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6The Dally Tar HeelTuesday, September 13, 1983
91st year of editorial freedom
Kerry DeRochi. Editor
Alison Davis, Managing Editor
LISA PULLEN, University Editor
CHRISTINE MANUEL, Slate and National Editor
MIKE DeSISTI. Sports Editor
JBlIiRlEDY, News Editor
JEFF HlDAY, Associate Editor
John Conway, cuy Editor
KAREN FISHER, Features Editor
Jeff Grove, Am Editor
CHARLES W. LEDFORD. Photography Editor
Integration is no solution
Time to leave
It's been a year since the U.S. Marines first entered Lebanon on a mis
sion of peace and of unifying the strife-torn country. Last week was the
anniversary of that goal, but the celebration could only be heard near the
Beirut International Airport, where four marines were killed in artillery
attacks. The peacekeeping mission begun by the Reagan administration
had died at the hands of sectarian hatred within Lebanon.
The Marines' deaths showed for the first time how enmeshed the
United States had become in the Lebanon conflict, and how inadequate
current peacekeeping jargon was to handle it. U.S. citizens had been
killed on foreign soil. No one could answer why.
President Reagan has maintained that the United States throughout
the Lebanon conflict has been needed to provide a stabilizing force to the
teetering government. It was a government that was battling an eight-year-old
Syrian occupation and a one-year-old Israeli invasion. President
Amin Gemayel was struggling with the reins of his slain brother's ad
ministration. Criticism of his rigid Christian Phalangist background soon
sparked factional disputes; battles between Moslems and Christians
became the rule. It was in this warfare last week that 10 United States and
French peacekeeping officials were killed.
Against this history of conflict, Reagan at first seemed justified in
bringing the United States to aid in stabilizing the Lebanese government.
The Marines were first charged with smoothing the departure of the
Palestine Liberation Organization from Beirut, anticipating that the na
tion's unification soon could follow. But the administration didn't count
on then-President Bashir Gemayel being killed and the rampage by Israeli
and Muslim forces that followed.
In response, the United States, along with France, Italy and Great Bri
tain, formed a new peacekeeping force this one 5,400 strong. The goal
of the mission was to negotiate the departure of the Syrian and Israeli
forces from Lebanon. But again, they didn't count on a rigid Soviet
backed Syria which refused to call back its 64,000 soldiers. Consequently,
Israel decided it couldn't pull out either. The peacekeeping troops were
now bound to their mission as mediators for a country struggling with
Last week's brutal warfare changed the Lebanon scenario and the role
of the United States in it. With the deaths of four U.S. Marines, the
government could no longer rationalize that the Marines were not in
danger. Their peacekeeping efforts were reduced to dodging bullets and
defending themselves by returning machine gun and cannon fire.
Lebanon's war had become one immersed in civil conflict, a conflict
that threatened the Gemayel government. Muslim factions criticized the
regime for representing only the Christian Phalangist sect, a small minori
ty of the Lebanese population. Eut Gemayel refused to acknowledge the
Muslim complaints, announcing he would not negotiate with Lebanese
factions until' 'Syria "and Israel had been removed. He refused to
acknowledge that there was a civil war, though the Druze were bearing
arms against the Christian forces and though mountain villages had
become sites of civilian massacres.
It's this warfare and these massacres that point to the danger of the
Reagan adrninistration's allowing the Marines to remain as peacekeeping
forces. Already the president has turned down Gemayel' s request for
additional aid. Now he must negotiate ways of bringing the U.S. forces
out of the growing conflict.
Government officials can and have argued that withdrawing the troops
will signify the demise of Lebanon, that warring factions will create a
chaotic hell, ready for Syria to take over. However, it must be noted that
the Lebanese battles have already transcended those of simple conflicts
able to be resolved through peacekeeping missions.
Lebanon, as the administration has acknowledged, is in a civil war.
And it is doubtful that the Gemayel regime will be able to regain a stable
hold on the warring factions with or without the United States' aid.
Reagan now must realize his obligation to bring the Marines out now,
before more are killed while under the guise of peacekeeping.
By BENJAMIN MOREHEAD
It is said that the far left and the far right have con- -vergent
goals: both seek to infringe on the personal liber
ties of others. While examples of right-wing attacks on
personal liberties come readily to mind (e.g. Jerry
Falwell's diatribes against premarital sex, homosexuality
and birth control), examples from the left are more in
sidious and require a keener eye to spot. The left-wing at
tacks on personal liberties are usually promulgated under
the banner of "social equality," a vague goal at best, but
one that is difficult to disagree with publicly. Nevertheless,
the left-wing attacks are a manifestation of the same extre
mist desire: one group of people wants to tell another
group what is good for it.
