North Carolina Newspapers

■Wednesday, April 21, 1026 pooooocsoooco6ooooo<socsooQ£3oooooc«oooac3oooooooooor> I Wffmt&ziw/m) I OPPOSITE NEW HOTEL gQQOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOGOOOOOOCOQOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOC*' I A Few of the Many Facts I ABOUT | | The Leonard Cleanable Refrigera-jj tors | R are scientifically constructed and ’’ |) with a-constant circulation of pure, cold, dry air they save k ice instead of melting it. K SECOND—With their ONE-PIECE PORCELAIN i LINING, having rounded corners and brought . c'ear | ol, t to the edge of the door frames, and every inside part * , I instantly removable, THE LEONARD IS AS EASY TO 3 I CLEAN AS A NEW CHINA DISH. g I THIRD—The LEONARD LOCK which practically £ j |v«Tabs the door as soon as you push it shut—either with 8 I %our hand or foot—and holds it tight. This makes it im- S1 I possible for a door to be left partly open if any attempt is S'j I nia( ie to close it at all, and adds greatly to the efficiency of 0 B the lefrigerator, ' p D A trip to our store to investigate a really Good and $ K Long Service Giving Refrigerator will convince vou of it's C j 5 . quality. S 1 IBELL-HARRIS FURNITURE CO J ®OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOC'nOGOOOOOOOCOfiOOOOC?OOfaOOOOOo 2°°°ooocoooooooo«xx>ooooooooooooooooooooooooooo<»r | Beautiful Spring | Footwear * / 8 1 5 Featuring Fine Quality in the __/ § '? favored New Shapes at Mod- | 0; f $2.95 TO $6.95 | lj| MARKSON SHOE. STORE sj&BgBT M | Phone 897 S OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCXXXXXJOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOf * A ‘'ll .*6n< op a >t r JM SNAPPY WEATHER SPECIAL i£te£”. Full Form * * BEAUTIFUL SPRING FIGURE COATS In Navy, Black, Grey ry 0-1 T J and Sand in Charmene v/H D&le 1 OQ3y Materials. . ‘ Coats For Women and Misses Extra Lengths $9.50 to $33.74 $23.50 to $39.50 These are the coats most fashionable, and whose origi nality is traced to Parisian designers. Some of them are identical with the original models even to the material. Fashioned of soft and fleecy material, in checks, plaids and solid lones. i Clearance of All Spring Coats—No Left Overs Here I visit FISHER’S it pays In Training | W f|i§f|f|r ! Martha Norellus. 17-year-old Mtiatte Wonder and holder of several worid’s Vecords. keeps In good condition for the swimming season by doing a round or two of golf each day on the links at White Sulphur Springs, W. Va. Her father. Charles Norelius, Scandinavian champion for a num bar of years, is her trainer He •iiiunlvi ell her work Soap Drill. The kindergarten teacher asked one of her young pupils what the eyes were for. and was promptly answered. “'To see wilii." Another was asked what the no«e was for, and the nn | swer was correctly given. Then she | asked the little daughter of Mr. and 1 Mrs. Paul Watts, "What are your ! cars for?” ,The child replied, ‘To j keep clean." She got a 100 mark. 1 The largest novel in the world is | one which was commenced in Japan in 1X52 and the publication of which was not finished until 1013. The novel comprises 100 volumes, j each containing 1000 pages of more ■ than 300 words each. THE CONCORD DAILY TRIBUNE I,' ~ * Taking the Profit Out of War ; By BERNARD M. BARUCH ! Reprinted from The Atlantic Monthly. J [The February issue of the Atlantic for 192 b carried a paper by ‘ Mr. Sisley Huddleston dealing with the general subject of "taking the jrroflt out of tear," which Mr. Huddleston called "An American Plan for 1 'Peace” The first-quoted phrase was put into the language of the Wot Industries Board toward the close of the World War through its efforts to eliminate all war profits ., Mr. Huddleston’s article came to the atten tion of Mr. Bernard M. Baruch, chairman of the War Industries Board and administrator of the nonprofit plan, and (as he writes us), since it seemed to indicate a growing interest in the idea, induced him to invoke , practical means to bring about a full comprehension of taking the profit out of war in the various great countries of the world. To this end he | responded to U suggestion of Mr. Owen D. Young, of the Page School of International Relations at Johns Hopkins University, that he establish a course of lectures there to expound the War Industries Board plan in detail. Later he will proceed to make similar arrangements at leading universities in Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Japan. Agree ing with Mr. Baruch that the subject calls for public knowledge and discussion, it was natural for the Atlantic to turn to him for the follow ing paper. —Tub EditAus os The Mohthlt.] I { War was once described as Prus sia's most profitable industry. I It needs only a scant examination of history to learn that other coun tries were open to the same indict ment The methods of the Robber Barons did not pass with the end of feudalism. Annexation by con quest did not cease. But when America entered the World War President Wilson fathered a doc trine that shall always govern us — that never a foot of territory would be added to our boundaries by force. So, as America has taken the lead toward making impossible na , tional profit through war, It too may be America’s privilege to point the way toward making impossible Individual profit through war. To take the profit out of war is to - take a long step toward creating an i economic detestation of war. The experience of the United States in 1 the World War affords a basis for the belief that the plan herein dis cussed is practical. In fact. It is | more than a belief—it is a cer tainty, although not widely known. The world is