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6Tha Daily Tar Hm.-I Friday M.irch ?0, 1981
Jim Ht'MMM. iw
Susan Maunf.y. liw
Mark Murriil. .ivu.- :..
JONATHAN BJCH. AssAiav Mm
D)uina Ralston. ( 'mWry jJi.t
John Royster. ovy vJiw
QlARLES HERNIX)N. Suic aud Naiunul Ldim
DETH EURRELL. Nms VJim
Clifton Barnes. $pm i:Jw
Tom Moore. Am aim
DONNA WHITAKER. Fratum Editor
Scott Sharpe. pknijhr
Ann Peters, wnhenitr EJuor
Norman Cannada. Ombudsman
M year of editorial freedom
THE Dally CrcssivonJ byi.JUdahkooiyk
1 Use a
18 First son
27 Of tha
33 Dill, eld -ttyla
35 S39 23A
33 Ha helped
42 They cara
' 43 Sou!: Fr.
13 Vana dir.
Yesterday's Puzzia Solved:
. : t .; 1
, ' , - t t rr
55 Dtcelva 22 -da- ..-
53 Swap Franca
57 Sailors' 25 Declaim
. saint 23 Eagla'a
53 Lu!u asset
53 Kind of 27 Indigo
CO Kind of 23 Dsscartss
beer 23 Ssnsclass
61 Sha pre- 33 Despatch
62 Redacts 31 Ccllaen
63 Signal for 32 Latin poet
correct 33 Entrsnca
time 3 Disturb
. 1 ImpuSshra 33 l&a a
2 rJstlca tSuabed
3 "Taka 43 Circus -from
ma" . psrfermars
4 Garat played 44 G
with 43 45 Changs
cards 47 West
6 Off Ilka 43 d'.a
7 Exam'na 43 St Lsurent
cartfuHy 53 Toward tha
8 Sahara's 51 "Tha Gift
surface cftha "
9 Gilbert and 52 C::'.:r'a
" Sulllvsn t-rzzi
product 53 Fed
10 Pastry 54 Tims long
11 Secular past
12 Draws 55 LZ'lt'J
p n n n r i n ! u n r n in 1
1 ' ' i I !
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Z? ZMKZ? GILT! NAN
To say that that the budget hearings last year were a total disaster
would not be fair to the members of the Campus Governing Council who
spent hours deciding how $ 1 85,000 could be divided fairly among 37 cam
pus organizations. To say that the hearings were a success would be a slap
in the face of the organizations that felt funding cuts and denials resulted
from a lack of time and communication on the part of the CGC's Finance
Campus organizations submitted their budgets Thursday along with re
quests for funding for the 1931-1982 fiscal year. During the next few
weeks, members of the Rules and Judiciary, Student Affairs and Finance
Committees must decide which organizations merit a share of student fees
and how much they will receive. This in not a task that can be taken lightly
and while there have been steps taken to combat the problems that
damaged the hearings last year, there are still some serious problems in the
process. - :
With the exception of one representative, the newly-elected members
of the CGC do not have first-hand experience in the campus budgeting
process. One of the major complaints of organizations last year was that
the members of the committees were not fully aware of their responsibility
to determine fairly the amount of money each organization should receive.
Finance Committee Chairman Mike Vandenbergh admits that, as
novices, they have a lot to learn about funding campus organizations.
Individual members of the CGC have expressed a sincere concern to
see that campus groups are treated fairly and objectively during the
hearings, but unless the representatives have a working knowledge about
the budget system, the confusion that plagued last year's proceedings will
During last year's proceedings, most organizations either had their
funding requests severly cut or completely denied. As a result of this, an
Appeals Committee was established specifically to handle complaints
from organizations that felt they were treated unfairly during the
hearings. But members of the CGC and campus organizations must
remember that the committee's function is to judge procedural
violations, not budget cuts. . . -
With a 12 percent inflation rate and no student fee increases in the past
two years, someone is going to have to take a cut somewhere. The
Appeals Committee should not be tied down listening to budget cuts
complaints when there is no more money to allocate.
