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4The Daily Tar HeelTuesday, April 6. 1982
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90i .year of editorial freedom
John Drescher. EJ.wr
Ann Peters. Mma Editor
Kerry DeRochi. Auxuk Edit
Rachel Perry. Unm-my Editor
Alan Chapple. cuyEduor
JlM WRINN.Swrr and National Editor
Linda Robertson. Spom Editor
AL STEELE, Photography Editor
KEN MlNGIS, Associate Editor
ELAINE MCCLATCHEY, Projects Editor
LYNN PEITHMAN. Neirs Editor
SUSAN HUDSON. Features Editor
NlSSEN RlTTER. Arts Editor
Teresa Curry. SpotHoht Editor
U.S. forced into silence over West Bank annexation attempt
University policy dictates that any student who appears before the
Honor Court for a possible Honor Code violation has the right to a
closed hearing. Accused students also, however, have the right to re
quest an open hearing. Any person is allowed into an open hearing, but
because notification is not given, open hearings essentially operate with
out the knowledge of the public. If open hearings are to be an option
for defendants and they should be then the hearings should be
publicized to be truly open and accessible to the University community.
There are good reasons for students to have the right to a closed hear
ing. For example, if all hearings of the Honor Court were open and re
ceived press coverage, even students found innocent might be damaged
by their public association with the charges.
There are also, however, good reasons for having open hearings. If a
request for an open hearing is granted, as it usually is, the defendant
may invite whomever he chooses to attend his hearing. A defendant
usually chooses an open hearing because he wishes for family or friends to
be present. But a defendant may choose to have an open hearing be
cause of a wish for others to see whether the court operates in a fair and
efficient manner. Open hearings also serve to educate viewers on the
operation of the honor system proceedings.
Neither the public nor the media have been able to determine when a
hearing is to be open. Because there is no policy, past attorneys general
have handled the situation differently, but most have not commented
on questions concerning the status of an open hearing.
Present Attorney General Bill Kimball, however, thinks that his of
fice should have a policy concerning the notification of open hearings.
Kimball will suggest to the Committee on Student Conduct today that
notification of all open hearings be posted publicly in the Carolina
Union or be announced in the Union before the hearing.
Kimball is not alone in his desire for the attorney general's office to
have a policy publicizing open hearings. Past attorneys general also
have felt that members of the public and media should have greater ac
cess to open hearings. The committee should take this opportunity to
establish a policy of notification.
Only 5 to 10 percent of all cases heard by the Honor Court are open.
Making open hearings more accessible to the public may reduce that
percentage. Regardless, if a hearing is open in theory, it also should be
open in practice.
The Bottom Line
There's a bandit in Palo Alto,
Calif, that police would really like to
bag the one who's been making
off with their lunches. The thefts
have been going on for more than a
year: a chicken sandwich here, a cup
of yogurt there. Investigators haven't
been able to nab the culprit but
not for lack of trying.
"I went as far as to get this special
powder to dust the inside of a lunch
bag. I actually took department
money and bought some Kentucky
Fried Chicken and other stuff. We're
talking bait," police agent Charles
But he said the six-hour effort over
three days, which included staking
out the bag and vatching it through
a peephole was to no avail. The only
consolation, police say, is that the
bandit doesn't touch their desserts.
And that's the bottom line.
THE Daily Crossword By Virginia Hassinger
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01982 Tribune Company Syndicate, Inc.
All Rights Reserved
BY HERBERT BODMAN
The true cost of the Camp David agreements is now
apparent in the waning days of the Israeli occupation of
the Sinai. With less than a month remaining before Israel
is due to transfer the remainder of the Sinai back to
Egypt, Israel is sending signals galore to Washington that
it fully intends to implement the Sinai agreement, despite
its misgivings about the intentions of the new govern
ment of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt.
These assurances to the United States government
have not been obtained cheaply, however. The price to
Washington for realizing the Sinai transfer has been its
utter silence while Israel implements its own interpreta
tion of the other Camp David accord: the autonomy
plan for the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
The government of Menachem Begin proposes an un
defined autonomy of Palestinians as persons while deny
ing them territorial autonomy. Their land is to be ab
sorbed into Israel and settled by Israelis. As the Reagan
administration freezes everything in the Middle East for
fear the Begin government will refuse to hand over the
Sinai, the Israelis are in turn putting their own plan into
effect in the occupied territories.
