6 The Daily Tar Heel Monday, April 10, 1978
Lou Bilionis
Editor
Chuck Alston, Managing Editor I I I' t
Betsy Flagler, Associate Editor I 4
Don Woodard, Associate Editor
Bernie Ransbottom, University Editor "fhllTl It
Mary Anne Rhyne, City Editor 4J Vl I I
David Stacks, State and National Editor
Jaci Hughes, Nws Editor T T f t
Leslie Scism , fVamrw Editor J ( Jm
Mark Scandling, Arts Editor
Lee Pace, Sports Editor
Allen Jernigan, Photography Editor 86,h 'ear f editorial freedom
Rainbow support needed
For 13 years, Rainbow Soccer has provided community residents with an
opportunity to enjoy recreational athletics in the spirit of friendly and easy-going
(and these are important adjectives) competition. The program could stand as a
symbol for what we, as Chapel Hillians, desire in a small-town atmosphere.
Rainbow Soccer, though, is in trouble. According to Kip Ward, president of the
program, necessary funds to maintain and improve field conditions are lacking.
One has only to survey Muirhead Field, where Rainbow teams play, to see that the
quality of grounds upkeep seems to be at a minimum.
Aside from the obvious dangers of poor fields, Ward also cites the need for new
annual salaries for program heads. Many of Rainbow's staff members now spend
their personal time ana money in an effort to ensure the organization's success each
year yet fail to receive adequate compensation.
Currently before the Board of Aldermen is a request submitted by Rainbow
organizers for $21,980 in city funds. The Chapel Hill Parks and Recreation
Commission already has turned down the request, arguing that the program should
solicit more private funds. While Parks and Recreation Commissioner Scott
Herman-Giddens recognized the effort of Rainbow's leaders, he said he doubted
they had exhausted all channels for financial support.
The point Herman-Giddens seems to be neglecting is that Rainbow Soccer, with
its over 2,000 participants, represents probably the largest regular, organized
community activity of any kind in this town. Through its endeavors, people of all
ages have the opportunity to share in the fun and exercise that comes with team
sport.
It is a fact that Rainbow's proposal to the Board of Aldermen comes at a time
when the budget is very tight. With the addition of the town's newest recreational
facilities, an extra $100,000 to $1 15,000 will be spent annually on maintenance.
But the board should consider some aid to Rainbow Soccer a moral obligation.
The proposal before the board is not without its priorities and should receive
serious, careful consideration. For example, while Ward and his staff make
legitimate claims for a salary increase, field maintenance is a more pressing problem
which the town certainly can help address in the coming year.
Only by trying to satisfy the needs of Rainbow Soccer one at a time can the
aldermen reasonably fund the program's needs. Then, with a more concentrated
drive to seek private contributions, Rainbow can continue to provide the
community with a safe and rewarding recreational sport for all ages.
Open the doors and shops
It is no secret that labor unions and workers have never fared well in North
Carolina. The state's rock-bottom wages and predominance of union-free shops '
speak to this fact. It may come as a surprise to the people of this state, though, that
workers and their efforts to organize have met with even less success in recent years
and in fact are losing ground to management and industry.
The Winston-Salem Journal reported that from 1972 to 1974 (the last year for
which figures are available), the percentage of North Carolina workers holding
union memberships fell from 7.2 to 6.8 percent. While the absolute number of
unionized workers grew from 139,000 in 1972 to 140,000 in 1974, the state's work
force grew even faster.
But there are other figures and incidents which state the case in even starker
terms. In 1972, unions won 59 of the 108 elections to admit a union into a shop. That
success rate of 54.6 percent fell to 35.5 percent last year, when unions won only 33 of
the 90 elections conducted.
Two efforts to organize furniture workers in Lenoir failed miserably this year. J.
P. Stevens & Co., the second largest textile firm in the country, operates 55 plants,
including two in Wallace, and has fought off unions for 15 years. The company has
made it a virtual habit to pay federal fines for failure to bargain in good faith with a
recognized union.
A drive to establish a labor center at N.C. Central University to complement the
state's numerous business-administration programs originally received approval
from the U NC Board of Governors. When the General Assembly caught wind of t he
proposal, anti-union sentiment there was piqued. The project then was sent to a
planning committee of the Board of Governors to ensure that the center not become
an instrument of the labor unions.
Additional examples are abundant but need not be recounted. It is clear that
organized labor has made little progress in North Carolina in the recent past and
continues to encounter strong opposition from private industry and the public at
large.
Some of this opposition is understandable. Unions occasionally have served to
damage labor relations and are often guilty of biting off more than they can chew at
the bargaining table. But in a state where the average factory worker receives $1.61
less every hour than the typical American factory worker, the relatively rare
excesses of unions are not as compelling as the benefits organization can provide.