CGC committees have been given two extra weeks to review budget
requests, meet with organizations, study treasury laws and send
evaluations to the Finance Committee. The Finance Committee now has
three weeks to determine cuts before the final hearing on Saturday before
the last week of classes.
Former CGC members and other students familiar with the budget
process have met with committees to ensure a better understanding of the
system by the new representatives. - While these steps are commendable,
. only the conduct of the members at the hearings and the decisions made
will determine whether this revised process should become permanent.
SmtRiJ of two-part series :'
The Easter Risir.3 of 1916 marked the benrln cf the
Catholics' war for independence in northern Ireland.
The uprising could hardly be termed a military success.
Public support for the rebels was almost non-existent.
End after only a week of fighting the insurrection was
'crushed., .- " - . : ' ,. : : .
Then the British made a fatal mistake. In the month
following the rebellion, 16 of the rebels' leaders were
executed. The effect was to create; 16.. martyrs to the
Republican cause. Public opinion shifted dramatically .
in favor of the "freedom fighters." Thus, in the years
of guerrilla warfare against the British that followed,
the Irish Republican Army (IRA) was able to count on the
support of a largely sympathetic Irish civilian population.
By mid-1921 , the British Government was in a genuine
..quandary. Guerrilla tactics by the IRA in the south were
taking a terrible toll in bloodshed. To Lloyd George,
then prime minister, surrendering contrpl of Ireland to
the Republicans must have seemed like an attractive
way of getting rid of a very messy problem.
In Ulster, however, the northern Protestants threat
ened mass resistance to their inclusion in an independent
Irish state. Their motto was simple: "What we have we
hold." Inclusion in an all-Ireland state, where they
' would be in a minority, posed a threat to their power,
and was to be fought at all costs.
Intransigence on the part of the Ulster Unionists
meant that a compromise between Irish nationalism
and Protestant desires to preserve the status quo was
inevitable. Finally, after months of difficult negotiations
between the IRA and the British cabinet, the details of
.that compromise were hammered out. On Dec. 6, 1921,
an agreement known as the Anglo-Irish Treaty 'was
signed at Downing Street. '
Ireland was to be partitioned. Twenty-six of its ,32
counties were to be granted independence. The other six
northeastern counties, those with a Protestant majority,
were to remain a part of Great Britain. Thus Protestant
uprcmacy in the north, where Catholics were outnum
bered two to one, was assured for another 50 years.
It would have seemed likely that once the million
Protestants in northern Ireland got their way, they
could have begun living in some semblance of harmony
with the half million Catholics. It was not to work that
way, however. Fear of the "Papist threat" heightened, if
anything. The neighboring Catholic Republic of Ireland
was perceived as a constant threat. This fear took its ex
pression in persistent, systematic discrimination against
the Catholic minority. In this way the fuse was set.
That fuse was lit in 1968, when young Catholics
and a few sympathetic Protestants began a series of
civil rights marches asking for an end to discrimination.
They were beaten by angry Protestant mobs, who saw
civil rights for Catholics as a first step toward unifica
tion with the southern Republic.
The explosion finally came in August, 1959. Riots
occurred in Deny and Belfast, in which the notorious
"Specials" of the Royal Ulster Constabulary became
almost indistinguishable from the Protestant mob, as they
. fired submachine guns and tear gas at rioting Catholics.
British troops had to be deployed in the streets of the two
cities to preserve law and order, which was suffering severely
at the hands of the police.
It was not long before gratuitous brutality on the
part of the British troops provoked angry reactions
from the Catholic population. The inhabitants of the
Catholic ghettos were driven to seek protection from
their would-be protectors. And so the IRA rose from
the ashes, to supply that protection.
On Oct. 31, 1970, the Provisional IRA killed its first
British soldier on the streets of Belfast. After 50 years
the men of violence were back in business. Tragically,
subsequent events were to drive the Catholic population
into relying on these men. When British troops raided
the Catholic ghettos on the night of Aug. 9, 1971, and
arrested 342 men to be held without charges; or when 13
civilians were shot down by the British army in the
streets of Derry on "Bloody Sunday" in Jan. 1972,
what option did the Catholic people have, except to
turn to the IRA for protection?
