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4The Daily Tar HeelTuesday, April 6. 1982 abr Datlii (Tar Hrrl 90i .year of editorial freedom John Drescher. EJ.wr Ann Peters. Mma Editor Kerry DeRochi. Auxuk Edit Rachel Perry. Unm-my Editor Alan Chapple. cuyEduor JlM WRINN.Swrr and National Editor Linda Robertson. Spom Editor AL STEELE, Photography Editor KEN MlNGIS, Associate Editor ELAINE MCCLATCHEY, Projects Editor LYNN PEITHMAN. Neirs Editor SUSAN HUDSON. Features Editor NlSSEN RlTTER. Arts Editor Teresa Curry. SpotHoht Editor ISRAEL N CONFLICT U.S. forced into silence over West Bank annexation attempt Opening hearings University policy dictates that any student who appears before the Honor Court for a possible Honor Code violation has the right to a closed hearing. Accused students also, however, have the right to re quest an open hearing. Any person is allowed into an open hearing, but because notification is not given, open hearings essentially operate with out the knowledge of the public. If open hearings are to be an option for defendants and they should be then the hearings should be publicized to be truly open and accessible to the University community. There are good reasons for students to have the right to a closed hear ing. For example, if all hearings of the Honor Court were open and re ceived press coverage, even students found innocent might be damaged by their public association with the charges. There are also, however, good reasons for having open hearings. If a request for an open hearing is granted, as it usually is, the defendant may invite whomever he chooses to attend his hearing. A defendant usually chooses an open hearing because he wishes for family or friends to be present. But a defendant may choose to have an open hearing be cause of a wish for others to see whether the court operates in a fair and efficient manner. Open hearings also serve to educate viewers on the operation of the honor system proceedings. Neither the public nor the media have been able to determine when a hearing is to be open. Because there is no policy, past attorneys general have handled the situation differently, but most have not commented on questions concerning the status of an open hearing. Present Attorney General Bill Kimball, however, thinks that his of fice should have a policy concerning the notification of open hearings. Kimball will suggest to the Committee on Student Conduct today that notification of all open hearings be posted publicly in the Carolina Union or be announced in the Union before the hearing. Kimball is not alone in his desire for the attorney general's office to have a policy publicizing open hearings. Past attorneys general also have felt that members of the public and media should have greater ac cess to open hearings. The committee should take this opportunity to establish a policy of notification. Only 5 to 10 percent of all cases heard by the Honor Court are open. Making open hearings more accessible to the public may reduce that percentage. Regardless, if a hearing is open in theory, it also should be open in practice. The Bottom Line Hungry? There's a bandit in Palo Alto, Calif, that police would really like to bag the one who's been making off with their lunches. The thefts have been going on for more than a year: a chicken sandwich here, a cup of yogurt there. Investigators haven't been able to nab the culprit but not for lack of trying. "I went as far as to get this special powder to dust the inside of a lunch bag. I actually took department money and bought some Kentucky Fried Chicken and other stuff. We're talking bait," police agent Charles Aubuchon said. But he said the six-hour effort over three days, which included staking out the bag and vatching it through a peephole was to no avail. The only consolation, police say, is that the bandit doesn't touch their desserts. And that's the bottom line. THE Daily Crossword By Virginia Hassinger 1 ACROSS Delivery message letters 5 Asian big shot 9 Bucket 13 Cougar 14 Boom or barrier 16 Prefix for science 17 Tentmaker 18 Puccini opera 19 Greek letters 20 Giveaway artist 23 Diner sign 24 " is the Kingdom" 25 Assail witheringly 28 Viscous stuff 30 ease 31 Chimney lining 32 Viral disease 35 Benefici aries of 48 A 39 Yellow or Red 40 Helper 41 Uptight 42 Menu 44 Biewahorn 45 Kind of bath 47 Curse 48 Big name in steel 53 Strip 54 Very tired 55 Pinnacle 57 Southwest wind 58 WWII meeting place 59 Slay 60 Trick 61 Tall tale 62 Heraldic term 27 28 29 31 32 33 34 36 37 38 42 Yesterday's Puzzle Solved: c h aTs f! c aTmT"eTi FTrT eTt e HUH