So it is with S.L. Price's article, "Old habits die hard,"
(DTH, Sept. 7). In it, Price proposes to "abolish any
choice for freshman housing" and "randomize the pro
cess (by mixing) the incoming blacks and whites by num
ber all over campus." This, Price says, will break down
the racial and ethnic stereotypes now held by campus
residents by promoting a racially diverse environment and
by ending the de facto segregation that now exists at
UNC. I agree with Price that a state of de facto segrega
tion exists in the UNC dorms and that many students hold
A recent downturn in the economy has put pressure on the Reagan ad
ministration to steer the Federal Reserve Board toward unstopping its
plug on money-supply growth, a move which some economists and
Reagan advisers hope will lead to a resurgence in the recovery.
By all accounts, the recovery has slowed dramatically, much in
response to the Fed's tightening of money available for borrowing by
raising interest rates. With business activity running unexpectedly strong
only a few months ago, the money supply grew too quickly for the tastes
of Fed Chairman Paul C. Volcker, who said he feared sustained high
money growth would lead to high inflation. With low inflation the
hallmark of the Volcker Fed, the board raised interest rates to squeeze
some of the gushing funds out of the system. The result, as usual, has
lowered productivity and increased unemployment slightly.
As the 1984 presidential election approaches, the economic perfor
mance of the Reagan administration will come under close scrutiny. Both
Reagan and his advisers know that an economic slump during the cam
paign could kill his re-election bid. Treasury Secretary Donald Regan ad
vised Reagan before the summer recess to pressure the Fed into easing its
This, however, is faulty advice given the goals the Fed has laid down
for itself. If the Fed were to ease interest rates now, inflation would likely
rise. The Fed, acting independently and in character, would then raise in
terest rates to lower the inflation rate, causing unemployment to resurge,
probably near election time, and leaving Reagan in economic disdain and
So far, Reagan has wisely refrained from asking the Fed for lower in
terest rates to fuel the economy this summer. Recent money-supply
growth figures show a dramatic decrease, leading some economists to
believe Volcker will lower rates in the near future anyway, perhaps as ear
ly as next month; Other analysts say the Fed will be more cautious,
waiting for more permanent signals.
Whatever the Fed's decision, it is important that the Reagan ad
ministration not play politics with the Federal Reserve Board by trying to
manipulate it into acting against its better judgment. Reagan, by re
appointing Volcker to a second term as chairman, has already reaffirmed
his confidence in the Fed's ability to keep inflation low, while it slowly, if
somewhat erratically, brings the country out of one of its worst reces
sions. Perhaps Reagan has found that a hands-off, pragmatic approach
will be best for the American people. And what's good for the American
people is definitely good for President Reagan.
racial stereotypes, but that is where my agreement ends.
First, Price offers no evidence that the proposed solu
tion will solve the problem. In my limited experience as a
Craige Hall resident, I have seen neither significant racial
co-mingling nor an absence of racial stereotypes.
Second, the proposed solution takes from freshmen a
fundamental freedom of expression: namely, the right to
choose where to live. Freshmen have always had the op
tion of living in an "integrated" dorm, and most have
chosen not to exercise it.
Do the alleged benefits to
society resulting from increased
diversity in the dormitories
outweigh the measure of their
In deciding whether to t take this choice away from
freshmen, an economist would ask a simple question: Do
the alleged benefits to society resulting from the increased
diversity in the dormitories (e.g. a breakdown of stereo
types, mutual understanding, housing equality, etc.) out
weigh the known aggregate cost to individuals of losing a
measure of their personal liberty? The U.S. Supreme
Court has been faced with this sort of question many
times in its history; the controlling precedent it uses was
authored by Justice William Brennan in Bantam Books
Inc. v. Sullivan (1963):
Any system of prior restraints of expression
comes to this court bearing a heavy presumption
against its constitutional validity.
The court undoubtedly would be disturbed by the
generative nature of Price's proposal; that is, the likeli
hood that the rule would spawn other such rules which
would further erode individual liberties. For instance, if
it's desirable to force on-campus freshmen to live in racial
ly diverse environments, then surely off-campus freshmen .
would benefit as well. (In fact, many would argue that it
would be discriminatory to force on-campus residents to
live in racially diverse atmospheres without also forcing
the off-campus residents to do the same.)
