LL"; t c.V.h n ,,-,. 't u put into application. The conditions as they now exist in North Carolina make it entirely practicable, and I think highly desirable. As I have said, we have two great defects in our nn sent system the failure, to amuu, V,.eu'" -7., .u.i., w. oimil IM.11 .mvi. in placed upon the assessor's books. The provision by the Legislature of skilled machinery of assessment would do much toward the elimination of these deferts. The classification of taxa b'es and rates would also make im port:; in reform in our present system possible. A uniform rate of tax upon all kinds of property, irespectivc of 1 1" : " and of then- titniribPitv to the assessor, has everywhere among nd'anced people proven a failure. The family cook stove, a street rail- 11 pon these at a "fair cash value" is unjust and undemocratic, as well as ineffect ive of revenue. Efficiency and justice in taxation have caused the abandon ment of such a uniform rate upon all classes of property; the more demo cratic nations have already given up such a rate. Why should not North Carolina ? Taxation of Moneys, Credits and Security A uniform rate on all forms of property has been notably a failure in the case of moneys, credits, and securities. Such a rate has for the most part reached only - the more tangible forms of property, and has failed to bring out the less tangible. Machinery and land, for instance, are usually put upon the assessor's books at some value, while moneys, etc., largely escape assesment at any val uation. It is only when the less tangible forms are taxed at a speci ally low rate that they come from their hiding. The present rate of tax in a number of towns ranges from VA to 21 per cent. The real property and the more tangible forms joi per sonal property are usually assessed for such a rate as from 25 to 60 per cent of their cash value, while mon eys, credits, and securities, if assess ed at all, are generally at cash value. Such a uniform rate takes for the government from one-third to one half of the income of the moneys, etc., tnat are assessed, while it takes way car and a savings bank deposit, t js now estimate,, bv the D' art. are most eertninly of 'inequal impor- mpnt of AcriculUlre H't 892,000.000 nnce in the life of a community, and bushels. That is 12S.620.OOO bushels hey are not equally visible. To levy . bptter than th b A nit Mime mit- in lit 2'iJi'M -ai .1 wii much smaller part of the income of land and other tangible forms. The natural consequence is that these less tangible forms of property do not co on the books. 'The state of Ken- tucky received more revenue for the vear 1912 from its dogs than it did from the moneys, stocks and bonds 0f the state." And the Kentucky ex- perience is not unusual, More effective machinery of assess- metit and more drastic laws of as- sessment would do something toward bringing out these intangible forms, but the experience of Uhio with very drastic laws and machinery prove that something more is necessary. Pennsylvania and Maryland have for a good many years had a remarkable "Realizing the difficulty of reaching this class of property for purposes of taxation under the prevailing system, the Legislature, in 1911, passed a law imposing a flat rate of three mills on the dollar (30 cents on the one hundred) on such property. It was felt that a low uniform rate of taxa- tion would result in placing a large amount of this class of preperty on the tax rolls thut had heretofore es- caped taxation. It was contended that the averaee man desired to be honest and that a low rate would pe- mit him to make a truthful return of property of this character that he might own without the fear of having most of its income confiscated for The results of the first year under the new law have fully justified these conclusions. The assessed value of this class of property returned for taxation in 1910, under the old law, amounted to less than $14,000,000, while in 1911 the amount listed for ,,ep the neW laW, exoee?8 Sllo.000,000, an increase of nearly ? Per cent ln,one " n 191 l"c "rcinl ! , V 'lBB property represented only 4.2 per C7V, Vne DanK deposits 01 tne state, wn! 'r V,e assesssn,ent V14 amounts wnue tne assessment 01 ini amo to IW.8 per cent of such deposits. "Notwithstanding the low rate the total tax derived from this class of property in 1911 was but slightly less of 86 counties of the an actual increase, state showing wnne or tne t4 cities and villages JJe s,tate having a population of 2'000 ami over male substantial gains !n revenue over 1910. Not only is the increase a very gratifying one, but the returns show conclusively that the tax is much more equitably distribut- f'XTkH, than t W3S Un" May North Carolina not achieve a similar result when her Legislature possesses the Constitutional right to make a special class of moneys, credits and securities? WHEAT CROP IS WORTH ONE , BILLION DOLLARS WT CrP9 Show, Splendid Yields, Promising Good Times United States Favorable weather in September anil Uctonor has made the crops even better than was expected earlier in tne season Liecause good crops al ways p-omote natiorr.l prosperity, the news is received with rejoicing. This year there slmnll ho an unusu al demand from abroad. The crops in ..urope rave aeon ov.iy '-.alt f.arvcste.! and the demand for bread is great. Our wheat crop alone is worth nearly a billion dollars. The quanti Com improved in September. On October 1, the yeld was estimated at 2,676,000.000 bushels, of fine quality. This is only an average crop, but it is better than last year. Oats are yielding 1,137,000,000 bushels, an increase of 21,000,000 over last year. Of barley, 197.00.00 bushels have been raised this year, or 19,00,00 more than in 1913. Tobacco yields 954,000,000 pounds, wnicn is yz.uuu.uuu more than last year. With the high prices now prevail ing, and a hevy demand from abroad, these and other 1914 American crops should add thousands of millions of dollars to oar national wealth. This should help us to resist Europe's ea ger demands ror American gold. RHEUMATISM PAINS STOPPED The first aplication of Sloan's Lin iment goes right to the painful part it penetrates without rubbing it stops the Rheumatic Pains around the joints and gives relief and comfort. Don't suffer! Get a bottle today! It is a family medicine for all pains, hurts, bruises, cuts sore throat, neuragia and chest pains. Prevents infection. Mr. Chas. H. Wentworth, California, writes: "it did wonders for my Rheumatism, pain is gone as soon as I aply it. I recommend it to all my menus as tne Dest Liniment I ever ased." Guaranteed. 