In response to the growth of the IRA, Protestant
paramilitary groups called the Ulster Defense Association
(UDA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) sprang
up. Sectarian killings became rampant and the spiral of
violence escalated further. V
' , . Meanwhile the politicians strued to find a solution.
Successive British governments have grappled with the
problem. Ultimately, every proposal for power sharing
between both groups has foundered on the rock-like
intransigence of the Protestant extremists. In the mean
time, the handful of Catholic extremists in the IRA
continues to embark on a campaign cf terrorism and
violence, despite a large-scale erosion of popular rapport
in the last few years. And the death-tc'J mounts steadily.
Solutions? I can, sadly, offer none. One thing, how
ever, seems clear. As long as Catholics generally, both
north and south of the border, think of Irish unity as
.the only solution, and as long as the Provisional IRA
draws its mandate from this vague conviction, no peace
is likely. It simply is not possible nor d::irab!e to
coerce a million unwilling Protestants into a "United
Ireland." The IRA could do with a strong dace cf realism.
So, too, could the Ulster Protestants. To expect half
a million Catholics to sit back and put up with institu
tionalized discrimination is asking for trouble. It is time
that the rights of the minority in northern Ireland be
recognized. Catholics must be granted a real say in gov
ernment. Both groups need to shrug off the fear and
suspicion which is the legacy of the past They must
escape from the prison of their history.
For most of us, even in the Republic of Ireland, the
troubles in northern Ireland no longer penetrate our
consciousness very deeply. The images of death and
violence flicker across our TV screens and are banished
t from our rninds We have become numbed to the tragedy.
For the people of northern Ireland, trapped in the prison
. of their own history, it remains a grim and abiding reality.
Let us hope, and pray, for their release.
David Giltinan is a graduate student in statistics from
lasers to tha editor -
S'. ,1 t.y Cr ' ; ) Ti.: fJ Y. N-s L.;rJ l-c.
To the editor: s '
'Although I am by no means a supporter
of the Moral Majority and condemn its
actions just as heartily as Roger Lancaster,.
I neither appreciated nor enjoyed his arti
cle (A modest proposal for the Moral
Majority, DTH. March 17). The Moral
Majority is serious in its intent and it is
gaining disciples and power at an alarming
rate. So how could the petty and sniping
observations of Lancaster show anyone .
that the opponents of the Moral Majority
are equally serious and committed?
1 do realize that the article was intended
as satire, but in my opinion, it failed as
such. I recognize the title and intent
from a similar work written by Jonathan
Swift which bitterly castigated the English
landlord system in Ireland. His work
was successful (and humorous) because
he concentrated his attack on an institu
tion both corrupt and horribly cruel. As
I said before, I do not support the Moral
Majority, but I do not believe it is either,
of these things.
Also, I was offended from a Christian
point of view. I am a Christian and it
hurt to see something as valuable to me
as the Bible so spitefully and degradingly
used. Who gave you that right, Lancaster? :
You took the easy way out; instead of
intelligence and respect, you chose ridi
cule and degradation. You wrote not bit
ing satire, which could have been most
effective if properly handled, but a mali
' cious cheap shot.
Finally, 1 am sure there will be many
more letters from equally offended stu
dents, but probably most of those students
will be supporters of the Moral Majority,
and therein lies the true harm of the article.
As a result of your "modest proposal,"
Lancaster, they have been made martyrs,
and what better way to win support for a
Sarah Park Stuart
2603 Granville South
To the editor:
Everyone knows that Coach Dick Crum,
.the coaches and their families, and the
football team went down to Houston
over the Christmas holidays. Everyone
knows the Tar Heels defeated Texas -
right; had an enjoyable time right;
and left six players and two trainers in
That's right, Dick Crum ACC Coach
of the Year left eight members of the
. team on Jan. 1, 1931, at the hotel where
the team was staving. I know because I
was one of the persons involved. Of
this incident is not known, except
by Crum and a selected few, because in
my opinion it would create an undesirable
image for Crum and the football program.
