n I ?reK .fJ?. GISBonS? JyS You txm, ftg-CissS, y i veiryouyvcLVED . IV ST iK)ztT Q o v fcffiyr? ARE 'ttu Kl-STXTt ofVour-of-STTE' Friday, November 21, 1975 Hoover an American Himmler? 1 V 1 JJ 1 nUr , CPs In 1945, Vice President Henry Wallace made an entry in his diary that would have particular significance more than 30 years later on November 18, 1975, ten years after Wallace's death. In the wake of World War II, as the Third Reich crumbled, as thousands of persecuted Jews escaped Auschwitz, Bergen-Pelsen and Lublin, Wallace predicted that FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover was "on his way to becoming an American Himmler." . Yet that comparison of an American FBI Director and a German Gestapo chief remained unknown and unpublished until Tuesday when Wallace's memoirs were uncovered at the University of Iowa exactly ten years after his death, as stipulated in his will. The comments of this minor historical figure on America's most famous and powerful law enforcement agent could not have come to v -' Martin Luther King Ctaranc Mayo light at a more appropriate time. Even as the seemingly uneventful unveiling took place in out of the way Iowa City, the Senate Select Intelligence Committee in Washington unveiled shocking evidence that Wallace's prophecy had come true. The Senate committee took the wraps off the insidious FBI plot of 1964 designed to force Martin Luther king to commit suicide. In November of that year, 34 days before King was to accep't the Nobel Peace Prize, the FBI sent him a tape recording of what Nicholas Horrock of the New York Times called "unsavory activities King had allegedly engaged in." An attached, unsigned note made the intent of the blackmail clear: "King, there is only one thing left for you to do. You know what it is. You have just 34 days in which to do it . . . You are done. There is but one way out for you." This ploy was part of a 6-year effort by the FBI to discredit King, and, according to one FBI memorandum sent to Hoover himself, to "knock him off his pedestal." But the only pedestal that King ever assumed was that of preacher turned activist. King was a symbol of, and catalyst for, nonviolent change within the system. His only crimes, unlike those of the wiretapping, bugging FBI, were his crusades for the underprivileged. Yet J. Edgar Hoover and his gang decided King was not worthy of the acclamation he gained from his fellow men. They set out, more like a Nazi police organ than a law enforcement agency, to discredit him. The sad irony is that the Hoover gang broke the law of democracy in order to protect that democracy from that which they perceived as a threat. And that threat was a Nobel Peace Prize winner dedicated to nonviolence, to the principles of democratic change. Henry Wallace and Himmler are dead. J. Edgar Hoover is dead. Martin Luther King is dead. But the problem of law-breaking "national security" agencies as evidenced also by the CIA, lives on. The Senate Select Committee and the Oval Office must provide a check and balance for a governmental sector that has run maverick outside the law for too long. The federal government must provide some mechanism to protect the common people and the uncommon people like Martin Luther King from those agencies that supposedly protect us. The ghost of Himmler seems all too alive in the files and methods of our national police. The right to breathe clean air Today the Faculty Council will consider action on the smoking ban referendum passed by students by a four to one margin last month. Two proposals for implementation will be considered. The first is a complete ban, as advocated by the student referendum. The second is a class-by-class option to ban or not ban, according to a vote of each class. The first proposal is the superior policy. For the Faculty Council not to act on the matter at all would mean that the council is insensitive to an issue of importance to students and to the welfare of students forced to breathe contaminated air. For the council to adopt the second option would be an acceptance of the right of students to determine by vote what is permissable regarding smoking in a classroom. And if that principle can be accepted, then the first policy ought to be adopted, because the students have already expressed their desires in an election. Some reservations, from proper enforcement to smokers' "rights," about the ban have been expressed. Once the ban has legal backing, enforcement should flow first from individual's recognition of what is and is not acceptable. With legal support, nonsmokers can pressure those who would disregard the ban. Student leadership III (Without legal support, nonsmokers have only their own persuasive ability to rely upon, and that has not proven effective in many instances of stubborn smokers and large classrooms.) As to smokers' rights, society has long accepted the notion that one's rights end where another's rights begin. We do not tolerate physical assaults on individuals. We do not tolerate harmful pollution into air breathed by the nonpolluters. If smoking pollutes the air and physically assaults nonsmokers (which it does), then there exist no right for anyone to smoke in the presence of nonsmokers. That analysis has