25c at your urnffgist. HISTORY OF OUR By Bruce Craven. "The Legislature has found it diffi cult to meet the financial demands of a progressive state by4 reason of the limitations placed upon the power to tax bv the Constitution of 1868. The Constitution was not acceptable to the conservative element or the white men of the state. It was, however, at an election held under military or ders, April 24, 1S68, ratified by a vote of 93,118 to 74,009. Of the former very large number were negroes. The vote against ratification was en tirely by the whites and would have been larger but for the disfranchise ment of a large number of them.' These words come from the judicial mind of Henry Groves Connor, in his book on the Constitution of North- Carolina. The author after years of able service as a member of our own Supreme Court, is now Federal Judge for the Eastern District of the State. It is a peculiar co-incidence that his son 'was speaker of the House which presented the ten amendments now before the people and he himself was Speaker when the Suffrage Amend ment was submitted in 1899. I re member well his closing argument in behalf of that amendment. The clos ing argument for the opposition had been made by a negro, so he was not merely closing an argument but also an era in politics. He argued that the organic law is serious and im portant, and that two things are necessary to an understanding of an amendment to it. One is to under stand the amendment and the other is to understand the thing amended. In the light of this statement I am here submitting some facts in the History of our Constitution. Anyone may easily read and understand the amendments themselves. The diffi culty is to get the right idea of the thing we are amending and the conse quent result. I shall not here at tempt to argue the question, but let the facts of history speak for them selves in throwing light on the pres ent and the future. There are many various and conflicting theories of the meaning of constitutions. There are some who leave the earth and go out into chaos on the idea that the Con stitution is something like the Ark of God and that whoever dares to lay hand upon it, deserves the fate that befell Uzah, the son of Abinadab, some honestly are laboring under the delusion that the people who achieved independence in the Revolution made it and that as we have lived under it ever since, we ought to let it alone. Napoleon Bonaparte said: "A con stitution should be short and obscure." A political boss in New York said some years ago: "Give the people what they want but make it unconsti tutional." Thomas Jefferson said that constitution cannot mean more than law because the people cannot create anything greater than themselves. Voodrow Wilson says that the men who utter the most fervid praise of the Constitution "are the ones who get behind it to play hide and seek with the people whom they profess to serve." From among these views vou may judge which is correct, but to do so, it is essential that we know the facts with regard to the Constitution and its making. First State Constitution. There have never been but two Constitutions in North Carolina since it has been a free state, and there have never been but two real Consti tutional conventions and the second of these was not authorized by the people. The first Constitution of 1776, was a necessity, and it took the position that a Constitution should declare the form and general principles of free government anil leave the methods and details to the people and the Leg islature. It was brief and entirely different in form and substance from our present Constitution. It con tained the Bill of Rights practically as we have it now, and of course, con tained some errors that the course of time changed. One of these was that it provided no method by which it could be amended by the people. The fact that the people did amend it ir. 1S"5, seems to establish the teaching rf .TffTpvcn tlv '-' '"Vinst'tiitif-n r' I not be stronger than the creators of it. It prescribed property qualifications f01. v, oting and holding oflice and that person could hold office except Protestants. Says Ashe in his His tory of North Carolina: Thus was established a representative republic far removed from the pure and sim ple democracy which some have said that Willie Jones advocated." On ac count of the defects in this Constitu tion above mentioned, and als6 the basis of apportioning members of the General Assembly, there was constant trouble. The State capitol was de stroyed by fire in 1831, and there was a movement started to remove the capitol to Fayetteville. This resulted in the calling of a convention to amend the Constitution, but no power was given this convention to make a new Constitution. This con vention assembled in Raleigh June 4, 1S35. All the above-mentioned items were corrected and also the election of the governor was thereafter by the people. The property qualifications however, were retained, free negroes were prohibited from voting, and the word "Protestantn was changed to "Christian", thus taking down the re striction as to Catholics but