Not even ail members of the team were
aware that we had been left behind "on
our own" in Texas.
The unwanted eight realize that rules
are meant to be followed. It is a fact we all
were told what time the buses would be
departing for the airport. But, Carolina
had beaten Texas the night before
New Year's Eve and 7:30 a.m. was an
early departure time. Even though we
were the only ones left, a number of the
other players made the buses by accident.
It was ensured that all players received
wake-up calls on practice mornings prior
to the game, even if calls were not re
quested. I personally requested a wake
up call the night before the morning of
departure and I did not receive it.
In my judgment, Dick Crum exhibited
unethical actions, because he was well
aware he was leaving a number of players
behind. We all could have possibly made
the original flight back to North Carolina
because of a flight delay. But, I suppose
Crum did not feel obligated to contact
us at the hotel to inform us of this devel
opment. This occurred after a law en
forcement officer from the hctd contacted
him concerning our absence.
Although responsibility is shared by
both parties, Coach Crum was responsi
ble for our safety and well-being. Crum
should have realized everyone probably
did not have adequate money for a trip
home after being in Houston for nearly
I seriously question Crum's judgment
and his way of setting an example
leaving someone stranded 1,200 miles
away from home. Someone could have
been injured and that would have been
Finally, I believe it is unfair for the
players and trainers left behind to pay
for their plane fare home. It is a matter
of principle, and in my opinion, reflects
an irresponsible and insensitive attitude
on the part of Crum.
. 224 Ehringhaus
To the editor:
Never before in my four long years
here at UNC have I been as thoroughly
satisfied with Tks Daily Tar Heel as I
was with your March 16th issue. It seemed
the staff writers, instead of whipping off
sloppy works cf journalism Eke they fre
quently do, spent the necessary time to
piece together engaging news, and the
end product proved enjoyable to read.
To be specific, the articles on North
Carolina arts, Willie Nelson's unique
brand of music, the Horace Williams
Airport controversy and David Poole's
comical experiences in front of a live
camera were well-written, informative
and insightful. I thank you for restoring
my faith in our newspaper. Let's sec if
you can maintain this quality.
212 McCauley Street
The Daily Tar Heel welcomes
letters to the editor and contribu
tions of columns for the editorial
Such contributions should be
typed, triple-spaced, on a 60-space
line, and are subject to editing.
Column writers should include
their majors and hometowns; each
latter should include the writer's
name, address and telephone
ii i i i . it flit lit
ZJ ii .
By JIM HUMMEL
The debate over. whether to require a deposit ca bev
erage containers is gearing up in state legislatures across
the country. Proponents cf the so-called "bottle till",
in North Carolina are vowing to fs;ht industry lobbying
that has defeated the till since it first came up in 1974.
The bill, which would require a 5-cenl deposit cn any
bottle cr can that "contains a beverage under caib-ona-t.'-rt,"
rs rvrt stiff crpc.:I::n f;cm tc.:': rrafaat jrers
tr.J br.cr:;e dl;t:lb-:cn who c!:I:n the L;I:l:.Ica
,...' I " v "" ""'" r " t !f
"V. C:n'l hrJiaie to j:y tl.:t t!:re v. Ill be pel rrv,"
tr.I J Re?. Marie Cellar. D-A:hr II'a v. la is aircr::Ir,
a t.li t:.:t will te fcucJace i in the Gr.:rai A:::rr.t!y
cnTur:i;y. In aJJ,:Icn to 1 r 5e r.t rpo:It the I 1
ticn cl!Is a cr.e ctr.t l.an Il rg cl.ir:: fa I:'? d:Uzy
Tt.etcttle t II! r.tsi m a centre rrr! tap!; in r.ar.y
states t a-.-.ecfccnfu-.Ic.i aVa.t v. hit la-pact l! vc.Ji
-r- -::i.CC:-::ht':. ' t tl i th:rr .'Ml : : n
i.-v.L! t'l : :.r:nt r-Ici, 1 .4 c:c.i the i.nareivr Jcr.ts
c f r ' z n , c r- -r y f : c s tn i crr.ircr.-.;
c :.t V. ?pr. j eft!,;!'.'. Lr c:.. h th: c
Because tills ceres the country appear to be gaining
support Milne, Ccr.r.cctirut, Mich jn, Iowa, Oregon
and crmcnt have already paired depct lci'--ton
industry groups are pouring a great deal of money into
fitting the hllli.