been accepted by the students of this University in a collective action. In a class-by-class situation, some insensitive smokers may outnumber considerate smokers and nonsmokers and may vote to expose the others to their personal pleasures and poisons, cigarette smoke. This kind of abberation would violate the legitimate right of the nonsmoker and selective smoker to protection by the broader society. And so, it is incumbent upon the Faculty Council to act in the interest of the University community as a whole in the recognition of the rights of the individual. In this instance, that right is the right to breathe clean air. University needs a consortium Today the much-discussed and perhaps pivotal student-faculty conference on campus governance begins at Camp New Hope, just beyond the geographical borders of Carolina and Chapel Hill. What is done at this conference may be of primary importance to the University. The purpose of the conference is still somewhat vague. It began as a discussion session over a proposal to create an institutionalized forum for all sectors of the University to discuss and pass judgment on various policy issues facing the campus. That purpose broadened in the sessions of the conference's planning committee to include discussion of the problems and policy decisions facing the campus now. . The conference planners have reserved the Sunday session for consideration of what ought to be the end product of the conference, whether it should bequeath to the University a working document, a readable summary report, "momentum for changes," and or plans for the development of an institutionalized forum. All of these end products are potentially valuable to those who must carry out the daily work of the University. All ought to come out of the conference. But particular emphasa ugjiQ-bg, placed upon an institutionalized body to continue the thrust of the conference, the exchange of ideas and argument to direct the growth and governance of the University at Chapel Hill. Change in this academic University is a slow phenomenon. Action on the proposed smoking ban will probably be taken today by the Faculty Council, a month after action by the student body seeking such a ban. That action itself was the outgrowth of an earlier Campus Governing Council resolution, which was the outgrowth of a smoking ban in the School of Public Health instituted the previous year. Several exchanges between the office of the student body pasident and the office of the chancellor on issues like the Student Bill of Rights have taken several months, and these exchanges have involved little more than the swapping of opinions on policy matters. The Student Bill of Rights is an idea over a year old; the date of its ratification is still distant. Approval of the student Instrument of Judicial Governance took several years. In some cases, these delays may have some justification. I n the case of an immediate response to the need for student-faculty-administration interaction on issues before policy decisions are made, there is little justification for delay. This weekend's conference should do all that it can to speed such a consortium idea if it is to take effect before all of the present student population has left for other pursuits. The need for such a consortium is more than apparent. Policy actions from the abandonment of the coed arrangements in Winston dorm to the search of Mclver dorm to the crackdown on the High Noon gatherings to the proposed smoking ban to the current discussions on grade revaluation have directly affected students, yet have been the untempered prerogative of the administration. A consortium would allow for active debate .and discussion about appropriate responses to - cdsis.;uailembers of the University; mutual understanding and respect for the positions of various segments would be more likely than under the present system of press release confrontation and behind the scenes conferences. A consortium may solve none of the problems we will face in the next few years. But it may help. It certainly promises to be an opportunity for students to speak out on critical issues and to assume some of the responsibility for the University that they ought to bear. It offers the first step toward the realization of true power sharing among all elements of this community. This weekend's conference ought to be a seminal discussion to that end. cPjr Satly (Jar Mttl 83 rd Year of Editorial Freedom Cole C. Campbell Editor Jim Grimsley Managing Editor Greg Porter Associate Editor Jim Roberts News Editor Robin Clark Features Editor Susan Shackelford Sport Editor Barnie Day Projects Editor , Joyce Fitzpatrick Graphic Arts Editor V -v - . If,. J r f ADHERE DID I ATTEND COLLEGE? y 4. .cuss) J of '4fc vs S - JUSTSIGHTH 4i' BOTTOM Lifer- 4 V ( GiasouS. J r y-t' ( U.N. equates S. Africa, Israel To the editor: . " J -v"--:--v Pat Crockett's letter of itiovp concerning the recent U.N, resolution equating Zionism and racisnii Jraises . as important consideration the extent to which the American people are ignorant of conditions in Palestinian refugee camps and of the basic motivation of anti-Israeli "Arabs." However, any proper assessment of the U.N.'s actions must also deal with two additional