JAM AH 0V.ER. ALA "ROB" E L E MUD I NjO PAL ALLUNED E D 1 E D. TZTlT I N T QC. JR. JE NATE PI I PAL fOG L I B ., All 1 E JP R. A C T 1C.A1 1111 U LL AH K G N. 5.11 H AIM Ml E R I N 6 jH ANSA " '1 L I N T H A N GjOW CH.0.JL 11 Y CIS A R I . I it All E N H I N DJM 0 S T AjM AHf DRI EDABEA JLAG.iL iilil LIAR q1n 1 e I r LiYio IdIeIlLieIlIlIe 4662 DOWN 1 Soldier's address 2 Cesspool 3 Asian nurse 4 About life in academe 5 Manor 6 Satellites 7 MIT, e.g. 8 Opulent 9 Chicken dish 10 At full speed 11 Busy 12 Tilt 15 French explorer 21 CityNNE of Helsinki 22 Electrical measurement 25 Tastes 26 Whodunit item Longa, Italy Base approach Oil job, for short Dart Informer majesty Secondhand Tasty seed Repent Turncoat Muscle relaxant One, in Edinburgh Mother of Samuel Result of Murphy's Law Shaping tools 47 Swedish actress May 48 Culture medium 49 Seafood item 50 Friend 51 Religious picture 52 Discharge 56 Chemical 43 44 45 46 SSSSB!SB5B!BB355BBS5K 1 1 1 1 4 I 1 5 6 p 18 r 19 110 111 Tf 75 i4 ' 15 I 75 " 17 7a 7 ymmammm hmhhb m aBM MaMW mo mMh mm itMazmmi mhm hhm 20 21 22 j- iCXiCTiT" """"" 28T"29" " lo ' " IT ITTMTir" "39 To 7i 42 UT" IT" i 'ignpr" if " H 49T5T" '. 51 152 rmmmmmmm nhvi hhmhhh MmMP n&mmm umbom hmmw hbhmhh pqilVmHq mtmtmm hhhm MNiHm ntfttkiMMli I 53 54 1 55 56 i - To Ti i 62 Mill Mil 11 I I I 01982 Tribune Company Syndicate, Inc. All Rights Reserved 4682 BY HERBERT BODMAN The true cost of the Camp David agreements is now apparent in the waning days of the Israeli occupation of the Sinai. With less than a month remaining before Israel is due to transfer the remainder of the Sinai back to Egypt, Israel is sending signals galore to Washington that it fully intends to implement the Sinai agreement, despite its misgivings about the intentions of the new govern ment of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt. These assurances to the United States government have not been obtained cheaply, however. The price to Washington for realizing the Sinai transfer has been its utter silence while Israel implements its own interpreta tion of the other Camp David accord: the autonomy plan for the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The government of Menachem Begin proposes an un defined autonomy of Palestinians as persons while deny ing them territorial autonomy. Their land is to be ab sorbed into Israel and settled by Israelis. As the Reagan administration freezes everything in the Middle East for fear the Begin government will refuse to hand over the Sinai, the Israelis are in turn putting their own plan into effect in the occupied territories. The price to Washington for realizing the Sinai transfer has been its utter silence while Israel implements its own in terpretation of ... the auto nomy plan for the West Bank: It is now nearly 14 years that the Palestinians have been living under a military government that mixes rigo rous repression with subtle harassment. But the character of this occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip is undergoing substantial change. Whereas up to 1977 the various Labor Party governments of Israel justified the occupation on the grounds of security, that view has been subordinated to one of biblical nationalism since Begin and the right-wing Likud Party triumphed in the election of that year. Now the territories they call Judaea and Samaria "belong" to Israel, and militant supporters of the Likud, who before 1977 repeatedly tried to estab lish themselves on the West Bank, today have little dif ficulty obtaining both permission and land for their en claves among the Palestinian population. The number of these settlements has tripled in the intervening years and the settler population now approximates 30,000. During my travels on the West Bank last year the mag nitude of the settlement effort became abundantly clear. Always in sight, on barren hilltops and bordering Arab towns, were Israeli enclaves ringed with barbed wire and searchlights. Few Israelis actually work in these camps. Most commute to their jobs in the cities of Israel. They live on the West Bank only to make a political point: that' with the material and moral support of the military government they are in fact colonizing the West Bank with the intent that it become a part of Israel. Economically, too, the preparation continues for the eventual annexation of the occupied territories. They have become a classic model of the dependent economy. Neither the Gaza Strip nor the West Bank have appre ciable industry, the best farmland of the West Bank has been expropriated for the Israeli settlements, and