The price to Washington for
realizing the Sinai transfer has
been its utter silence while
Israel implements its own in
terpretation of ... the auto
nomy plan for the West Bank:
It is now nearly 14 years that the Palestinians have
been living under a military government that mixes rigo
rous repression with subtle harassment. But the character
of this occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
is undergoing substantial change. Whereas up to 1977
the various Labor Party governments of Israel justified
the occupation on the grounds of security, that view has
been subordinated to one of biblical nationalism since
Begin and the right-wing Likud Party triumphed in the
election of that year. Now the territories they call Judaea
and Samaria "belong" to Israel, and militant supporters
of the Likud, who before 1977 repeatedly tried to estab
lish themselves on the West Bank, today have little dif
ficulty obtaining both permission and land for their en
claves among the Palestinian population. The number of
these settlements has tripled in the intervening years and
the settler population now approximates 30,000.
During my travels on the West Bank last year the mag
nitude of the settlement effort became abundantly clear.
Always in sight, on barren hilltops and bordering Arab
towns, were Israeli enclaves ringed with barbed wire and
searchlights. Few Israelis actually work in these camps.
Most commute to their jobs in the cities of Israel. They
live on the West Bank only to make a political point: that'
with the material and moral support of the military
government they are in fact colonizing the West Bank
with the intent that it become a part of Israel.
Economically, too, the preparation continues for the
eventual annexation of the occupied territories. They
have become a classic model of the dependent economy.
Neither the Gaza Strip nor the West Bank have appre
ciable industry, the best farmland of the West Bank has
been expropriated for the Israeli settlements, and public
utilities are being steadily tied into the Israeli grids. The
Palestinian working population must either serve other
Palestinians or commute to menial jobs within Israel.
Their per capita income is one-third that of the Israelis.
The treatment of the Palestinian population of these
occupied territories, meanwhile, has become increas
ingly abusive of basic human rights. Palestinians told me
of arrests in the middle of the night, imprisonment with
out charges or notification of kin, or expulsion from the
homeland without explanation or due process. The
governing methods described are insidious: orders are
given not in writing but by phone, books are banned in
accordance with a list no one has ever seen, permits are
given or withheld capriciously. No Palestinian can live
without fear of the knock on the door or the ring of the
telephone. From my observations and more recent
reports from the area, it is clear that the only conduct ac
ceptable to the occupying authorities is abject submis
sion to their designs. Any expression of Palestinian na
tionalism, of the desire, for self-determination, is met
with fierce military repression.
Only one thing really bars the way of Israeli annexa
tion of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip: the 850,000 or
so Palestinians living there, as passionately attached to
their soil as the occupiers are adamant to possess it.
While the Arab population within the State of Israel is
already some 15 percent of the total, that minority would
swell to some 40 percent if the occupied territories were
annexed. Such a prospect stays, the Israeli hand.
The Palestinians I spoke to last summer told me they
know Israel's solution to its dilemma. The "autonomy
of the person" concept is only a smokescreen for Israeli
efforts to gain the land without the people. The Israelis
will harass them, the Palestinians claim, until so many
abandon their homeland and emigrate that only a small,
pliant minority will remain. Then the Camp David auto
nomy agreement can be quietly buried.
Palestinians told me of ar
rests in the middle of the
night, imprisonment without
charges or notification of kin,
or expulsion from the home
land... If this supposition is indeed the case, then Israel's plan
has recently suffered at least temporary setbacks. The
annexation of the Golan Heights last fall led to a strike
of its Druze inhabitants, supposedly hostile to the Arabs,
that is now in its seventh week. The West Bank has been
i a turmoil of violent demonstrations. And most re
cently, the Israeli Arabs, "our Arabs," as the Israelis
k call them, have erupted in a series of demonstrations in
sympathy with their brethren in the occupied territories.
The Israeli authorities are caught in a vicious circle:
the more they repress the Palestinians, the more ardent
Palestinian nationalism becomes, the more their spirit of
self-sacrifice hardens in the face of superior forces, and
the more tarnished becomes Israel's moral image in the
And while Israel sinks into a quagmire of its own mak
ing, the United States, hamstrung by the Israeli exploita
tion of the Sinai agreement, feels constrained to remain
Herbert Bodman, a professor of history at UNC, spent a
week in Israel and the West Bank on a fact-finding mis
sion last Spring.