factors: the significance of th term "racism" and the new influence of Arab states in that organization. First, let me point out that personally 1 do not accept the concept of "race" as a valid description of different human groups. To me, the actual scientific basis of classifying people according to "Caucasoid," "Negroid," "Mongoloid," etc., is dubious and unsupportable. However, since the U.N. resolution includes that term, we must deal with it. The problem involved with so called Israeli "racism" is that biological and anthropological systems classify both "Jews" and "Arabs" as belonging to the same "race." This realization openly points to the real change in the world balance of power which made the passage of this resolution possible the vast new wealth of the anti Israeli and oil-rich Arab states. I do not decry the flexing of their new diplomatic muscle; after all, no nation or alliance in history that suddenly acquired power has acted in a totally altruistic manner, including the United States. But the absurdity of the concept of "racism" only points out the purely polemical nature of the resolution. Since it makes no logical sense, it is merely another example of the antagonism of several Arab nations to Israel. The use of their oil as a persuasive device to line up votes in the U. N. is common knowledge. Critics of this position may respond that the resolution condemned Zionism and not Israel. Well, let's be realistic. Just as "Red," "Pink," "Fellow Traveller" and "Commie" are used by some people as emotional code words attacking people and ideas they oppose, so "Zionist" has become the code word of those who oppose Israel. In this vein, the word "racism" has a special connotation in the U. N. as a code word for South Africa, and the use of this word in the resolution was a means of emotionally connecting anti-South' African sentiment David Vogel rthwhicji l totally agree) to anti-Israeli :ntirneni But the two nations cannot in any ; ane manner be equated as "racist." Of course the Palestinian question should be taken seriously by the U.N., and, of course, the anti-Israeli faction does possess some cogent arguments. But the "brainwashing" that Pat Crockett wishes to escape is best represented by the U.N. resolution itself, and not by its opponents. Mark A. Safford . 38 D Laurel Ridge Mechanical thinking To the editor: . I would like to unite my voice with Mr. Russell's in his article in the D TH of Nov. 1 8, "Examining the sex of the suffix." Also, I would add a few words of my own. If they clear any issue once obscure, my words have served well. Because it suits Mr. Russell's argument so well, I quote Paolo Milano on Dante: "His (Dante's) sense of words is not categorical, as ours often is (the scientific habit has made our modern languages invertebrate, with each term a ready-made dress for a mechanically corresponding concept)." The same could be said of Chaucer as well as Dante. Mr. Milano implies that mechanical usage leads to mechanical thinking. Forcing women and men to use "-person" for "-man" in the nouns Mr. Russell mentions contributes to this mechanical usage, . the same usage that the most prominant politicians and columnists observe daily. I personally wish to defy such people in their mutilation of English. If these writers are feminists, I defy them, too. No enemy of feminism or the DTH, I hope we all will join in an effort to wake up English. Instead of chopping up suffixes and diluting words, our credo should be to use old Anglo-Saxon words in new contexts, to discard stale expressions, to talk with meaningful vigor as did our ancestors, both poet and farmer, man and woman. To think freely and use words with their fullest natural intent is the beginning of liberation, at least for me. Mark Gabriel 201 Hillcrest Rd. O'Neal a bad dream To the editor. VVelL, Mike O'Neal has done it again. UNCs favorite ex-politico has succeeded in getting his name in the DTH. This time, the former treasurer is accused of blackening Bill Bates' reputation by anonymously sending in a receipt to Carolina and Tar Heel showing that Bates spent too much money during his campaign for president. What is O'Neal going to do next, shoot Bates in the back during lunch hour in the Pit? The DTH is not helping matters any by printing everything that occurs between him and his former boss. Granted, the students need to know about what goes on in student government, but the only thing that the Bates regime has done is to waste their time arguing with O'Neal. This guy seems to go out of his way to get attention (remember the O'Neal-RHA presidency controversy last year?) and is doing very well at it. As long as Bates, the Tar Heel and Carolina continue to feed his flames of controversy, he will continue to behave in his childish ways. If a child misbehaves, the normal procedure is to ignore him. I think this method should be used with Mike O'Neal. 1 am fed up with the continuing saga of Mike O'Neal and 1 think a lot of other students are too. Let's just forget about the guy and maybe, like a bad dream, he will go away. Graham Williams Estes Park Apartments Carrboro The Daily Tar Heel welcomes letters to the editor. Letters must be typed, double spaced, on a 60-space line and are subject