Sunday, March 14, 1965
THE DAILY TAR HEEL
Page 5
UNC JLacks LeadersMio' On MigMs
By TIMOTHY RAY
s Fourth in a Series
In Part III of this series it
was urged that the the belief
expressed by the DTH and by
some administrators that the ap
propriate method of seeking re
moval of the Speaker Ban was
through behind the scenes ne
gotiations was mistaken, since
that method included assuring
legislators that the University's
faculty was, and would continue
to be free of Communist taint
and that the Ban was not 'ne
cessary' This approach treats as
relative a freedom which ought
not to be considered itself ei
ther negotiable or a privilege
that is contingent upon the
maintenance of self - policing
activities by the University.
Mr. James Gardner, who first,
in recent times, voiced here the
need for an open forum for the
discussion of ideas, has point
ed out the contradiction impli
cit in such an approach. By ma
king the freedom of speech con
tingent upon its not being ex
ercised, the removal of the Ban
under these conditions would not
result in the achievement of aca
demic freedom.
If the freedom were ever ex
ercised by, for example, the hir
ing of a person, even a brilliant
scholar, to teach mathematics
or chemistry, and if this person
were known to be far left in
his political views, a Ban which
had been removed under such
circumstances and by such me
thods as those I have referred
to could very logically be reim
posed by the State on the ground
that it was, after all, really 'ne
cessary.' I hope that it is , not neces
sary to argue that a scholar
should not be discriminated
against on grounds that have
nothing to do with either his
scholarship or his teaching abil
ity. v Today I want to discuss other
issues which the UNC Free
Speech Movement, or Forum,
sought to bring to the attention
of the Student Body: racial dis
crimination and its implications
for University life. t
In an interview Thursday,
Dean of Men William Long said
that the recent decision against
discriminatory clauses in fra
ternity and sorority constitutions
was the removal of a "double
standard" which had been in
existence since 1959, when a re
gulation was issued prohibiting
the establishment on .the UNC
campus of new organizations
with discriminatory clauses, but
which did not forbid exsiting or
ganizations from retaining their
clauses.
Dean Long said that he fav
ors the recent ruling on the
ground that "it is right," and ,
that,in reality, it brings great
er, rather than less, freedom to
our organizations, since it pre
vents external control by na
tional fraternity officials.
Pointing out that the commit
tee which recently took action
has been in existence since Oct.
1 of last year, he said that the
timing of the announcement was
due to a prescheduled report to
the Faculty Council and occurr
ed coincidently right after Gard
ner's raising of the issue.
But why, I have wondered
(and I address this question to
every person with authority
here), wasn't such action taken
earlier, since it was long over
due? Why the maintenance of a
"double standard" since 1959?
; This leads to the larger ques
tion of whether the University
has provided the leadership in
the area of civil rights, in re
cent years, that is appropriate
to an old and widely respected
institution with a reputation for
greatness.
The saddest fact along this
line is that Carolina students
who participated in the civil
rights struggle had to do so at
the cost, in some cases of great
personal sacrifice and a possibly
permanent damaging injury to
their reputations. Where, we
wonder were the leaders of this
mighty academy?
Three bright, personable and
promising young men, Pat Cu-
Cops And Robbers
sick, Quinton Baker, and John
Dunne were sentenced to jail
last year on charges that were
dropped by those who had ini
tially made them. A very con
servative court official insisted
on the prosecution, an official
whose adamant stand might
have been mitigated had a sin
gle high-level Universit officer
spoken to him in these stud
ents' behalf.
What did happen was that a
Dean congratulated the judge of
the court in which the sentences
were given, as rendering a val
uable service to the University.
It is interesting that this Dean
later listed "participating in the
movement to end segregation on
all levels and in all places"
along with such undebatably
commendable and humanitarian
activities as "Collecting books
to replenish the burned-out li
brary of Algiers, providing so
cial . and recreational activities
for the patients of Dix Hill Hos
pital, and working with the re
tarded children of Murdock
School," as provding the experi
ence of an interesting, busy, and
exciting year ("A Report to Pre
sident Friday and the Board of
Trustees of the University by
Chancellor William B. Aycock,
for the Academic Year, July 1,
1963, to June 30, 1964", p.3.).
This is very odd, since it be
comes difficult for younger
members of the University to
know where this official stands,
or perhaps, why he didn't stand
up for that interesting move
; ment which he has so listed.
In a forthcoming bok, "The
Free Men," to be published by
Harpers, a member of the Ford
Foundation and a faithful citi
zen of Chapel Hill, John Ehle,
addresses the topic of students
in search of their own values,
and the "movements" that have
spontaneously resulted.
Ehle is interested in the fact
that, to use Gardner's words,
"There is throughout our coun
try an incipient, still very loose
ly organized, student move
ment, groping for identity and
for the proper tactics, but with
out exception, not to institute the
dramatic sit-ins which became
necessary at Berkeley, but to
work toward the redefinition of
the university."