The wages of union workers, according to Harold Mclver, national director of
the AFL-CIO's Industrial Union Department in Charlotte, are about 50 percent
better than t hose of non-union workers. Pensions of union workers are 400 percent
better and holidays are 200 percent better.
If the people of this state are of any consequence. North Carolina will re-evaluate
its position in light of the evidence and open its doors and shops to an organized
labor that strives for fair representation and fair compensation.
Spy tells secrets of 'chinless wonder' Calif ano
By ROBIN Mc WILLI AM
In the March 28 issue oEsquire, there appeared an
article by Leonard Mosley entitled, "Letters from a
Spy, " in which he writes of his correspondence with
Soviet agent Kim Philby. This prompted me to write of
my correspondence with a secret agent (with apologies
to Mr. Mosley).
I have metwithafewtopintelligenceagentsduringa
college career as a Daily Tar Heel columnist, but Lastt
Kawze is the only one&ho never gave away to anyone
except his paymasters that he was a double scotch-on-the-rocks
(shop slang for "agent").
I have been with him when he has gotten drunk with
groups of British and American newspaperpersons in
Cairo, Istanbul, Beirut and Pittsboro but never once
did he give us a hint or arouse even a suspicion that he
was anything but a top echelon, particularly amiable,
spy.
We never guessed he was also turning the secrets of
both HEW and its allies over to the Russians.
A couple months ago, sitting in the hotel lobby of the
Helve in Helsinki, I wrote to Kawze, asking him some
questions which I thought he might answer. Around
the Ides of March, the following letter arrived:
"Dear. Mr. McWilliam,
"1 have just returned to Moscow after a long trip to
Myrtle Beach and was not a little surprised to find your .
prying, meddlesome letter awaiting me. I have not
answered your questions one by one, nor in the
unreasoned order'that they were asked. I hope 1 have
not been too derogatory about J.C. (Joe Califano).
Personally, I liked him a lot. He was nice to have
around: untoward, discontented, unpredictable,
bubble gum-blowing, grape soda-sipping company.
"Why did I call him an "oaf?" Well, it was the first
noun which occurred to me after our introductory
meeting, and he gave me no cause for second thoughts.
He had a habit of talking around a problem, not
coming to grips with it. He puffed incessantly on his
cigarettes, consuming four or five packs a day. I hear
he's now given up smoking, which reminds me of the
time he once said to me, "Like everything else I do, I'll
carry on doing it, until it becomes politically expedient
to change."
"We gave Califano no credit for consistency, and
you shouldn't either. We here in the Kremlin believe he
may do us a lot of good his policies on smoking
(which brings enormous revenue to the U.S. Treasury,
provides much pleasure to many Americans and is a
mainstay of agriculture) and desegregation at that
wonderful University system centered 16 miles from
Pittsboro are more ingenious ways of bruising
America than we could ever dream up here.
"I must declare a personal feeling about Califano
that has come about only recently: he has attributed to
me two pieces of information that we Soviets had
nothing to do with. The scientific report thaUhere is
much nutritional value in the tobacco plant is indeed
genuine U.S. information not a Muscovite plot to
undermine HEW. And I have not been bribing North
Carolinian blacks to say that they are satisfied with the
16-campus UNC system.
"I assure you that HEW itself is responsible for its
strategy and fallacies of reasoning, under the bungling
guidance of Califano, "the chinless wonder," as we
dubbed him.
"Yours sincerely, Lastt Kawze."
Robin McWilliam, a senior, is an interdisciplinary
studies major from Edinburgh, Scotland.
letters to the editor
UVa honor code may not suit needs of UNC
To the editor:
As someone who has closely followed
efforts to improve our honor code this year, 1
have grown tired of hearing about how
grand the honor code at the University of
Virginia is, particularly from those persons
who seem to feel that the UNC-CH Honor
Code should be a revered god, not a
workable system. UVa's honor code may
work well at UVa, but let us remember that
we are not the U niversity of Virginia and that
there are (praise be) certain basic differences
between UVa and UNC.
If we are to make our newly improved
Honor Code work, we must make it work
here. I would like to caution Gary D. Jones
("Editorial Response," April 7), and other
members of the Honor Court who share his
beliefs, against using UVa's system as a
model for implementing the Honor Code
here. If there are safeguards for an accused
student under the "adversary system" as we
now have it, let's be sure they are in our code.
If there are no such safeguards, let's work to
get them as soon as possible. In doing so we
may find useful an examination of honor
court systems at other universities, but when
we implement changes in our own system, 1
hope we will make sure these changes best
suit our needs and our student body.
