Newspapers / The daily Tar Heel. / Aug. 25, 1980, edition 1 / Page 54
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E LT:r:p;ctivcTh3 Daily Tar HeelMonday, August 25, 1C0 r - f M - , WW C n j i ' e - from pae 1 from page 1 Schlosser turned over a half-page of .. the 12-pase report. Long, later said he would subpoena Butkovich, who has been silent on the issue of his infiltration, if he felt .the agent's testimony was necessary. , Fl2jiS2 it UP .' : Media attention, especially by naticnal television and print 'journalists, his foca:?d en the sensational aspects of , t!.: trial. . -. y ' loth sides, defendants '.'and., CWP : rr.'bcrs, have attempted . to .-use ; the -r.v ''a to ca attention. . ' Lcfcr.dar.ts have shaved beards,-cut thr hair end donned, business ; suits"' dillj, undoubtedly to makea good', Lrrrcasion on jurors. . uScS Jr.e six have put on a show of tjfityV" C ri:tiarity, . patriotism and, other c; ' V:::s jurors may find appealing; One -d:r;rdar.t, Jerry Paul Smith,", has a' rar'-.ture -American flag sewn to the . s!;,e cf one of his. jackets. But 'hidden'.: from jurors are the Confederate flags tr.i sv.a:tikas tattooed on the arms of. several cf the defendants. , The CWP has shown itself to be more concerned ' with media coverage than either with the trial or with workers' rights. .' ; The group's energy in Greensboro has been channeled toward appearing in the newspaper or on television daily, calling" the - trial a sham and charging 'the government, the FBI and the local police with the Nov. 3 shootings: '. . - While CWP members picketed in front of the county courthouse one day, 3, (XX) persons looking for jobs stood in front of the State Employment Security Commission office a couple of miles away. ' The workers were assembled, but the party, which claimed to represent the laborers, was concerned more with its media blitz that with the problems of the 12 LUCwC C 150 (Chicken, Big Cowboy Hsmburgsr, Doubls-R- ONE COUPON good thru Sept. 5, ccjrcrr $1.00 oil On a 12. 16. 2D d!ccc pr r r;r f WU tlL 41 J - or.-a COUPON I, I PER CU5TO: lERfT - "1 PER DAY M - r Cood thru Sept. 5, 1SC0 purchase cf cny flatter & ccrr.bo - un i .ii . .. I t V I rrWi: . ONE COtPON HQ, rnncu3To::2n . : ran day ff -jl t .::t u:.Y ; ' ' c-eJt:.niC?p t. Hoy's H2i7 Czcon Chcccabtirrar Thick diced hickory crr.okcd bcon with melted ck.::: : cn a c!:!:cicu3 hambuts:r, ccrved up on a K:.:::r rc!l Cccd thru ?pt. 5 if p.ri 1 r - - Li i H . . . r J t ' i. i working class. - A free spcscli The CWP announced before the trial that it would neither participate nor help . . in the prosecution of the six defendants . being tried now or those who will go on . ' trial later. . - ' " ' . ' . Greensboro ' was plunged into ' the -, national spotlight again when police' r struggled with CWP members;, the'., ; . opening day of jury selection because of . .-restrictions on the ..number, of. people ho could enter the courtroom. . ' :. Marty Nathan, widow . of ' Michael " 'i Nathan, one of the five slain Nov. 3, spoke out from the spectator section in 'court the day of -opening arguments, Aug. 4. . Nathan, refused to be silent, .was - gagged on an order by Long and later --was jailed ..with another CWP member.; , on contempt charges. Y Nelson Johnson, the most active . CWP leader in the area, crashed a press . conference of Gov. James B. Hunt Jr. '.and was removed by security personnel; stormed a meeting of the Greensboro City Council and was removed again; and was arrested but not charged when he climbed atop a column to shout his grievances and rehash CWP rhetoric. Johnson at the time of his arrest was out on $13,000 bond for charges stemming from another incident. The state asked that Johnson's bail be increased to $100,000, charging that he was a danger to the public welfare. The request jvas denied, though Johnson stayed in jail on assault charges after breaking the nose of one officer while being forcibly removed from a courtroom. : Johnson's attorney in the bond increase hearing was Richard Rosen, a UNC Law School instructor. Rosen represented the CWP firebrand without compensation. The state, Rosen said. 1 'III f IVIll J'''-f ,11- CC0 Old eny (Includes our bottomless I zzlzd bar with Chicken, Big Cowboy Hamburger, 1 ; Double-R-Burgcr or I Roast Beef) ! ONE COUPON cood thru Sept. 5, 1SC3 "n coupon : 2 ITcr 2 DimEO ; vith the purchase oi cny pbttcr or combo . '- ! thi nrlrc nf one. if u ". 1 . - .w J" - - . ,. ijS.t 4 delicious flavors: ; fChccohte, Vanilla,1 a Mocha, end Strawberry ! ONE COUPON i FF.n CI 1STOMER crA ih ; PER DAY . Sept. 5, 1C3 , ' & a Regular Order (::?vc!u?) v.::h purdta:a cf cny Ccrr.bo r. ir-' FHL- (0l (T I was attempt!.? ; to use bcrJ laws to muzzle Johnson. "What did (Johnson) do?" Rosen asked Superior Court Judge D. Marsh McLel'an. "He was rude. He was loud. He walked up to the governor and to the : mayor." "The district attorney is trying to take a . defendant he feels is politically distasteful and use the bond laws to incarcerate that defendant," Rosen said. The judge agreed, and the bond increase was denied. -Johnson, undeniably was aggravating .. public opinion against the CWP, instead of drawing support for the overthrow of the government, as state officials feared. 'Exploitation . . ' ' '-.