Professors Sheldon S. Wolin
and John H. Schaar, in a re
cent issue of the New York Re
view of books (March 11, 1965,
p. 18), have expressed this sit
uation with classic clarity:
"Beyond the immediate at
tractions of a lively campus,
many students today, especially
those in the humanities and so
cial sciences, are aware of the
shortcomings of their society
and are passionately looking for
authentic values to replace what
they perceive as the phony slo
gans and spiritual tawdriness of
so much of the public rhetoric
and action of our time.
"Few of them come to col
lege with an ideology, nor do
they seek one while there.
"Rather, theirs is an ethic of
sincerity and personal encount-'
er. They take ideals seriously,
If Goldwater Were
President Wow
By ART BUCHWALD.
The New York Herald
Tribune
Every once in a while, when I
have nothing better to do, I won
der what the country would be
like if Barry Goldwater had
been elected president of t h e
United States. Based on his cam
paign and his speeches, it is a
frightening thing to imagine.
The mind boggles when you
think of it. For one thing, we
would probably be bombing
North Viet Nam now if Goldwa
ter were in office.
As I see it, this is what would
have happened.
The Viet Cong would have
blown up an American barracks.
Using this as an excuse, Gold
water would immediately call
for a strike on military bases
in North Viet Nam and announ
ce a "new tit-for-tat policy."
Democrats would be horrified
and they would make speeches
that Goldwater was "trigger
happy" and was trying to get
us into a war with Red Cina.
Ignore Criticism
But Goldwater would ignore
the criticism, and to show he
meant business, he would contin
ue the raids, using not only Air
Force bombers, but jets from
the U. S. fleet. As time went on
the country would be shaken at
the recklessness of Goldwater's
Library Attack
Not Specific
Editors, Tfce Tar Heel:
I was baffled and much in
trigued by a letter from an un
identified "Faculty Member"
published in the March 9 num
ber, in which said Faculty
Member blasts some of the li
brary staff for neglect of du
ties, attributing said neglect to
the time they devote to athlet
ic prowess, or something like
that.
Would the academic "Mister
X" clarify his criticism? Has
someone kicked sand in his face,
or perhaps, "stack dust?"
What's up? Shall we confiscate
their athletic supporters?
David Littlejohn
- - Dept. of . Romance Languages
and are quick to detect evasion,
posturing and double-think.
"If their conception of the ed
ucational process is somewhat
romantic and wooly tending
to equate the exchange of im
pressions and sentiments with
learning, impatient with disci
pline, and inclined to rush off
after a dozen exciting novelties
at once it is still more at
tractive than the emphasis on
utility and training in the
multiversity establishment.
"The latter is a bleakness of
spirit, closed and immobile;
while the former is a plenitude
of spirit, open and vital.
"Such students constitute a
university's most valuable re
source, and it is a delight and
a privilege to teach them. There
were a great many such stud
ents, graduate as well as un
dergraduate, involved in the
happenings at Berkeley. Given
all the loose talk about student
riots and radical, it is neces
sary to emphasize this point."
J
plan, but he would explain
through his secretary of state
that, instead of a "tit-for-tat"
policy, we now. intended to bomb
North Viet Nam in order to let
Hanoi know that they could not
support the Viet Cong without
expecting retaliation.
Senators would get up in Con
gress and call for some sort of
negotiations. But Goldwater with
his lack of restraint would re
tort that there is nothing to ne
gotiate and we would only be
sat , down at a table with the
North Vietnamese and Red Chi
na. Russia and France would call
for a Geneva Conference, But
Goldwater would reject it.
Instead, he would recklessly
announce that he was sending in
a battalion of Marines with
Hawk missiles to protect our
airfields. His critics would
claim he was escalating the war,
but Goldwater would deny it
Instead he would bomb supply
routes in Laos and Cambodia.
To explain these desperate ac
tions, Goldwater would have the
Defense and State Departments
produce a "White. Paper" justi
fying the attacks and proving
that Hanoi was responsible for
the revolution in South Viet
Nam. He would insist we had to
support the Saigon generals, no
matter how shaky they were.
The paper would be followed
by . more air strikes using
South Vietnamese planes as well
as American B-57's.
No Choice
The people who voted for
Johnson would scream at their
Republican friends, "I told yon
if Goldwater became president
he'd get us into a war."
But the Republicans would
claim that Goldwater had no
choice, that he, in fact, inherit
ed the Viet Nam problem from
the Democrats and, if he didn't
take a strong stand now, Amer
ica would be considered a pa
per tiger.
It all seems far-fetched when
you read it and I may have let
my imagination run away with
itself, because even Barry Gold
water, had he become president,
wouldn't have gone so far.
But fortunately, with Presi
dent Johnson at the helm, we
don't even have to think about
it.