Emily Seelbinder
CGC Representative, District 6
SG's voice on parking
To the editor:
The editorial "N o deck on South Campus;
yes on a deck for North" appearing in the
Wednesday, March 29 Daily Tar Heelshovs
that Student Government and the DTH have
certain disagreements about what should be
done about parking and transportation on
campus. This is Student Government's side.
Student Government agrees
wholeheartedly with the Daily Tar Heets
stance that the construction of a parking
deck in the health affairs area at this time
would only defer rather than solve the
problem of faculty, staff, and student
parking on campus for a few years. We
support a move toward a fringe lot system.
The North Campus parking deck is the
issue on which Student Government and the
DTH disagree. Student Government's first
concern for parking and transportation is
not special events like those held in
Carmichael Auditorium, Paul Green
Theatre or the Great Hall. We are primarily
concerned with education. While basketball
games rarely occur in Carmichael twice a
week in season, people study at the library
every night. When the Emerson Field
(Carolina Union) lot is lost to construction,
we must first meet these academic needs
effectively. The obvious answer to this
problem is not to build a parking deck but to
utilize the Bell Tower lot. There are three
valid reasons for this: First, the Bell Tower
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lot is paid for. Second, plans are already
being made to light the area between the Bell
Tower lot and South Road to improve
security. Finally, the Bell Tower lot is closer
to both the library and the Carolina Union.
As the crow flies, the distance from the Bell
Tower lot to the library is 300 yards less than
would be the distance from the proposed
parking deck.
Now that the academic concerns about
parking have been solved, let us turn to the
concerns of special events. First, let it be
understood that no state revenues are
received by the University to provide for
transportation and parking on campus. This
means that all money for a parking deck
must be self-generated. Therefore, if we want
to build an 800-space parking deck on North
Campus, we need to raise about $3 million.
To generate this amount of money from
special events parking is impossible without
charging some exorbitant fee like $ 1 0 for two
hours of parking. Hence, student parking
fees must be raised from $63 (the estimated
price of a parking sticker in 1980) to $81.
Although there may be a real need for a
parking deck on North Campus, Student
Government is not yet ready to throw in the
towel and agree that students, faculty and
staff should help subsidize some big Ram's
parking so he can come to a basketball game
unruffled by parking problems. We don't
feel that there is enough information at the
present time to make a valid judgement on
the deck. This is where the difference lies
between the DTH and Student Government.
The Daily Tar Heel supports a North
Campus parking deck whereas Student
Government has not come to that opinion as
of yet.
Can visitors to special events effectively
use a fringe lot? Maybe. Visitors are
notorious for their tendency to follow signs
that are intended for them. A sign which says
"Park here for free shuttle to Carmichael"
could be very effective. By parking on the
perimeter of town traffic congestion would
be much less than the cost of building a
parking garage. This system of fringe lots has
worked well in other areas, as well as in
Chapel Hill during football games, although
we do not currently have enough fringe lots
to significantly reduce traffic.
Paul Arne
Member, Chapel Hill
Transportation Board
Running course explained
To the editor:
The DTH Weekender (March 31)
mistakenly attributed the establishment of
the new jogging course at Finley Golf Course
to the Carolina Athletic Association. I wish
to correct this error and briefly summarize
the situation.
Earlier this semester my predecessor,
David Royle (a runner himself), expressed
strong disappointment to the athletic
department over the banonxunners from the
goif course without provision for a suitable
alternative. The athletic department
responded to this obvious need by creating
the present "red" course. The CAA,
however, had no input into its layout. Since
complaints have been - raised ' about the
quality and safety of the route, I have already
discussed the matter at some length with Bill
Cobey, athletic director, and John
Swofford, assistant athletic director.
The "red" course is intended as an interim
one. Another longer and better running
course currently is being planned of the area
behind the golf course, with track coach Joe
Hilton and Devon Brouse, athletic grounds
superintendent, advising in its design. This
course, when completed, will be open to the
entire University community. In the
meantime, 1 will seek ways to improve the
current course.
I would also like to point out that due to
space limitations, some passages were
excised from the recent CAA column ("CAA
president discusses issues," April 6), one of
which mentioned the third poll of student
opinion supporting our desire for greater
Student Government funding of club sports.
In this poll, taken three weeks ago by
Common Cause chairperson David
Weynand, 480 students ranking campus
organizations gave the sports clubs a priority
virtually identical to that shown in the poll
taken last November, i.e., higher than all the
special interest groups combined,
Dan Heneghan
CAA President
Rafshoon film 'Jimmy Who V spreads Carter image, helps put him in office
Gerald Rafshoon sits on stage in
Memorial Hall, slouched back just slightly
in his chair, listening to James David
Barber, the noted Duke political scientist,
introduce him and his film, Jimmy Who?.
It's not the first time he's seen the film, nor
will it be the last. And while the film rolls, he
sits quietly off to the side of the auditorium,
watching one more time.