Israeli-Arab relations worsen
By OTIS GRAHAM
If all of life is complicated, the Middle East is compli
cation squared. And within the region, Israel is a unique
challenge to one who wishes to understand. My February
visit provides only the basis for impressions, certainly
not authoritative judgments. But I found Israel unex
pectedly troubled, changing; her air both zestful and
ominous increasingly the latter. And her troubles, as
those of her Arab neighbors, are ours, however hard we
try to avert our eyes.
The fabled vitality of Israeli society is obvious from
the first encounter which for me was the burst of ap
plause from the passengers as the plane from Paris cross
ed over the Tel Aviv beaches. Israel still surges with
energy and competence; it is one of those countries
where things work traffic, telephones, elevators,
loudspeaker systems, room service. Israelis are still problem-solvers,
aggressive and in motion. Their rooftops
bristle with solar panels, they arrive at meetings on time,
they have almost no drinking or drug problems (by our
standards), their armies fight and win short wars, they
even make a passable wine.
But there are deep and mounting troubles, within as
well as over the borders. The crucial matter of relations
with the Arabs of the region, most especially the dis
placed or encapsulated Palestinian Arabs, has not pro
ceeded as originally hoped and has recently taken turns
for the worse. While there has never been any single
Israeli vision for co-inhabiting the area with the Arabs
living there when the Zionist experiment began, it is clear
that the dominant expectation was never extermination
(as was the operative strategy of American whites ad
vancing against the Indians) or domination, but some
sort of harmonious accommodation.
Israel still surges with en
ergy and competence; it is
one of those countries where
. Jews, after all, had no use for the model of Western
colonialism, for they themselves had been a subject peo
ple. The founding Zionists were socialists and idealists,
and looked forward to some combination of co-occupation
of Palestine under federation or an Israeli Palestine
with Arab residents given full citizenship and respect.
They had not expected the depth of Palestinian Arab
hostility, nor the duration of it, and certainly not the
current hard-line of the conservative government of
Prime Minister Menachem Begin.
This now takes the form, in the West Bank, of mili
tary occupation, almost daily beatings, shootings and
evictions in the Arab villages. To many Israelis, playing
the heavy with troops pushing around wailing women,
firing on crowds, and evicting elected Arab mayors with
Israeli officer-replacements is not the direction they had
intended their relations with the Arabs to take. As
Shimon Peres of the opposition Labor Party said in
THE JERUSALEM POST (Jan. 29, 1982), "We have
been guided by the clear socialist principle not to become
rulers over others ... not to become masters of 1.3
million Arabs against their will."
Difficulties on the West Bank have intensified in early
1982, and reflect the clear policy of the Begin govern
ment to retain the West Bank in violation of the spirit of
the Camp David accords and much of Israeli history.
This policy requires military domination over Arab po
litical life in the area, evictions and permanent Israeli set
tlements. Violence has accompanied it, along with the
visible ebbing away of what little there was of modera
tion among Palestinian leaders.
If a moment of opportunity
along the West Bank existed
these past few years, it now
seems to have slipped away.
Begin almost lost a vote of confidence at the parlia
ment just days ago, reflecting a growing split between
Israelis. The hard-liners attack the government's reluc
tant decision to allow the Sinai to be returned to Egypt in
late April (the Israeli army even now must evict Israeli
citizens from Sinai settlements), and the moderates are
horrified by Begin's tactics on the West Bank. This split
in the parliament reflects a deep schism in the society as a
whoie, one which reaches below political or military
issues to touch religious and social differences among
Israelis. Perhaps this split is what most troubles the na
tion today, though the exterior menace is worrisome
There increasingly appear to be two Israels, though of
course no society is simplistically split into neat halves.
There, is the Israel of the European tradition, the
Ashkenazi, heirs of a liberal-Social Democratic and cos
mopolitan heritage. This was the tradition of European
Zionism and it settled Israel with Jews possessing un
usually high levels of education and idealism. Today,
these tend to be the professionals, technicians and intel
lectuals. The dispersal of the Jews in the first and second cen
tury A.D., however, spread them to the arid and un
developed areas of North Africa through Persia to India
and beyond. These Jews, those of the Sephardic tradi
tion, returned to Israel with less-developed cultures.