public utilities are being steadily tied into the Israeli grids. The Palestinian working population must either serve other Palestinians or commute to menial jobs within Israel. Their per capita income is one-third that of the Israelis. The treatment of the Palestinian population of these occupied territories, meanwhile, has become increas ingly abusive of basic human rights. Palestinians told me of arrests in the middle of the night, imprisonment with out charges or notification of kin, or expulsion from the homeland without explanation or due process. The governing methods described are insidious: orders are given not in writing but by phone, books are banned in accordance with a list no one has ever seen, permits are given or withheld capriciously. No Palestinian can live without fear of the knock on the door or the ring of the telephone. From my observations and more recent reports from the area, it is clear that the only conduct ac ceptable to the occupying authorities is abject submis sion to their designs. Any expression of Palestinian na tionalism, of the desire, for self-determination, is met with fierce military repression. Only one thing really bars the way of Israeli annexa tion of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip: the 850,000 or so Palestinians living there, as passionately attached to their soil as the occupiers are adamant to possess it. While the Arab population within the State of Israel is already some 15 percent of the total, that minority would swell to some 40 percent if the occupied territories were annexed. Such a prospect stays, the Israeli hand. The Palestinians I spoke to last summer told me they know Israel's solution to its dilemma. The "autonomy of the person" concept is only a smokescreen for Israeli efforts to gain the land without the people. The Israelis will harass them, the Palestinians claim, until so many abandon their homeland and emigrate that only a small, pliant minority will remain. Then the Camp David auto nomy agreement can be quietly buried. Palestinians told me of ar rests in the middle of the night, imprisonment without charges or notification of kin, or expulsion from the home land... If this supposition is indeed the case, then Israel's plan has recently suffered at least temporary setbacks. The annexation of the Golan Heights last fall led to a strike of its Druze inhabitants, supposedly hostile to the Arabs, that is now in its seventh week. The West Bank has been i a turmoil of violent demonstrations. And most re cently, the Israeli Arabs, "our Arabs," as the Israelis k call them, have erupted in a series of demonstrations in sympathy with their brethren in the occupied territories. The Israeli authorities are caught in a vicious circle: the more they repress the Palestinians, the more ardent Palestinian nationalism becomes, the more their spirit of self-sacrifice hardens in the face of superior forces, and the more tarnished becomes Israel's moral image in the world. And while Israel sinks into a quagmire of its own mak ing, the United States, hamstrung by the Israeli exploita tion of the Sinai agreement, feels constrained to remain silent. Herbert Bodman, a professor of history at UNC, spent a week in Israel and the West Bank on a fact-finding mis sion last Spring. Israeli-Arab relations worsen By OTIS GRAHAM If all of life is complicated, the Middle East is compli cation squared. And within the region, Israel is a unique challenge to one who wishes to understand. My February visit provides only the basis for impressions, certainly not authoritative judgments. But I found Israel unex pectedly troubled, changing; her air both zestful and ominous increasingly the latter. And her troubles, as those of her Arab neighbors, are ours, however hard we try to avert our eyes. The fabled vitality of Israeli society is obvious from the first encounter which for me was the burst of ap plause from the passengers as the plane from Paris cross ed over the Tel Aviv beaches. Israel still surges with energy and competence; it is one of those countries where things work traffic, telephones, elevators, loudspeaker systems, room service. Israelis are still problem-solvers, aggressive and in motion. Their rooftops bristle with solar panels, they arrive at meetings on time, they have almost no drinking or drug problems (by our standards), their armies fight and win short wars, they even make a passable wine. But there are deep and mounting troubles, within as well as over the borders. The crucial matter of relations with the Arabs of the region, most especially the