to condensation or editing for libelous content, bad taste or wordiness. Letters must be signed with the address of the letter writer. Letters should not run over 40 lines (300 words) and should be mailed to the Daily Tar Heel, Carolina Union Building. Letters will run according to length, timeliness and the spatial limitations of the particular day. Unsigned or initialed columns on this page represent the opinion of the Daily Tar Heel. Gestalt vs. raw-boned studs Would the collected wisdom of the sages, culture, experience and just plain Gestalt be enough to overcome the vulgar, physical skills of a bunch of raw-boned studs? Or would the combined effects of creaky reflexes, years of physical neglect and the ravages of numerous effete and abstruse practices take too much of a toll on the wise and worldly graduate students and cause them to succumb? Such was the philosophical question whispered in some sections of the crowd and the object of animated debate in the cheaper seats as the Craige Jerks, alleged diletantes, and the Teague A Rubes took to court number one in Woollen Gym in a first round intramural basketball match. The lines were drawn, the issues clear in the mind of the crowd. But as we, the Craige Jerks, stepped out onto the court, the crowd's musings faded into the cacophony of 20 other contests resounding with the poundings of basketballs and the crash landings of nerveless demons who dove after loose balls as if they were close friends dribbling toward the edge of a cliff. No such weighty question occupied our minds as we worked up a pregame sweat in a heated debate over whether Wittgenstein, was right- or left-handed. We were just in a mood to hand out a good whupping. The Rubes shot layups at the other end . with a graceful precision that generally verified their ominous description in a scouting report provided by our own Mata Hari, Mimi "The FrenchCurve" Tutu" as tall, fast, strong, good shooters and great kissers. ' But when, on occasion, we flexed I forgotten muscles, they popped up in the same old places, and after our brisk warm-up we felt as supple and springy as ever. Also, the Rubes' attenuated center, "Stretch" Marx, had struck his head on a chandelier, suffering a mild concussion, and would not play. So, we were confident. Our spirit and bodies were dampened slightly when we were forced to don sweaty jerseys they had numerals on the backs w hich would identify us to the scorer. They .lay in black, steaming piles at the side of the court where the team that had worn them in the preceding game had plopped them down and looked more like specimens for scatological study than clothing. Summoning up our collective eloquence, the product of some of the finest schools in the nation, we let out a collective "Yeech!" 1 offered to carve any number of the scorer's choosing on my chest with a shoe horn, but the cold-hearted knave refused, and I had to put on my jersey number 34 in your program but number I in your heart. We overcame our handicap the smell reminded me of the stench that wafted out of the sewers of Calcutta several years ago after the city was hit by a plague of ameobic dysentary, with perhaps a pinch of garlic and took the opening tap. But we lost the ball on a traveling call and went on from there to play with a cohesiveness reminiscent of the Democratic party. The outcome was still in doubt, though, as we trailed at the half only . 22-16. How shall I describe the second half? Waterloo, Dunkirk, Dien Bien Phu, New York City. They all pale in comparison with the disaster that befell us. Unpressured passes flew into the enemies' hands or bounced off our knees; the ball ricocheted off our ankles when we tried p dribble it and initiated fast breaks in the opposite direction; ungainly members of the Rubes, perhaps spurred on by the cheers of a bloodthirsty crowd that hadn't seen anything like this since bear-baiting was outlawed, now had, in the words of that eminent sage. Basketball Jones, more moves than Ex-lax, as they passed behind their backs, dribbled between their legs and let fly with accurate 30-foot hook shots. In their hands, the ball was as docile and ma na gable as a goose down pillow; in ours, it was a hyped up Superball the size of a golf ball. Eventually it became even too much for the crowd, which had its original question answered long ago with a clarity unrivaled in philosophy, and it thinned out to a few stragglers who now divided their attention between watching the game and loitering. . But let it be known that the Jerks played hard all the way to the end. I had run up an , oxygen debt on the order of the Federal deficit. My aching feet throbbed as thev. bulged out of holes on the bottom of my sneakers. Yet pride, and other stupid reasons, dictated that I and the rest of the Jerks finish the game. These are the times that try men's souls. The final score was 63-2 1 . For those of you w ithout a calculator handy that works out to a 41-5 butchering in the second half. Instead of handing out the whupping, we were the whuppees. Whoops. "Mr. Vogel, a native of the Bronx, Hill', continue his studies as a graduate student in journalism as soon as he is released from intensive care.

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