8The Daily Tar HeelTuesday, January 23, 1990
97th year of editorial freedom
Sharon Kebschull, Editor
JUSTIN McGuiRE, Unhvrsity Editor
KAREN DUNN, Stale and National Editor
TOM PARKS, Business Editor
Jamie Rosenberg, Sfwrts Editor
MELANIE BLACK, Design Editor
Julia Coon, News Editor
ilVAN ElLE, Photography Editor
AMY VVAJDA, Uniivrsity Editor
JAMES BURROUGI IS, Editorial Page Editor
Jessica Lanning, City Editor
CARA BONNETT, Arts and Features Editor
KELLY Tl lOMPSON, Omnibus Editor
Steve Wilson, News Editor
PETE CORSON, Cartoon Editor
Coaching for cash
Salaries magnify importance of sports
board
opinion
During recent "
years the growing
importance placed on
intercollegiate athlet- -
ics in America has grown beyond belief.
Only last month a UNC Ad Hoc Commit
tee on Athletics and the University made
recommendations to help put athletics back
in their place underneath the primary mis
sion of education. The committee noted
that intercollegiate athletics have become
a big business more professional than
amateur. The salaries of coaches in the 16
campus UNC system, some of which are
higher than the universities chancellors,
reflect the athletic takeover; while educa
tors struggle to keep up with budget cuts
and strict fiscal policies, athletic depart
ments and many coaches are thriving.
Five coaches in the UNC system
including Dick Sheridan and Jim Valvano
of N.C. State, Jeff Mullins of UNC-Char-lotte,
and Dean Smith and Mack Brown
make more than $100,000 a year. That
does not include income from summer
camps, television and radio contracts or
endorsements, all of w hich many coaches
most notably Valvano benefit from.
Sheridan, the head footbal 1 coach at NCSU,
makes $ 1 27,500 a year $500 more than
UNC Chancellor Paul Hardin, the highest
paid chancellor in the system. Dean Smith
is second behind Sheridan, with a yearly
salary of $120,185.
Some schools pay salaries from athletic
funds, some from state funds and some
from both. Of the $8 1 6,842 that UNC pays
its 19 head coaches, only $23,559 comes
from state funds because three coaches
have teaching responsibilities.
It should go without saying that these
coaches are not the most important offi
cials at universities dedicated to higher
learning and within a system dedicated to
state service, but many of their salaries
certainly imply the contrary. Collegiate
coaches exist to develop student-alhQles
who legally receive no salaries or endorse
ments for their performance. Professional
coaches get paid a great amount to lead
wealthy athletes to success for the benefit
of a business. There is a great difference,
but many colleges and their coaches do not
seem to see it.
At Clemson University, former head
football coach Danny Ford agreed last
week to resign in exchange for $ 1 90,000 a
year for up to five years. Clemson will also
pay $ 1 3,000 in interest on Ford's farm and
the $100,000 balance of his mortgage. It
seemed a coach's buyout couldn't get any
more distasteful when former football
coach Dick Crum received more than
$800,000 in 1987, but Ford's rich depar
ture showed it easily could.
Unfortunately, placing limits on
coaches' salaries and endorsements would
adversely affect a school's ability to attract
top coaches, and competitiveness could
suffer initially as a result. But this is one
sacrifice that must be made if nationwide
reform is ever to be a reality. Schools could
retain coaches dedicated to leading ama
teur student-athletes and weed out those
whose primary concern is money. In an
ideal ending to that, all college athletic
programs could be considered truly ama
teur and would exist in the right perspec
tive within universities.
Responsibilities for reform should now
lie with the NCAA Presidents Commis
sion, and a cap on coaches' salaries and
endorsements would be one item to con
sider when they meet next year. It would be
a bold move, but all reform measures in
college athletics from this point on should
be equally as bold. While coaches play an
important role at any university, it is essen
tial that their importance not be symboli
cally overblown by the size of their wallet.