dis placed or encapsulated Palestinian Arabs, has not pro ceeded as originally hoped and has recently taken turns for the worse. While there has never been any single Israeli vision for co-inhabiting the area with the Arabs living there when the Zionist experiment began, it is clear that the dominant expectation was never extermination (as was the operative strategy of American whites ad vancing against the Indians) or domination, but some sort of harmonious accommodation. Israel still surges with en ergy and competence; it is one of those countries where things vork... . Jews, after all, had no use for the model of Western colonialism, for they themselves had been a subject peo ple. The founding Zionists were socialists and idealists, and looked forward to some combination of co-occupation of Palestine under federation or an Israeli Palestine with Arab residents given full citizenship and respect. They had not expected the depth of Palestinian Arab hostility, nor the duration of it, and certainly not the current hard-line of the conservative government of Prime Minister Menachem Begin. This now takes the form, in the West Bank, of mili tary occupation, almost daily beatings, shootings and evictions in the Arab villages. To many Israelis, playing the heavy with troops pushing around wailing women, firing on crowds, and evicting elected Arab mayors with Israeli officer-replacements is not the direction they had intended their relations with the Arabs to take. As Shimon Peres of the opposition Labor Party said in THE JERUSALEM POST (Jan. 29, 1982), "We have been guided by the clear socialist principle not to become rulers over others ... not to become masters of 1.3 million Arabs against their will." Difficulties on the West Bank have intensified in early 1982, and reflect the clear policy of the Begin govern ment to retain the West Bank in violation of the spirit of the Camp David accords and much of Israeli history. This policy requires military domination over Arab po litical life in the area, evictions and permanent Israeli set tlements. Violence has accompanied it, along with the visible ebbing away of what little there was of modera tion among Palestinian leaders. If a moment of opportunity along the West Bank existed these past few years, it now seems to have slipped away. Begin almost lost a vote of confidence at the parlia ment just days ago, reflecting a growing split between Israelis. The hard-liners attack the government's reluc tant decision to allow the Sinai to be returned to Egypt in late April (the Israeli army even now must evict Israeli citizens from Sinai settlements), and the moderates are horrified by Begin's tactics on the West Bank. This split in the parliament reflects a deep schism in the society as a whoie, one which reaches below political or military issues to touch religious and social differences among Israelis. Perhaps this split is what most troubles the na tion today, though the exterior menace is worrisome enough. There increasingly appear to be two Israels, though of course no society is simplistically split into neat halves. There, is the Israel of the European tradition, the Ashkenazi, heirs of a liberal-Social Democratic and cos mopolitan heritage. This was the tradition of European Zionism and it settled Israel with Jews possessing un usually high levels of education and idealism. Today, these tend to be the professionals, technicians and intel lectuals. The dispersal of the Jews in the first and second cen tury A.D., however, spread them to the arid and un developed areas of North Africa through Persia to India and beyond. These Jews, those of the Sephardic tradi tion, returned to Israel with less-developed cultures. Their political views are more conservative, their views of women more traditional and their fertility rates higher. They fill the blue-collar and even the menial oc cupations, they tend to support a hard line against the entire Arab world, they vote for the Likud party of Begin where the Ashkenazis are usually liberals or socialists. I do not wish to depict this division too sharp ly, but it is visible within the nation, and the hardening of these lines and the high birth rate of the Sephardics deeply worries many Israelis to whom I talked. Beyond this division is the more important sense, as I found it, that the long struggle of nation-building is run ning onto shoals, the earlier excitement and optimism eb bing away. They had not expected it "to take so long," as one Israeli put it, before the problems with borders and neighbors were reasonably settled and Israel