"The bill goes to the jugular cf the industry," said
Rc;:r E;rr.:t;in, a spclr.man for the Gla:s PackeIng
Institute in Waf,hincton. "Inoantly it ral:n the price cf
soda and t:tr and ii puts r jebs c; ii r hr.j."
Bemttcln's cc.r.;n:s r 'e two r.I -cept-er.s
about the bcttle till that s Ih.etotecc 'Jinthe
public's mini if ii' :re U t, 1 . any I.rpe f. r prr. -;r.
Many r ccr. .i:r th: 5 . -t dtp -"It a t.. tut it is
mere an teener.!: i.-.c:r..r.;. rcrplatrc u:.-:r rocb!;
gzilcn to rr.crn t!.? containers, but in the i.:,t:s thai
have tattle t Ills t! is a C 3 prccr.t return t:;:.
Th? c.h.r cbl.n by irj ;try is that a to::!: t.ll v.-u! J
t' , ;zi: j .1:. Wh.Ie there cM t e &n in.tlil I cf
j ' ; 1 1 the tc::;.g iniu-.try. i:'::..l frpcrts frc.n tlz
f. ' r J tfmer.1 i.-.Jc'e th t j .1 s era. J t y htnjllr
t.'i !i .:.,'J fcrfi i. a-r tr Hy a 2 x v:.;.r,..
On ts.e it:.:: L-.;!, CcI.i'-.IJ : 1 t;:.nt:ih-j
t-arJ c.i the t Ii uA x.'.-J if XX I - . ey r ,:e c H1 e
I ' ' rv 1 - r 1 I ti u -.-..r - n c f i ' . vy
ccnrrl "ns t f.-IJcJ carp erJ th..t I c:
th? i: ::. :I .1. thv; J t M. -. J t e I .I'-.'ti
to'M to special jr.tere:! prcvpi. "There b a full tl.-r.e let by.
H over here (a the fcgbhiturt) tnd some becang ccmpanks
have sent each member cf the I lau:e a caca cf soda,"
On the national slia separate tl'Ii were tatrcdsxd this '
week b the I lou'-e and Senate tl.it are 6rr2zx to tle till Li
North Carofna, but requue a 2er.t hanging fee. "We're
in f jt a la -3 f:,ht, bu! v, e're rptlcr '. J tut cvr thr-.-cr.."
J i i ...1 . k.lfc.-.U.-i...-.l -j v. .,
lo t-rrcrt the trglaatlan. I.i the Hc-i'.e, 33 ct.-rr.
men hae t'-ned a tcttlr M i pa-.;arcd ty Hrp. J;.:."rs
An.. :hrr c: ; Vm frcm tl VA r.try ii lh;t it b l.'.r
I ( ..: 1. "I:,::les t:A .:t ti t t:rr r::; t;
syr..'. ..! cf a t! "a-a-2y icxhty," r.-fn:t:I.-j s:IJ. "If
we v.; t jo a 'A::-1 the prcl !:m cf Liter and ccn .rrva.
tbn, let's c o 1!.: !.?it cf the rr ::t;r. V.'j t o JA r et
hiL:; cr.: V. '.-j tct fecik to ct" .;rve i's t'l z::z."
ll-tr . , n' c-.r.:n.-r a:e a.r.''. t ..I -h. t te f. 13
reile ii th:t ): j h:ve l V t : rv. V.l It rjy
prcr.eiotea.li -::n.n I:n.e f.:r r-.: ;re.;hst 1
Uat dih .? n if tl :r tUcv Itrv
feet..-: tl e cnvlrc-.:r,rr.j ;r ! t;l: z c hi H ? ) . rs
tL-A.t is eA:clU D 1-r H;vh