Selling racism
Smokers should question RJR tactics
The last few months have provided Ameri
cans with many incidents tinged with racism,
and seeing this country's backward reaction to
racial issues has been fascinating, to say the
le i t . The arrest of Mayor Marion Barry and the
false charge in Boston believed by most of
tin.: city's residents that a black man was
responsible for killing a pregnant woman and
wounding her husband have fired up people's
emotions again. Now, R.J. Reynolds Tobacco
Co. has become the latest victim of cries of
racism only in this case, the charge is war
ranted. Reynolds has decided not to go through with
a trial run in Philadelphia of its Uptown ciga
rette after strong criti- HBHHaHaMaaa
cism from that city and
a high-ranking health
official for its plan to
Target advertising may
target black smokers, be gOOCl DUSlIieSS, DUt
Louis Sullivan, secre-
where was this
company's conscience?
tary of U.S. Health and
Human Services, said
Reynolds was pro
pogatine a "culture of
Cancer." That was a wmamammm
good decision, but it came after the damage was
done.
North Carolinians may find it harder than
Sullivan or blacks in Philadelphia to criticize
RJR because of its reputation as a responsible
member of the the state's business community.
In fact, the leader of Winston-Salem's NAACP
chapter said recently the company should not
be reprimanded for simply using another mar
keting tool, because Uptown is just like any
other product marketed to a specific group.
But marketing a specific style of music or
clothing to a particular group is vastly different
than advertising a product that kills. RJR, which
already targets its Salem cigarette to blacks,
knows the facts about what its cigarettes do to
smokers, even though the company refuses to
admit it.
As company officials know, blacks have
higher rates of smoking, lung cancer and heart
disease than whites, but RJR chose to ignore
that in designing its ad campaign. The menthol
cigarette, which 69 percent of black smokers
prefer, was packaged in black and gold rather
than the usual green menthol pack. In choosing
Philadelphia as its test site, a city with a 40
percent black population, RJR decided to ad
vertise only in black newspapers and black
oriented magazines such as Ebony. Some blacks
have praised RJR for spending its ad dollars on
black publications, but that's not the kind of
advertising any magazine should be happy to
get.
This cold attempt to make a profit off of
someone's bad health is despicable, and no
amount of "good citizenship" can make up for
mmummmmmumamma that. RJR may be
leader in hiring blacks
in Winston-Salem and
giving them high-level
jobs, but that cannot
overshadow its attempt
to kill the very people it
hires. Sullivan called
the advertising "slick
and sinister," arguing
imwm that blacks need a mes
sage of health promotion rather than being
tempted by this product. And that broader issue
of health is what should truly concern RJR.
In designing this campaign, RJR was doing
what many cigarette companies have had to do
lately in targeting a specific group as sales
continue to decline. That may be good busi
ness, but where is RJR's conscience? An under
standing of the realities of America, rather than
a crass attempt to turn a profit, would have kept
RJR from targeting a vulnerable group desper
ately in need of products and people that are
uplifting. Of course, a broader campaign tar
geting all smokers wouldn't be much better, but
at least it wouldn't raise the specter of racism.
RJR should be commended for deciding to
withdraw its campaign for the cigarette, but it
shouldn't take such a public outcry and a rare
attack by a Cabinet official to force that deci
sion it should simply be common sense.
Sharon Kebschull
The Daily Tar Heel
Business and advertising: Kevin Schwartz, director; Bob Bates, advertising director; Leslie Humphrey, classified ad
manager.
Business stafT:Sabrina Goodson, manager; Allison Ashworth. assistant manager; Dana Cooper and Kimberly Moretz,
receptionists: Monica Paris, news clerk; Laura Richards, typist:
Classified advertising: Kirsten Burkart. assistant manager; Janet Gordon and Angela Spivey, assistants.
Display advertising: Amanda Tilley, advertising manager; Lora Gay. Kristi Greeson. Beth Harding, Carole Hedgepeth,
Lavonne Leinster, Kevin Reperowitz, Alicia Satterwhite. Pam Thompson and Jill Whitley, account representatives; Kim Blass,
creative director; Pam Strickland, marketing director; Shcrrie Davis, Ingrid Jones and Tracy King, sales assistants.
Production: Bill Leslie, manager; Anita Bentley, assistant manager; Chad Campbell, Erika Campbell, Stephanie Locklear,
assistants.
Phone: Display advertising: 962-1163; Classified advertising; 962-0252
Distribution: RDS Carriers.
Printing: The Village Companies.
The nation's imperial mayor blows it
I smiled when I learned Washington, D.C.,
Mayor Marion Barry had been arrested
for possession of crack cocaine. Barry's
ability to shun the press and his critics and
maintain a strong power base mystified me. I
remember the weekend in 1986 when he was
enjoying a sunny Super Bowl vacation while
the district was paralyzed by a snowstorm
which left the streets uncleared for three days.