such a busy place, and the radius of human activity ; has been so greatly enlarged be cause of modern inventions, that : It is not strange that there are but . few people who are conversant . with what was quietly but effec ‘ tively taking place In this country in the mobilization and use of its material resources In the World War—a, process that would have eveptup|ly eliminated all improper profits. !, Strength is given to the public advocacy of Industrial mobilization made by both President Harding and President Coolidge—Mr. Cool- Idge as recently as last October In his Omaha speech to the American Legion—by the fact that the plan they advocated as a part of the regular national war agencies had once been set up and successfully operated under the War Industries Board. Preceding the President’s recent clear exposition of this subject, some degree of public interest had been engendered by an exchange of letters between Owen D. Young (of Dawes plan fame), in behalf of the Walter Hines Page School of International Relations, and the writer. The correspondence result ed in the establishment of lectures at the Page School (of Johns Hop kins University) on this theme. Previously the Atlantic Monthly ' printed an article by Sisley Hud dleston, who pointed out that Europe saw great strides toward peace in the American idea of "taking the profit out of war” in a systematic way. His basic refer ence was to the plan of the War Industries Board. The resources of a country might be referred to as the five M’s (1) man power; (2) money; (3) main tenance of food; (4) material re sources (Including raw materials, manufacturing facilities, transpor i tation, fuel and power); and (5) morale. The intelligence with which the first four are directed and co-ordinated as a whole will determine the fifth, the morale of j the community. In the war emergency it, early became evident to those who were charged with the responsibility of mobilising the resources that there was a Just sentiment Among the people against profiteering. Profi teering might be willful and profit making might be Involuntary; but. Whatever Its form, there wag a just determination it should cease. So It became necessary to fix prices where the supply was limited. Wherever the government creat ed a shortage by its demands, , prices were fixed, not only for the Army, Navy and the Allies, but for the civilian population as well. And in addition to price fixing on war essentials (such as steel, wool, copper, and so forth), the balance, after the war program had been filled, was rationed or distributed according to the priority needs of the various civilian demands. In other words, where the price of the product of an industry was fixed that industry had to deliver the part which the government did not need to the civilian population, not in the way the industry chose, but aa the government directed. It must be remembered that when the war came there was no adequate preparation. Indeed, it la doubted by the best authorities whether any effective form of preparation than known would have been of much avail in view ) of the widespread and engulfing results of the war and the lack of knowledge of the various instru- i ments of destruction which were being devised and which it became i necessary to combat. Our own Army had several di visions competing one with another foq materials, transportation, hous ing, and so forth. On top of that there prevailed the demands of the Shipping Board, with the slogan that ships would win the war, anil of the Food Administration, with the slogan that food would win the war. Further, there was the Rail road Administration with its need for material and labor, and finally there was the feverish quest for labor and supplies on the part of the munitions makers—all compet ing for labor, money, materials, transportation, fuel, power, and each insisting on the greater impor tance of its activity. All this while the labor supply was being lessened by the flow of men into the Army. While an endeavor was being made to bring order out of chaos, the great undertaking had to go on. Men, ships, munitions, food, ma terial, had to be provided. Old organizations, bureaus and tradi tions had to be met and changed, but not destroyed until the new was set up. The wonder of it all is, not that there were so many mistakes, but that so much was accomplished. i . At the time we entered the war prices were at their peak, and tend ing higher because of the war’s in satiable demands. The problem was not alone to secure the ma terials and labor and to stop the confusion, but to do it In such a way that the morale of the people would be maintained. The prices of some things, like steel and cop per, were fixed far below prevailing rates, and the wages of labor In those industries were standardized. The more highly organized an In dustpr, the easier It was to arrange. Order did not commence to appear until the Army tunneled Its needs through one man sitting with a sec tion of the War Industries Board and until the Navy, Shipping Board, Allies and Railroad Admin istrations did likewise. Each de partment satisfied its requirements through a central authoritative body. This was called the War Industries Board, controlling and directing all materials and co ordinating through its chairman the whole system of governmental and civilian supply and demand. It was created by executive order In March of the year 1918. Briefly, this board endeavored to mobilize the industries of America so that the fighting forces of the Allied and associated nations could I raw from the United States—the last reservoir of men, materials and