--. . - ' The CWP leader also may have lowered the chances of conviction of the six oh trial, even if their guilt were proved. A basic right in America, however, is free speech. ' And, as Rosen pointed out, free speech must remain a right even if what people are saying is not what mainstream America likes to hear. The state showed a remarkable lack of respect for Johnson's constitutional rights in its attemps to increase his bond and thus keep him locked up. The CWP could have helped convict: those who shot its, members, some of whom may or may not be among those integration participate in campus organizations, and they're going to have to recognize that blacks simply aren't going to assimilate themselves into white culture. Blacks are holding onto their heritage and whites will have to accept that heritage. : Canady is attempting to take the BSM in a new direction to facilitate integration on this campus. Aside from its role as a black rights advocacy group; it will begin this y . r to try to bring about more interaction between black and whte campus groups to make them more homogeneous. Saunders says he also has made a deliberate effort to recruit blacks in Student Government. These actions are positive signs, but THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH AND THE CHAPEL OF THE CROSS WELCOME YOU TO UNC 7:30, 9:15, 11:15 Other Services Daily Weekly Anglican Student Fellowship Eucharist 10 pm Wednesdays The beginning of wisdom... 0 if ton WE mmj amd olo cm US UBLP? r n y - r- i Let Us Print Your oTI;crnc3 Dkccrtalfons Offset Printing at Reasonable Prices! cn tri;J now. Many CWP members were present Nov. 3 and could give positive identification of those who did the shooting. - By refusing to testify, the CWP purportedly rejects the American legal system. Still, the group demands the rights allowed by the U.S. Constitition in the state's handling of Nelson Johnson and in the CWP's continued attack on the federal government, capitalism and democracy. CWP rehetoric, often incoherent, claims the state and other government institutions and individuals, with help from the Klan and Nazis, murdered what they call the "CWP 5." The group shouts for justice, yet refuses to help attain it through the only legal avenue available. Believing in a cause is admirable. Living by one's beliefs is even more noteworthy. But hiding behind blind, empty accusations, rejecting facts in favor of rhetoric and waving like a bloody flag the deaths of five persons is not admirable. It is exploitation. Justice, a fleeting concept . often hindered by the legal system, depends in criminal cases on evidence and identification of criminals. The behavior of all parties involved in the Klan-Nazi trial in Greensboro has shown that few, if any, of those involved are interested in justice. from pas? 1 they're only a beginning. And until integration is achieved,' organizations and activities for blacks will continue to exist. Canady says he expects the BSM to be around, to paraphrase Martin Luther King Jr., "until we can get people to judge us on the content of our character and not the color of our skin." That order isn't going to be filled by Washington bureaucrats working to end duplication of programs on 16 university campuses. It'll only be accomplished when white and black students here learn to recognize, appreciate and accept the characteristics that make them different. And that's still a long time to come. Sundays I J i am, & 5:15 pm put vUjjy ,iaJ self-service ' 20 lb. white paper f"; ti ess v ; OT.CLi'ACC?fCEr!TEQ hcjlir.g with t:.e federal government and have had the most headaches." In desegregation negotiations the government has two options. It can refer a 'case to the Justice Department for negotiations as it did with Louisiana, or start proceedings through the Department of Education, which is the route it took with UNC. In both circumstances the two parties can agree on a settlement at any time. If North Carolina loses its battle, ' money is at stake; if Louisiana submits a plan that is unacceptable or fails to carry out government directives, its officials theoretically could be held in contempt of court and go to jail. "Although it's a bit different, I have really been waiting on the North Carolina case," Ferlita said. "We are beginning to look at it more seriously because its outcome will affect other states. I think (the North Carolina case) is going to give us answers we haven't been able to get through negotiations." -. Dsplk&tion its key There are common problems all the southern states have encountered in their attempts to satisfy government guidelines for desegregation, but program duplication heads the list. . "The main thing we're talking about is duplication," Ferlita said. "All the universities within our system are doing their best to integrate in terms of numbers. The main bone of contention is what (program) goes where." " ; Louisiana has nine , predominantly white schools and four predominantly black schools. The white schools have an, average of between 12 and 15 perqrnV black population. ? "r 7 H "It's not the numbers that cdiiHC, Ferlita said. "It has a sociological root and most parents probably would send their kids clear across the country before sending them to Grambling or Southern University (two of the' state's black schools)." tV"-'..: ! But the government has made it clear . that it is not seeking to close", down current programs if there are two equal" programs at a black and white school . located near each other. It is seeking to. eliminate duplication, of new programs that are being planned for the, years , ahead Jesse Stone, president "rk University at Baton Rougej: .