When detectives aborted a raid on sus
pected drug dealer Charles Lewis at a Ramada
Inn in December 1988 because they learned
Mayor Barry was in the room, it again looked
like the end of the "Imperial Mayor's" career.
Not so. Lewis's later arrest and testimony to
federal investigators that he smoked crack
with Barry presented the mayor with another
political crisis, but he again managed to main
tain credibility. He claimed charges of malfea
sance were racially motivated, and his con
stituency (for the most part) believed him.
Washington, D.C., is racially divided in
almost every respect economically, so
cially and geographically. When I left my
apartment in Washington every morning last
summer, the area around my apartment bustled
with business people, professionals and secre
taries. When I returned in the evening, the
same four homeless men had set up their
nightly shelter and several more greeted every
passerby with a cup, asking for change. It
seemed all activity in my neighborhood disap
peared after dark, leaving only the homeless
and poverty-stricken blacks behind. It seemed
that these conditions in the murder capital,
cocaine capital and the nation's capital could
be traced to the incompetent Barry, who seemed
Chris
zM Landgraff
to always denounce his critics as racists.
I was naive in my joy over his arrest on
Thursday. I didn't understand the huge impli
cations of his plunge. Barry was a symbol of
black achievement in our nation. He was the
first chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coor
dinating Committee (SNCC) in the 1960s.
After playing a big role in the civil rights
movement, he was elected to the Washington
Board of Education. Smart and aggressive, he
won the mayoral election in 1 979 and went on
to win two more terms by large margins. For
tunately, he announced after his arrest that he
won't seek a fourth term.
The rise and fall of Marion Barry tragically
represents so many of our problems today:
drugs, corrupt politics and racism. Many claim
Barry's charges of a racist conspiracy of the
white power structure to bring him out of
power are unfounded. Others persuasively
argue that Barry, like other black politicians,
undergo significantly more scrutiny than white
politicians.
Whether Barry was a victim of racism is
questionable. Race is not the question
competent governance is. Barry stepped out of
bounds and should face the consequences. FBI
investigators were joyous after the successful
sting operation and even appeared as if they
"were out to get him," but Barry still must be
held accountable for his actions. He bought
crack from an undercover agent, and the previ
ously discounted testimony of Barry's associ
ates who claimed they had seen Barry use
cocaine or had used it with him gains credibil
ity. But Barry's fall will certainly fuel racial
tensions in Washington and throughout the
country. No longer a role model for blacks,
Barry could easily become ammunition for
bigots who claim blacks cannot competently
run a government.
That stinks. Barry is no more representative
of all blacks than Jim Wright or Oliver North is
of all whites. Barry frustrated much of the
Washington, D.C., community who believed
him when he claimed he was clean, didn't do
drugs and was the victim of racism. The dam
age he did to race relations, bids for D.C.
statehood and the war on drugs will continue to
surface.
My naive happiness over Barry's tragedy
has been replaced by a sense of sorrow. The
wounds opened by this incident will be slow to
heal, and trust in our elected officials has suf
fered a tremendous blow. But Barry's political
demise should increase awareness of racism
and perceptions of racism in politics, not ignite
a cynical attitude among whites. The Washing
ton community is understandably angry and
disillusioned, but now is the time to suck it up
and get the city on the road to progress.
Chris Landgraff is a junior political science
major from Atlanta, Ga.
Readers9 For mm
UNC budget process
should be reformed
To the editor:
The Student Congress budget
process is a farce. The budget
process is a lengthy procedure in
which leaders of student organiza
tions must Fill out forms, meet
deadlines, attend various meetings
and come before the Student
Congress each March to win fund
ing for their various groups. This
funding process was set up to
ensure that all groups have an equal
opportunity to receive a share of
the available funds.
But there is a way of going
around the budget process. By
means of a major loophole, many
groups are able to obtain funding
without participating in the budget
process at all. This is done when
Student Congress makes a "subse
quent appropriation" to the execu
tive branch of student government
which in turn "donates" the money
to an organization. Last year, many
student groups received donations
larger than the appropriations of
groups that went through the
budget process.
This loophole is wrong because
it is unfair and discriminatory. If
your group happens to have a friend
in the executive branch or in Stu
dent Congress, then it's usually
easy to win funding without hav
ing to bother with all the require
ments other groups have. But if
your group does not have these
connections, its only means of
obtaining student government
funds is by participating in the
cumbersome budget process.