retaining it as to Jews. The amendments were submitted to a vote of the people and were all approved. In 1857, the peo ple ratified an amendment by the Legislature removing the property re striction on voters if they "have paid public taxes," but the property quali fication for holding office remained. No further amendments were ever made in this "Constitution of the Fathers. The convention in reward to secession made no changes in it and we went through the war with it. The Canby Constitution. Under orders from President John son and Provisional Governor Holder, a convention was ordered In 1865, "to be chosea by that portion of said CONSTITUTION State who" are loyal to the United States, and-no others." This conven tion repealed the ordinance of seces sion and abolished slavery and these ordinances were approved by the "loyal." The convention further sub mitted a new Constitution to the peo ple, but as it was rejected, there is no need to consider it. Jonathan Worth had been elected Governor and the real people of the state were ready to resume government, when the de luge of Reconstruction Destruction came. ' . North Carolina and South Carolina, by order of President Johnson, were abolished and a Military District was formed with Major General Canby as the dictator with headquarters in was no Buch thing as North Carolina, orders for an election for delegates General Canby, of Charleston, issued Charleston. For this one year, there for a Constitutional Convention, in lasted for three days, and the returns were sent to General Canby in Charleston to be counted. No one has that part of the district which had been North Carolina. The election ever known anything about the result of the vote nor whether it was count ed at all, and the same :s true of the vote later on the Constitution itself. The dictator announced the list of del egates, and they assembled in Raleigh on January 14, 1868. Judge Connor says: 'This conven tion was composed very largely of men who were out of sympathy with those who had controlled -the strte during its history. Several of the most influential men were Northern men, coming into the state with the army, or immediately after the close of the war, whose views and sympa thies were hostile to the white people, and the remainder natives of the state, some of them men of character and ability." Because of the few real North Carolinians in the convention, it has been argued that the neonle made the Constitution, but it would be just as logical to argue that the negroes in the Legislature of 1899 made the suffrage amendment which disfranchised them. The North Caro linians in this convention had such ability that they could prevent cer tain abuses, but they did not have enough to keep the new Constitution trom retemng to the war as "The Rebellion." This convention, ordered and as sembled without constitutional or le gal authority, made a new Constitu tion, and made it on an entirely dif ferent plan, from that of the Consti tution of 1776. In this new Consti tution were included details of gov ernment that have ever been the source of embarrassment and trouble in legislation. It for the first time abolished all property qualifications for voting and for holding office and also the religious test except in so far as it disbars anyone who denies the Being of Almighty God. Both of these changes were of course right in prin ciple, but they were made at that time for the benefit of the indigent and superstitious negroes then composing the body of the voters and on whose suffrage the carpet baggers depended to fill their carpet bags. The opinion of Judge Connor regarding this Con stitution is given at the opening of this contribution. Previous to this Canby military Constitution there had been almost no discussion of the un constitutionality of legislation. Since 1868, this scare-crow has been faced every time any legislation was needed for the people or for the state. This Constitution, called without authori ty by a military dictator, was ratified by the illiterate negroes over the pro test of the few white people allowed to vote, and it has been a dead weight on good government ever since, and yet in the year 1914 men have refer ed to it as "Our Sacred Constitution." A convention of the people was held In 1876 to remedy certain parts of it, but outside of that they could not go, and as the negroes then were in the majority in tne state, nothing very much could be done in the more se rlous complications. Taxation and Revenue. Before 1868, there had been no re strictions on the Legislature with re gard to taxation. Responsible as they were directly to the people, there was no reason to hamper ther.i in doing whatever might be necessary for the State government. S'fee ISS, every Legislature has faced this Constitu tional barrier that requires them to tax everything alike "according to its true value in money." The result has shown that the people are stronger than anything they can make. Prop erty m .North Carolina is not taxed according to "its true value in money." The requirement has been found to be absolutely impossible and so all of us have been therby forced into the position of "tax dodgers," and the result naturally going father than is necessary, we have reached the tax dodgin makesshrdletoai sh the point where the tax dodeinir makes impossible enough revenue to support the state government. Do you believe in the present Con stitutional requirement about taxa tion? If so, why don't you abide by it? Show me a man who lists his property at "its true value in monev' and I will show you the man who might consistently vote against the taxation amendment now before the people. Do you hold that as we have gotten along with it forty-six years, we can continue to do so? If so, you need to look at the facts, which are that we have never gotten alone with it at all, we