money—the things needed for the winning of the war at the time the things were needed and with the least dislocation of Industry and the least disturbance of the iivllian population. , 1 11 ) The War Industries Board was organized like any other super visory committee, with a chairman, vice chairman, members in charge at various activities, burean chiefs and subordinate workers. It sur veyed and sought to arrange the whole industrial war field under the plenary powers conferred by the President and the Congress. How well It did thie is a story for athers (o tell. What it did is the badirfiof‘tbtel jflinj lam here draw ing. It was comparatively easy to fix prices and to distribute materials, and indeed to stabilize the wages at labor in those Industries in which prices were fixed. The labor situation, however, became increas ingly difficult, particularly when General Crowder found it neces sary to withdraw men tot the pro posed campaign of 1919 after 4.- 900,000 soldiers had already been taken. , Much has been said about the profiteering of labor. It is an un just accusation. It is only fair to say that this condition was pri marily brought about through the inexperience of the organization within our own governmental de partments and by the furious bld i ting of munitions makers and ship bonders for services. That situ*' tion, together with the increased prices of the things that labor had to buy with the results of its work, made It inevitable that labor must get higher wages. So it became evident that the price fixing program had to go even further, and the War Industries Board, when the Armistice came, was proceeding with a campaign to fix the prices of all the basic things that labor had to buy. Some had previously' been fixed. I speak of labor In a much broader sense than manual labor, for the unor ganized so-called "white collar” part of our community—clerks, teachers, government employees, professional men—were less able to meet the situation than labor in the narrower sense. For- the protection and relief of such groups certain plans were devised. | To Illustrate— One of them provided that manu facturers, Jobbers and retailers of shoes could make and sell shoes only of a specified quality at a fixed price, effective July, 1919. No one who did not have a card of the War Industries Board in his win dow could sell shoes, and only the ! standardized shoes could be sold. No Jobber or manufacturer would sell shoes to anybody who did not ■ have this card. The shoes were ! to be stamped Class A, B or C and had to be of the quality prescribed and sold at the price fixed. The j country was so organized In every district that there could be im | mediately reported to Washington the name of any shoe retailer who did not carry out the regulations of the War Industries Board as to price and quality. Through restric tions on his labor, money, raw materials and transportation no manufacturer would have been per mitted to sell to any dealer violat ing the regulations. The Armistice stopped the execution of this plan. Another plan of this nature: The manufacturers of men’s and wo men’s wearing apparel had in 1918 been called to Washington, to gether with the retailers of various goods, and notified that regulations would have to be made in regard to retail prices and standardiza tion of clothing. The rulings by the board were . made known through the Issuance I of official bulletins at irregular in-! tervals and were widely distributed by the press, which co-operated In this most necessary work with a whole-hearted purpose that gave to the orders of the War Industries Board the instant and broad dr; culatlon they required. Mr. Hoover already was doing much to perfect his control of food products and prices. There was also talk of fixing rents, and In some cities this was done. If we were to start, In the event of another war, at the place where we were Industrially when the I World War ended, the President, I acting through an agency similar to the War Industries Board, would have the right to fix prices of all things as of a date previous to the | declaration of war when there was a fair peace time relationship among the various activities of the nation. It would be Illegal to buy. Bell, serve or rent at any other than these prices. Brakes would be ap plied to every agency of Inflation before the hurtful process started. An Intelligent control of the flow of men, money and materials would be imposed, Instead of har ing the blind panic heretofore en suing on the first appearance of the frantic demands of war. The Draft Board would have before It the rulings of the priority commit tee, together with the estimated needs of every business and pro fession In its relationship to the conduct of the war, and men would be selected accordingly. The Draft Board could more Intelligently de cide, with the advice of the priority committee, many of the problems with which it would be faced. There would be no sending of men to the trenches who were needed (or expert industrial war work and then bringing them back again. Businesses not necessary to the winning of the war would be cur tailed. The Draft Board would have that Information before it The prices of all things being fixed, the price fixing committee would make any necessary adjust ments, as was done during the war. Under the system used in 1918 these prices were made public and adjusted every three months, so that any consumer or producer had his day in court when he consid ered prices unfair. Those who complained that during the war prices were too high had this ready recourse to hand. « In the meantime all the Indus tries