Jimmy Who? is a 17-minute chronicle of
Jimmy Carter's meteoric rise to the
presidency. But beyond that, it represents a
10-year span of Gerald Rafshoon's life,
"J N Q VOTES
By CHUCK ALSTON
99
beginning with Carter's 1966 Georgia
gubernatorial race and ending with his 1976
presidential nomination. And even further,
the film is part of the reason w hy the word
president now precedes Jimmy Carter's
name Gerald Rafshoon's a PR and
advertising person, and getting Jimmy
Carter elected was his biggest ad campaign
ever.
The film shows Carter walking the streets
of New England, striding the peanut fields in
Georgia and features a section on political
c rf j ' r s t t f s
turns the floor over to Rafshoon, the latest
master of the art.
"The purpose of the film," Rafshoon says,
"wasn't to give the convention delegates a
look at Jimmy Carter. It was to get 15
minutes on each of the three networks at one
time to present the Jimmy-Carter case."
Gerald Rafshoon's a PR man. For him
the bottom line always remains the same,
getting your product exposure good
exposure when and where you want it.
That night in June 1976 at the Democratic
national convention, he, and Jimmy Who?
succeeded once more.
The Carolina Inn is roughly halfway
between Washington and Atlanta, the axis
along which Rafshoon currently operates.
In Atlanta, it's Rafshoon Advertising
Agency, and in Washington it's Rafshoon
Communications, which opened, for
obvious reasons, in the past year.
As Rafshoon and his daughter, Susan, a
UNC student, take seats in the lobby of the
inn, he talks about the 1976 campaign. But
Rafshoon, always the PR man, downplays
his own prowess. The transition between
Georgia politics and national politics isn't
that great, he says, if you treat each state
individually.
"We ran a grass-roots campaign, state-bv-state.
mine, to win each miliary as a
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Gerald Rafshoon
Jimmy Carter and 10 percent technique. My
job was not to screw up the 10 percent."
While Jimmy Carter is a household name
now , it wasn't so in 1974 w hen Carter began
walking the streets and shaking every hand
in sight. Thus the campaign strategy called
for something a bit more drastic: an all-out
push early, to make up for lost time in name
recognition and media play.
"We gambled everything early,"
Rafshoon says. "It was a high risk strategy.
We banked everything on Iowa and New
Hampshire" (the first two campaign events).
Whv? 'I he intention w as to draw mod. a
:;"c::;;o:i c.;ilv, :r : it rU m-' cv
and organization as the name spread.
"With early media attention we felt we
could go the longest route. The things they
said would hurt having a Southerner with
no-constituency (Carter was not in office at
the campaign's official beginning) we
thought were advantages. He was non
racist, and not having a constituency meant
he could campaign more.
"They also said you can't run in all the
primaries. But we had to. We had to pile up
delegates early. If we hadn't won early, we
wouldn't be in."
Winning early meant getting the name
out, and getting the name out meant doing it
any possible way. "We took every
opportunity, met every invitation possible,"
he says. "In Iowa one time we couldn't find a
political TV show for Jimmy to be on, so he
went on TV and showed them his own recipe
for frying catfish."
It also meant that Jimmy Carter was in
Chapel Hill for the symposium three years
ago, just one more part of his 300 days a year
on the road.
And the issues. "There were no real issues
in the campaign. After Watergate, the CIA
revelations, people were wary of politicians
with solutions to everything."
Rafshoon sat in on the original group of
Carter adv isers, including Hamilton Jordan
and Jodv Powell, that convinced Carter he
ought to try for the presidency. But the road
goes roundabout, and includes a short stint
indirectly working for another president.
Born in 1944, the son of a serviceman,
Rafshoon lived practically everywhere. He
lived in Hawaii and Los Angeles, among
other places, and eventually ended up
majoring in journalism at the University of
Texas at Austin. While in Austin, he worked
for one of the radio stations owned by
President Lyndon Johnson before going on
to the Navy and then Atlanta as an ad copy
writer for Rich's.
He rose through the advertising ranks,
landing the national ad manager's job at
20th-century Fox, before opening up his
Atlanta agency in 1963.
His work on the 1966 Carter
gubernatorial campaign proved fruitless in
terms of achieving victory, but it was his first
try in large-scale politics.
The 1970 Georgia victory and the 1976
national victory are history now, but the
road hasn't ended yet. Rafshoon will once
again serve as media adviser to Carter when
he runs for re-election in 1980.
But like a good PR man, he's not giving
away any secrets. Asked, "What do you
think Gerald Ford did wrong as an
incumbent running for president?," he
merely smiled, noting the fact that he was
now facinu, the same problem.
Chuck Alston, a junior political science
major from Greensboro, is resna-in editor
f r the P...Y 7 c.