have always dodged it, and the dodging has now gotten as in a corner where we must stand and fight "the sacred principle" ordered by General Canby, of Charleston, and approved by the negroes over the pro test of the white people. The other amendments to the Con stitution this year can be measured by the same standards of compari son with what we have had. The Constitutional Comission of 1913 was in response to a -demand from the people and from the necessities of competent and economical state gov ernraent, and it was composed of North Carolina white men with no. political or ulterior motives back of their acts. These ten amendments, now before us were later approved bv two-thirds of each House in the GeaL eral Assesmbly, after careful scrutiny and discussion. Not one of them is revolutionary, but they are merely what is necessary, and no more. The taxation amendment makes no. change in our taxation system, u simply blots out the work of 1868 and leaves our taxation system as our "Fathers" made it, and which was. always satisfactory. The new amendment does not make possible any increase in the tax rate because the limitation remains at 66 2-3 cents on the $100 for stat and county purposes. To sum up the whole matter, it simply makes it pos sible for the people and the Legisla ture to make a revenue system to suit themselves, and to place the burden of taxation where it belongs accord ing to all the authorities "upon those who have the most privilege." If the change is not made, the only other recourse is to raise the assessments of the poor people who have the least privilege. Every average man who votes against the amendment, votes to raise the tax on what little he has. Conclusion. There always have been and per haps until the millenium will be dif- ' ferences of opinion as to Government and Constitution and Citizenship. There are a few things, however, that are clear. One is that public office ought to be a public trust. I don't mean by this that men should ex pect to be called to public office. A man who has in him the mettle to do , his duty in office, will show his mettle by making a fight for office. Emerson says that every human being is born with an inherent desire to make things, to shape and mold, and remake and reform; hence it is natural to man to want to reform public affairs. If he is worthy of trust, he will be sincere in his purpose to really do something. A man who is not interested by the dirt on his neighbor's doorstep, will never clean his own doorstep. If he wants office, merely to hold office, he is unfit for it. If he is truly Democratic, his pur pose will be to spread the benefits and power of government until they are borne equally by all people. To make this possible and wise, the one fore most need is public education and by this is meant the promotion of the free public schools for all the people, for in no other way can the people be prepared for the duties that are rightfully theirs. If the Constitution or a political party stands in the way of these things, then they are not in the interests of the peole, and have no right to existence; and, likewise government has no right to exist un less the purpose of it is to help those who most need help. The accom plishment of a pure democracy may be far in the future, but the desire for it among the people is already here, and the chasm that intervenes can be covered by opportunity and education. A government of the Peo ple, by the People, and for the People, will some day be established on this earth. Children Cry FOR FLETCHER'S CASTOR I A POLICY OF "FREE SHIPS" RESTORING FLAG TO SEA Fifty-six Vessels Have Hoisted Stars and Stripes Since September 8 As Neutrals They are Safe From Capture. Our Government's new policy of "free ships" is making a good be ginning towards restoring our flag to the high seas. It was on September 8 that the new measure became a law. Ships that are owned by Americans are now al lowed to fly the American flag even f those ships were built abroad. Under this law, since September 8, 06 American owned vessels have reg istered as American ships and have hoisted the American flag. The to tal tonnage is 217.201, and the total value is between ?12,000,000 and ?15,- 000.000. The old law was passed in Civil War times. Under its operation our flag almost disappeared from the high seas, except as it was displayed on our naval vessels. HEAVY MEAT EAIERS SIDNEYS Eat less meat if yon feel Backacfcy or Lave bladder trouble Taxa glass of Salts. No man or woman who eat meat repa larly caa make a mistake by flushing the kidneys occasionally, says a well-kcown authority. Meat forms urio acid whicJk excites the kidneys, they become over worked from the strain, get sluggish and fail to filter the waste and poisons froa the blood, then we get sick. Nearly all rheumatism, headaches, liver trouble, nervousness, dizziness, sleeplessness d urinary disorders coma from sluggish kidneys. The moment yon feel a dull ache In tht kidneys or your back hurts or if tha urine is cloudy, offensive, full of sedi ment, irregular of passage or attended by a sensation of scalding, stop eatine meat and get about four ounoes of Jsd Salts from any pharmacy; take a tahlespcoaful in a glua of watr before breakfast and in a few days your kidneys will act fioe. This famous salts is made from Cm acid of grapes and lemon juioe, combined with litiia, and has bean wA for generation to flush and stimulate th kidneys, alas to neutralize the adds ta nrfaM so it no longer eaatM Irritation, thus eadiag bladder weakness. ' Jad Salts is iBexpeoaive sad cannot injure) makes a delightful ffervesreat lithia-water drink which everyoM sbomld take now and then to keep the kidneys clean and aative and the blood pure, thereby; awidiag serious kidT eftipiliflfitiflsjj
Oct. 22, 1914, edition 1
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