of the country would have been mobilized by the formation of committees representative of each industry, as was done In the World War. Over them would be placed a government director or commodity chief. The various gov ernment departments would ap point committees representing their requirements, so that on one com mittee the resources of the nation would be represented and on the other the demands of the govern ment The government director would stand between to decide, in conjunction with the priority com mittee, to what department sup plies should go. Money would be controlled sad directed like any other resource. "Taking the profit out of war” is not synonymous with “conscrip tion of wealth,” as it is sometimes regarded. The latter is a theoreti cal project, prohibited by our Con stltution, contrary to the spirit of our Social and political institutions. <*nd impossible In practice. Tak ing the profit out et war is an or derl> and scientific development of the economics and conduct of mod ern war, necessary to the effective mobilization of national resources ana indispensable to equalizing the burdens of war among the armed and civilian population. Born of experience and proved by practice, it removes some of the most de structive concomitants of modern war —the contusion and waste inci dent to war time inflation. This term “conscription of wealth,” used by so many, has created a hope among those of socialistic tendencies, and a fear among those who, like me, believe in our system based upon personal initiative and reward, of a taking of money, without payment, for the use of State. Neither the hope nor the fear is Justified by the recom- i mendatlon herein contained or by | our experience in the war. The ■ use of money should be controlled and directed in a national emer gency. A man should no more be permitted to use his money as he wißhes than he should be permitted to use the production of his mine, mill or factory except through the general supervising agency. This was being done toward the end of the war. During the final phase of the World War no man or corporation or Institution could raise money without the approval of the Capi tal Issues Committee of the Treas-! ury Department, which committee j In turn would not permit the bor- | rowing of money unless the War 1 Industries Board approved the use I to which It was to be put. Thus the City of New York was not oer- 1 mitted to spend 88,000,000 for the building of schools. The City of Philadelphia was prevented from making Improvements that in peace time would have been neces sary, bnt In war time were not Various states, counties and cities,; and a vast nnmber of private con cerns, were denied the use of money and materials for purposes not necessary for the winning of the war. Each part of the com munity had to adjust Its wants to the whole great undertaking. i m I There have been a great many bills Introduced Into Congress on the subject of Industrial mobilisa tion, some sponsored by great or ganizations like the American Legion, and others by newspapers and publicists. But it is surprising | how little knowledge there was on the part of those who drew np the bills of the practicability and feasi bility of so mobilizing our re sources that It would be Impossi ble to make as much profit in war : as in time of peace. Take into consideration the tact that the fol | lowing things were being done in I 1918: General Crowder, who was in charge of the draft, had asked the chairman of the War Industries > I Board where he could obtain addl - tional men needed for the Army in i France with the least possible dls i location of the war making lndus , trial civilian machinery,. and we were in the process of replacing - male labor with women. By a sys tem of priorities the Board wp I allocating to our own Army and ! ’ Navy, to the Allies and to the ee i sentlal war Industries the things ' they required. It was making priority rulings as to transporta ■ tlon, and they were being followed | out by the Railroad Administrator. ; The Fual, Administrator distributed - fuel only on the rulings of the War ! Industries Board. The board was - engaged in disentangling and rp ), moving the many conflicts and I I competitive efforts Involved In la i bor and buildings that had previ ■ ously occurred because of lack of ’ any co-ordinating agency. It was i allocating power and making regn - latlons for the hitching np of scat i tered nnlts of power. It was I changing munitions orders from I congested to less congested die ■ tricts. It had actually carried into > effect an order that no building in -! volving $2,500 or more could ba II undertaken without the approval lof the War Industries Board. No ! steel, no oement, no material of • any kind could be used tor any - i purpose whatsoever unless the War -1 Industries Board permitted It. No I, steel company oould sell over five I tons of steel unless approved by I I the Director of Steel. The Treas > ury would not permit the raising ■ of money for any industrial or fl • nancial operation unless it was 1 approved by die War Industries ■ Board. The President issued an order that no commandeering • should be done by the Army, • Navy, Shipping Board or Food Ad > ministration without the approval 1 of the chairman of the War Indua > tries Board. Every raw material > industry, and indeed practically r every industry in the country, was - organized through appointment ►, of committees, and none of these r industries would do any business -■ except onder the rulings promul i gated by the Board. Standardl i satlon in every was i- rapidly proceeding. These rulings r were made known