Their political views are more conservative, their views
of women more traditional and their fertility rates
higher. They fill the blue-collar and even the menial oc
cupations, they tend to support a hard line against the
entire Arab world, they vote for the Likud party of
Begin where the Ashkenazis are usually liberals or
socialists. I do not wish to depict this division too sharp
ly, but it is visible within the nation, and the hardening
of these lines and the high birth rate of the Sephardics
deeply worries many Israelis to whom I talked.
Beyond this division is the more important sense, as I
found it, that the long struggle of nation-building is run
ning onto shoals, the earlier excitement and optimism eb
bing away. They had not expected it "to take so long,"
as one Israeli put it, before the problems with borders
and neighbors were reasonably settled and Israel could
turn to the ways of peace. The militarization of life is
Inflation runs at 100 percent a year and military ser
vice is universal for both sexes. The strain shows up in a
trend almost morbidly alarming within Israel: emigra
tion from Israel to Europe and the United States has in
creased and last year drained the nation of a net figure of
15,000, apparently its most gifted and educated citizens.
One hears everywhere the worry that today's Israel is be
coming "Americanized," which means too affluent, too
preoccupied with clothes and cars, loud music and the
stock market. Thus the entire direction of society is
cause for concern. The nation does not grow, the oil of
Sinai is lost and there are no domestic reserves, the
enemy is implacable and inflexible, the government is on
a military tear. "We are tired," said a professor friend,
who asked somewhat furtively about housing prices in
the United States.
In the 35-year history of the Jewish state there have
been many crucial moments: yet Spring of 1982 stands
out among them. The Egyptian deal loses its promise,
events on the West Bank suggest permanent war. The
United States under Jimmy Carter devoted major and
beneficial energies toward threading the needle between
hard-liners on both sides toward a territorial settlement
which obviously would be difficult for Israelis. But the
Reagan administration has no policy but to welcome the
Begin regime into the global offensive against the
Soviets, a strategy which addresses none of the region's
If a moment of opportunity along the West Bank ex
isted these past few years, it now seems to have slipped
away. Americans may attempt to ignore Israel-Arab pro
blems and hope for the best, but since 1948 we have been
accomplices in all that took place there, and today we
are practically and morally involved in what Begin does
and refuses to do. We may hope for the best, but I had
the impression that the worst is coming, and we are not
far enough away to escape the consequences. Jews have
historic reason to suspect disaster, . and the buoyant
mood of an earlier Israel is hard to find today. An
American Jewish journal in December 1981 reprinted
the black folksong inspired by the Biblical story of the
God gave Noah
The Rainbow Sign:
No more water
The fire next time!
Otis Graham, a professor of history at UNC, spent three
weeks in Israel in February as a visiting lecturer.
Letters to the editor
Reader hits 'DTH' headline
To the editor:
I was very disappointed at the title S.L.
Price chose for his article ("Is Dean
Smith really God?" DTH March 31). But
what was even worse was the poor soul he
mentioned in the article who had the
nerve to write "God" in the middle of
Dean Smith's name. Also, I find "Al
Wood is God" scribbled on a number of
bathroom walls all over campus. This has
gone too far!
Of course these people, hopelessly
stricken with the disease known as
"Carolina Fever," do not literally mean
that Dean Smith and Al Wood are God
(At least I hope not!). They are simply at
tempting to express their overwhelming
admiration for the men.
However, when one goes so far as to
even, in a humorous manner, say such
things as "Dean Smith is God," it is
upsetting to those of us who love and
cherish God in Heaven. Any comparison
to Him and any human, even in a joking
manner, simply is not funny. For anyone
in doubt, rest assured, "Dean Smith real-
.ly isn't God!"
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ABOUT HOW FAT I AM !
Drugs and driving
To the editor:
It was gratifying to read The Daily Tar
Heel's coverage of our "Drugs and Driv
ing" study ("Study says most one-car ac
cidents involve alcohol," DTH March
29).. Staff writer Sonja Payton's grasp of
the subject was at least as good as that of
the wire services.
Two corrections appear appropriate,
however. The fundings, primarily from
the Governor's Highway Safety Program
was $30,000, not $300,000 as the DTH
The information release indicated the
input of the Highway Patrol and the
County Medical Examiners, not the
Patrol and UNC. I did indicate that the
study was made possible by the interac
tion of the Medical Examiner System and
the School of Medicine.
Page Hudson, M.D.
Chief Medical Examiner
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