-saLd1' he thinks some duplication is necessary even if it does upset racial balance. "We do think we must broaden our programs and objectives so as to include whites at black schools and vice versa. The main way to do this is to enhance the black schools by putting key programs there." He said program planning and financial assistance would be the key. "Many people say money is the root of all evils, but when it applies to us I think money could be the rooLpLcpst food ZL Stone said. ' A recent report issued by the Southern Regional Education Board states that duplication of programs does not necessarily impede the elimination of a segregated system. "I think the key emphasis of the report was on the word 'unnecessary,'" said James Godard who conducted the study. "We feel the contention , that the student will follow the program wherever it goes is of dubious validity on an undergraduate level. He's there for the lifestyle, whether it be sports, fraternities, etc." Poor program planning But critics of the University claim the administration and UNC Board of Governors could have avoided the controversy years ago with proper planning for the black schools.' Among it hrpe'ei ta trcfctJru s f,n. Ttsn litn, to'-. vr r". ; tfi" : Citl,2. he j;-A-;es. zr.3 tus.r.tssrr.sn xcurr.t.c1 ta tr.t tt: ,: tf f F ct Paisr Pc.r.t irl r.r.c r.tr f.ns. CArn. twt is st ft a;' $0 cr ary ts tct a P.'ct t'zzzt Pc r.t r"i that wrstc-s a ,!". rp tr-'.'-A", 1..-. o'l cc.ts a rrc i.tt'3 r.ct;: cc"jf tr.2t rr.&rv he' - if is cary. n rr. i ta i ur.-;-fSUr.jtr f f j;:r F; r.t p-, 'ts v, :n 1z'Al-i J I' ijZ'i czzzr , j z't fcj cf tr F -. t f . i A :."7 v..:n z i fr, rr.rr r.zzir f - r.t f . r. rtx V2 c:: - -" ' j. .tf.- -r. . . ' it's f :-d to fi -t a f ci t P.: :i tr,2 f i - 9 a f - .! j: There's f'ere In Ycur -f, -1 the chief examples are the location of a school of veterinary medicine at N.C. State University and a medical school at East Carolina University. "I can't think of anything that could have helped more than if the state put the vet school at (N.C.) A&T (State University in Greensboro)," said Hayden Renwick, "associate dean for UNC-CH's College of Arts and' Sciences. "When the proposal came up to put the school at State, the state should have said, 'No we can't do that because we commited outselves to establishing facilities to attract all students,'" he said. "The only way you solve these problems is to be perfectly honest, and you're goina to hurt some feelings but it s a start. After a tour of the UNC system in the spring of 1979 government officials said the University would have to spend $125 million to upgrade the black schools, a figure administration officials said was unreasonable. Since 1972 UNC has pumped $S0 million into the black schools, $20 million for renovation and . repair and 160 million for capital improvements. But some observers have said it's not enough. "The money we have received at Fayetteville State has helped some, but when you have to spread out the total over five schools, it doesn't go very far," Lyons said. "Apart from this, though, I think one of the most important things is trying to find ways to produce more black professionals this is our end goal. ' Private schools ' " . " While both sides have tried to argue how best to achieve this goal in the public systems; the private colleges and universities have not been affected thus far. But that situation may change, largely depending on the outcome of the - UNC case. '-: : The Legal Defense Fund recently announced it is working to expand . desegregation requirements to . include private colleges and universities in states where public institutions are negotiating with the government. , "It's irritating to watch the government crack down on us when the v w ar" one UNC official said. "And the argument that they are immune is invalid because they receive massive amounts of federal money." : The Statistical Abstracts for Higher Education in North Carolina for 1978-1979 lists Duke University as having a 4.5 percent black population and Wake Forest University with 3.6 black enrollment. The corresponding figures for UNC-Chapel Hill and N.C. State for the same period are 6.8 and 5.7 percent respectively. Desegregation and politics A final aspect of the case that looms in the background involves the presidential election this fall. With President Jimmy Carter's support in the southern states dwindling, North Carolina could be a key state for the incumbent. The desegregation dispute, coupled with Joseph Califano's campaign against smoking, has left many residents angry at the current administration. Ronald Reagan could capitalize on the case over the course of the campaign. "Reagan could come in here and say, I know a way to solve this problem and can do it in 30 days,'" an observer said. "And as president he could do it by telling the government to get off the state's back and let them handle it themselves. He could pick up 50,000 votes in one day." for - j - ,oy", '1 t s 11 :? is rt r, t3 r u c vf i: i w s ts hi t p tt p-.rt f'cm c- "1 3 a - -s a tt 1 , ? f ;. t:i f:5kt rt ti-ci to veer tit 1 I (i . 1 J IH m , I I.'. t 1 4 I 5- ; g V, ' '?
Aug. 25, 1980, edition 1
54
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