through the la i suance of official bulletins at lr • regular intervals and were dis -1 tributed by the press. We were I endeavoring to arrange it so that I the fighting forces were to receive • those things which they needed i end no more, so that whatever was • not actually required at tha front • was left to civilian purposes. In - dustrtes were curtailed, but never | destroyed; skeletonised, but never PAGE THREE killed. Indeed, the use of men ™ money and materials was rapidly being brought Into exactly that i, condition which I have previously stated to be necessary In case of another war. , - ti If, in addition to this, the Presi dent In the future has the author lty to fix prices and distribution of materials and labor, rent, and the " use of hi an power, transportation, fuel and all the things necessary ,j for the conduct of the war, any rise In prices will be prevented, > oven In anticipation of war There n are many who claim that war Is caused primarily by the desire of •> profit. lam not one of those But If there Is an/thing in this conten- tion this plan wi'l remove the pos- 1 siblllty of anybody urging war rs a means of making profits. Even if there are no men who desire war aa a means of making profit, the fact that profits would be less in i war than In peace, and wealth and resources would be directed by the :t ■ government, might have some ac tive deterring Influence on men ol great resources. Instead of being passive, they might become active advocates of peace There are many people who are, for various reasons, afraid to dis cuss the subject during peace time and prefer to wait for war. There are also some great manufacturers who oppose any such plan because they were seriously interfered with during the war time. Indeed, it has been the experience of some . of those responsible for the indus : trial mobilization In the World War , j to remain the objects of venomous | attack begun during the time that 1 the necessities of the nation made I It Imperative to control activities and profits. Some critics were prom i lnent manufacturers who said: “Tell us what the government wants and we will fill the orders, but don’t Interfere with the sale of (he part of our product that the gov ernment does not want to use.” That was unthinkable. President I Wilson decreed that fair prices for the government were fair prices for civilians. I must say, however, that the vast majority of American manufacturers rose to the situation In such a splendid way as to bring the following commendation from Woodrow Wileon: “They turned -e aside from every private Interest 4 of their own and devoted the whole of their train capacity to the tasks that supplied the sinews of the whole great undertaking. The" J patriotism, the unselfishness, the thorough going devotion and dis tinguished capacity that marked their toilsome labors day after day, month after month, have made them fit mates and comrades to the men in the trenches and on the seas.” There are many men who are afraid that the adoption of this plap by (jjongress would give aa . impetus to socialism or commun ism or sovietism or whatever they may call if, because, they say, “It you show it can be done in war time there will be a demand that it be done In peace time.” It can not be done in peace time. Thpre can be no great undertaking with- - put a strong moving cause. In peace time the moving cause is personal initiative and payment for services performed. The substitute for that in war time is the common ' danger. | The War Industries Board was the foremost advocate of price fix ing and distribution, and it bad great power in this field, but when the Armistice came It recognized that peace conditions were being restored, and it was the first to . change the war time order of things and to leave to the people themselves the readjustment of their affairs. I am satisfied that it Is Impossible for the government to do In peace time what I am ad* vocatlng, although it becomes ab. solutely necessary in order to conduct a modern war successfully and to conduct it on a non-profit eering basis. The application of this plan, be sides making the nation a coherent | unit in time of war, would Impress upon every class in society a sense of .Its own responsibility In such event. If It were known that this universal responsibility would be 1 enforced, no class—social, finan ■ cial or Industrial—could fall to understand that in case of war it ’ j would have to bear Its share of the 1 , burdens Involved and would have 1 to make sacrifices of profit, con ’ j venience and personal liberty coi; ’ relatively with those made by the ! soldiers in the field. To this ■ extent the plan would act as a 1 positive deterrent to any hasty re -1 course to force in an international ■ controversy. One thing that has definitely - come from the war is the neces sity of arranging affairs so that a 1 portion of the population shall not be sent to the front to bear all the physical hardships and thslr con sequences while others are left be hind to profit by their absence. It applied at the outbreak, the War Industries Board (as it was fumS tionlng at the close of the World War) would prevent this and les sen, If not remove, the social and economic evils that corns as the. .. aftermath of war. i A red blanket fell into a circus water trough and stained the watef , red. From this it is said came the i first pink lemonade which became os | popular with circuses. “Why, they've made a mess of my— ’ sewing-room,” explained his wife. “Needles, reels of cotton, scissors-3- 1 everything has been hidden away in the most unexpected places. It's exasperating.”