Surely, then, some brilliant legislator would realize that
all the residents of Chapel Hill could benefit from this
policy, and he or she would propose that the racial com
position of every neighborhood in the town be representa
tive of the community as a whole. Before you know it, all
the cities in the United States would be forced to integrate
all their neighborhoods, and from there, it would be but a
short hop to communism.
Benjamin Morehead is a first-year MBA student from
Let's not re-elect Helms
By HARRISON J. KAPLAN
We label politicians all the time. We call them
Democrats or Republicans, liberals or conservatives,
right-wing or left-wing. In isolation, these labels mean
very little. You can call Jesse Helms a right-wing Re
publican, but what does that mean? Helms' slick
public relations team at the Congressional Club always
urges North Carolina voters to look beyond those
Raleigh News and Observer labels.
Who does Jesse Helms represent? He does not re
present the minority population of our state. Besides
his 30-year record of opposition to even the most basic
of all civil rights reforms, Jesse Helms has hired only
one black staff member in his 12-year Senate career.
He maintains a blissfully indifferent attitude to the
problems and feelings of nearly a third of North
He certainly does not represent women. He has op
posed every effort to end discrimination against
women, including the Equal Pay Act, Title VII of the
Civil Rights Act and, of course, the Equal Rights
Amendment. Jesse Helms sets himself against the
basic needs of working women day care, child nu
trition programs, equal pay for equal work, etc.
Helms does not represent the interests of anyone
who is concerned about his or his family's economic
future or the environment.
A quick look at Helms' record reveals that:
He opposed the Emergency Farm Loan Program
which provides emergency low-cost loans to farmers
and rural home owners in case of natural disaster.
He opposed passage of the Toxic Substance Con
trol Act and nearly gutted the legislation to create the
Environment Protection Agency Superfund, both de
signed to protect Americans from the dangers of
hazardous wastes and clean up our treatment of indus
He opposed establishing a tax credit program for
the working poor and a bill to strengthen efforts to
collect child support payments from fathers who had
deserted their families.
In recent years, Helms has opposed legal aid to the
poor, federal funds for highway and bridge repairs,
educational funding the list could go on forever.
These are not ideological issues. These are basic
human life issues. Once could better respect Helms'
opposition to abortion if he cared about people after
they were born.
Jesse Helms gets his votes by appealing to hatred
and intolerance. For the last five or six months he has
placed thousands of advertisements in small N.C.
newspapers that are skillfully designed to appeal to
bigotry. Nearly every advertisement has photographs
of black union members or black political leaders like
the Rev. Jesse Jackson and Atlanta Mayor Andrew
Young. The purpose of the ads is to tie Gov. Jim Hunt
to teacher unions and alleged radicals. Hunt is proud
of his friendship with Jackson and Young and many
other respected black political leaders. These malicious
attacks will backfire.
North Carolina is a moderate, progressive state. It is
moving forward fast. There is no longer time for race
hatred or extremist screaming. What we need are lead
ers interested in balanced, fair economic growth, bet
ter public education, a safe environment and a more
Jesse Helms may believe that he stands for these
values, but his record as a U.S. senator fails to prove
Harrison J. Kaplan, a third-year law student from
Wilmington, is president of UNC College Young
By RYKE LONGEST
The sky was dark through the window of my cockpit.
Sometimes, a glowing wisp would fly past as my light would il
luminate part of the cloud formation I was flying through. I
love flying at night, especially when the moon is low upon the
water. It is then that I am one with my plane and the sky.
Compared to this joy, my mission is always an afterthought.
That night the mission was pursuit of an enemy surveillance
plane. I could see it, and the plane that was currently following
it, as red dots on my radar. I was out of the clouds by this
time and the stars were brilliant. The moon was bright enough
that I shortly made visual contact with Capt. Borschkova's
plane. I signalled him, and his plane veered off across a moun
tain of fleece.
' "Huntsman 8 to Ground Control, " I said. "Have made
visual contact with Huntsman 7 who has broken off. Am con
tinuing pursuit, situation normal. "
I had pursued spy planes before, but never this far in. From
what the radar blips indicated, this one had bravado. I
wondered what her pilot was like and pushed the throttle for
ward. It was about time that I made a visual contact with the
The moon was lost beneath the clouds, but the starlight gave
me enough to see the plane. It was huge and from appearances
looked to be a passenger plane. But my teachers had taught me
well as a boy and I was not fooled. The Americans are lazy
and decadent and will go to any lengths to steal the fruits of
the workers' labors from them.