could turn to the ways of peace. The militarization of life is pervasive. Inflation runs at 100 percent a year and military ser vice is universal for both sexes. The strain shows up in a trend almost morbidly alarming within Israel: emigra tion from Israel to Europe and the United States has in creased and last year drained the nation of a net figure of 15,000, apparently its most gifted and educated citizens. One hears everywhere the worry that today's Israel is be coming "Americanized," which means too affluent, too preoccupied with clothes and cars, loud music and the stock market. Thus the entire direction of society is cause for concern. The nation does not grow, the oil of Sinai is lost and there are no domestic reserves, the enemy is implacable and inflexible, the government is on a military tear. "We are tired," said a professor friend, who asked somewhat furtively about housing prices in the United States. In the 35-year history of the Jewish state there have been many crucial moments: yet Spring of 1982 stands out among them. The Egyptian deal loses its promise, events on the West Bank suggest permanent war. The United States under Jimmy Carter devoted major and beneficial energies toward threading the needle between hard-liners on both sides toward a territorial settlement which obviously would be difficult for Israelis. But the Reagan administration has no policy but to welcome the Begin regime into the global offensive against the Soviets, a strategy which addresses none of the region's main problems. If a moment of opportunity along the West Bank ex isted these past few years, it now seems to have slipped away. Americans may attempt to ignore Israel-Arab pro blems and hope for the best, but since 1948 we have been accomplices in all that took place there, and today we are practically and morally involved in what Begin does and refuses to do. We may hope for the best, but I had the impression that the worst is coming, and we are not far enough away to escape the consequences. Jews have historic reason to suspect disaster, . and the buoyant mood of an earlier Israel is hard to find today. An American Jewish journal in December 1981 reprinted the black folksong inspired by the Biblical story of the flood: God gave Noah The Rainbow Sign: No more water The fire next time! Otis Graham, a professor of history at UNC, spent three weeks in Israel in February as a visiting lecturer. Letters to the editor Reader hits 'DTH' headline To the editor: I was very disappointed at the title S.L. Price chose for his article ("Is Dean Smith really God?" DTH March 31). But what was even worse was the poor soul he mentioned in the article who had the nerve to write "God" in the middle of Dean Smith's name. Also, I find "Al Wood is God" scribbled on a number of bathroom walls all over campus. This has gone too far! Of course these people, hopelessly stricken with the disease known as "Carolina Fever," do not literally mean that Dean Smith and Al Wood are God (At least I hope not!). They are simply at tempting to express their overwhelming admiration for the men. However, when one goes so far as to even, in a humorous manner, say such things as "Dean Smith is God," it is upsetting to those of us who love and cherish God in Heaven. Any comparison to Him and any human, even in a joking manner, simply is not funny. For anyone in doubt, rest assured, "Dean Smith real- .ly isn't God!" Bernitia Kea 413 James 7l (be LOOK AT HER ..ILL BET SHE'S 6A1NEP THIRTY POUNPS.- - why qo i Always GET FAT PARTNERS? HEY, FARTHER, I HOPE 1WR NOT THINKIN6 ABOUT HOW FAT I AM ! IT f l I DOONESOURY Drugs and driving To the editor: It was gratifying to read The Daily Tar Heel's coverage of our "Drugs and Driv ing" study ("Study says most one-car ac cidents involve alcohol," DTH March 29).. Staff writer Sonja Payton's grasp of the subject was at least as good as that of the wire services. Two corrections appear appropriate, however. The fundings, primarily from the Governor's Highway Safety Program was $30,000, not $300,000 as the DTH reported. The information release indicated the input of the Highway Patrol and the County Medical Examiners, not the Patrol and UNC. I did indicate that the study was made possible by the interac tion of the Medical Examiner System and the School of Medicine. Page Hudson, M.D. Chief Medical Examiner RaWXVCv OO&tT! 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Daily Tar Heel (Chapel Hill, N.C.)
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April 6, 1982, edition 1
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