Student government needs
major reform. This funding loop
hole is only one example of the
corruption and mismanagement
that permeates our student gov
ernment. If student "leaders" re
ally want to maintain UNC's proud
history of student self-government,
then they should work towards
eliminating major loopholes and
promote a non-discriminatory
student government.
JEFFREY BEALL
Graduate student
Library science
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the editor, editorial page editors
and assistant editor, and two edi
torial writers. The opinions re
flect the board' s majority opinion.
Signed editorials do not necessar
ily reflect the entire board's opinion.
Society most change to end abortion
I would like to offer a view on abortion. The
reason that neither pro-choice nor the pro-life
view succeeds in resolving the abortion issue
for me and, I judge, for a great many other
Americans is that both sides argue for the right
of the individual while failing to recognize the
interdependence of all individuals in a society.
All life is sacred. That is to say, in a nonre
ligious sense, that each being deserves to live
a life which is not unnecessarily hindered by
the lifestyle of another being. In that statement
lies the validity of the pro-lifers cause. But I
reject this group's argument. For one thing, as
many others have noted, the pro-lifers are only
concerned that the unborn reach birth. They do
not care whether the infant's life after birth
befits the sanctity that they believe it has. For
this reason, these anti-abortionists are not "pro
life," but more aptly "pro-birth." Partly as a
result of not considering the infant's life after
birth, the pro-lifers do not acknowledge the
interdependence of all members of a society
be it local, national, even global. They
refuse to consider how the prospective life
may injuriously affect the lives of its mothers,
its siblings and the rest of the community to
such as extent that this prospective life could
deny them and, most importantly, itself the
conditions needed for a healthy existence.
If there were a system which ensured that
each human being entering this world received
the necessary nourishment, clothing and shel
ter, emotional support and nurturing all
those variables a person needs and deserves
then I would oppose abortion. Until such a
support mechanism is in place, I cannot em-
Trevor Lain
Guest Writer
brace their cause.
Similarly, I cannot accept the pro-choice
group's argument. Pro-choicers put primary
emphasis on the mother, not the unborn; yet it
is the unborn whose life may be terminated.
For me, and, I suspect, for many other Ameri
cans, one cannot justify an abortion while
neglecting the unborn's right to life. When
considering the unborn's prospective life,
however, one must consider the lives of all the
other people who will affect this 1 ife. Of course,
everyone in the community in some manner
affects the unborn's prospective life and,
therefore, they should all be taken into account
but it is the unborn's mother who will have
the single greatest impact on her child's life.
Therefore, while the life of the unborn should
be the primary concern, one must invariably
consider what effect a child will have on the
life of the mother. For this reason, any situation
in which the pro-choice group justifies abor
tion for the sake of the mother, one can most
likely arrive at the same conclusion based on
the prospective life of the unborn.
In other words, abortion is justified when an
additional life in the community would affect
the lives of the community which includes,
most importantly, the mother, father and sib
lings in such a manner that it imperils its
own life. In such circumstances, abortion is a
necessary evil; it is deliberate killing, but not
murder. This view, then, differs from the two
official views by not focusing exclusively on
one individual's right but rather by recognizing
the interdependence of all living things, which
renders any individual's concerns communal.
This entire argument, however, has almost
nothing to do with whether or not abortion
should be legally allowed in the United States.
The reason for this seemingly absurd statement
is that, making abortion services illegal, soci
ety does not deter women from getting abor
tions but may even increase the death toll as the
mothers, not just the unborn, die from unsafe
methods like the infamous coat hanger and
rock cocaine methods, to name only two. For
proof one need only research the situation prior
to Roe v. Wade. In addition, changes in the law
like those made possible by Weber may be
unconstitutional because it will be easier for
affluent women to travel to a state or country
where they can obtain a sanitary, safe abortion
from a doctor. Therefore, making abortion ille
gal may result in a situation in which the ability
to live is related to the ability to pay. Congress
has already decided that such a situation is
unconstitutional since, for that very reason, it
agreed to fund all kidney dialysis treatments at
a cost of well over a billion dollars per year. Roe
v. Wade, then, is necessary regardless of whether
or not abortion can be justified. To end abortion
effectively, we must eliminate the need for it.
To do that, we will have to reform society at all
its levels.
Trevor Lain is a sophomore undecided ma
jor from Dallas, Texas.