"He's starting to climb, " I said to ground control. He was
hoping to avoid surface-to-air missiles that would open up the
belly of his plane and send him and his cargo of cameras to the
,bottom of the sea. I remembered the wonderful celebration we
had when I was young on the day that an American spy plane
had been downed off of North Vietnam.
, "Huntsman 8, this is Col. Les Sovar. Are you still within
1 sight of the plane?"
"Yes, " I said. "The target has made no attempt to evade
"Take aim at the target. "
"Aim taken, " I said and smiled. I could smell promotion
and hear the joyful laughter of my mother.
A missile is almost as splendid a thing as a plane. I've often
wondered what the missile thinks. There was tension in me as I
watched it, and joy when it hit and its fireball was glorious in
the night sky. It is said that the missile never saw the fruits of
his labor, but each has his duty to perform, even the missile.
Ryke Longest, a freshman business major from Raleigh, is a
member of Doris Betts' creative writing class and a photographer
for The Daily Tar Heel.
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
Sick of 'DTH' anti-government propaganda
To the editor:
Enough is enough! From the first issue
of the Daily Tar Heel I picked up to the
most recent, there has .been a consistent
trend toward turning your editorials into
blatant beatings on U.S. government deci
sions regarding policies in foreign coun
tries. The most recent example was in
Friday's issue of the DTH ("Funeral for a
forgotten friend," Sept. 9). Frank Bruni,
through false insinuations, managed to
place the blame of the assassination of
Benigno Aquino on the U.S. government.
Much as a child would do while playing
"pin the tail on the donkey," Bruni set
himself spinning and then pinned blame
for the murder on "Reagan and his
predecessors in the White House." As
evidence, Bruni asks questions such as,
"Why did Vice President Bush, upon his
visit to Manila two years ago, toast Presi
dent Marcos' 'adherence to democratic
principles'?" After asking a barrage of
questions, Bruni commits a fundamental
cardinal journalism error; he attempts to
answer his own questions. This is where he
flounders miserably. Instead of good jour
nalism, Bruni spouts his own anti-Reagan
Basically, Bruni presents a warped argu
ment of "down with the U.S. government
and military for the sake of human
rights." Indeed, one wonders if Bruni
could write anti-government propaganda
if our country did not have a strong defen
sive force. Another quotation in this col
umn states: "Perhaps our government is
willing to tolerate the rape of human rights
just so long as our military investments re
main safe." If the U.S. government allows
Bruni to write garbage blaming the presi
dent for the assassination of a democratic
hero who was welcomed into this country
by its government, it is the reader who
believes the trash Bruni has written who is
And, finally, regarding the topic of the
U.S. military installations in the Philip
pines, Bruni writes that 88,487 lives were
lost defending the islands during World
War II and later refers to this fact as
"nostalgia." Who won the World Series in
1948 is nostalgia, not the deaths of brave
men and women. Bruni proceeds to claim
that two strategic U.S. bases in the Philip
pines were viewed by our government as
"more important than human rights."
Millions of people in Asia and the Pacific
Ocean have human rights simply because
the United States defends them by main
taining the Clark Field and Subic Bay mili
One wonders whom Bruni blames for
the shooting down of Korean flight 007.
Blaming Reagan's policies for Aquino's
death is just as stupid as blaming Reagan
for the muder of those 269 people. Tass
would love to print Bruni 's opinions.
Thomas W. Morgan
m& k "W- jv&-
Castration is for the bulls
To the editor:
I'd like to take issue with Kelly Sim
mons' support of Depo Provera ("A
suitable sentence," DTH, Sept. 8). If you
take her argument all the way, you find a
disturbing similarity to the treatment of
farm animals. We castrate inferior horses
and bulls to protect the breeding stock.
It's the sexual instrument and not the
drive that provokes us. And anyway, the
castrated bull fattens up real nice for
slaughter. Certainly Simmons doesn't
think we should eat rapists or that human
beings should be treated like livestock.
No, we are superior to chattel. The real
question for humans, or in this case,
man, is not the instrument but the
motivation. Shrivelled testicle? may lead
to a more benign outlook, but only in
directly. A more honest procedure would
be lobotomy. I say snip out the lobe and
snuff out the problem.
The Daily Tar Heel welcomes letters
to the editor and contributions of
columns for the editorial page.
Such contributions should be typed,
triple spaced, on a 60-space line, and are
subject to editing. Contributions must
be submitted by noon the day before
Column writers should include their
majors and hometown; each letter
should include the writer's name, ad
dress and telephone number.