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Page TWO THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1960 ILOT Think Of The Trouble I’m Saving You Southern Pines North Carolina “In taking over The Pilot no changes are contemplated. We will try to keep this a good paper. We will try to make a little money for all concerned. Wherever there seems to be an occasion to use our influence for the public good we will try t6 do it. And we will treat everybody alike.’’—James Boyd, May 23, 1941. Voices from Dark Corners A reporter for Drew Pearson called an Arlington, Va., telephone number and a voice answered, “Nazi headquarters.” A dozen known members of the “Nordic Reich Youth Party” were arrested and ques tioned at Kansas City, Mo., after more than 50 windows were blown out in a synagogue bombing. Closer to home, and without the Nqzi trap pings, vandals went to incredible lengths to smash and destroy everything they could break in a Charlotte school. Pearson quotes Georg.s Lincoln Rockwell, self-appointed head of the Nazi party whose headquarters was so easily reached, as say ing: “I told this fellow Drew Pearson that we’re going to throw him into the gas cham bers along with the Jews when we take over in 1972.” The boys in Kansas City had various color ful items of “Nazi” dress and equipment. They told of meetings where they greeted each oth er with “Heil Hitler.” The United States is big enough and strong enough and pervadingly decent and intelli gent enough to feel hardly a pinprick of con cern that such things are going on, but two questions arise. From what dark corners of our national be ing do such creatures crawl out? To what extent are they financed and en couraged by extreme right-wing groups that are much less crude and vociferous in their anti-Semitism, the better to milk the public , An unsigned postcard informs us; “We and several other Catholics are boycotting your paper for printing such scandalous lies about our religion. . . You owe the Catholics an apology.” This presumably refers to an ex change of letters about Catholic attitudes to ward education, appearing in The Pilot. The Pilot does not print unsigned letters, so this does not appear in “The Public Speak ing.” But the postcard calls for comment. It is interesting that the writer of the post card, who is upset by what appeared to us to be quite a courteous and dignified exchange of opinion between two correspondents about Catholic attitudes toward education, leaves the level of reasoned debate immediately and launches a “boycott” against The Pilot. We were not aware that any “scandalous lies” were printed, but we do not attempt to pass on the truth or untruth of what appears in letters to the editor. In philosophical or re ligious matters, it might take a panel of schol ars to arrive at the “truth” of a matter. We No Apology Called For look on letters as expressions of opinion— and our columns are open to the expression of other opinions, as indeed the recent ex change of letters showed. No special treat ment or emphasis was accorded either of the correspondents. It is ironic that ths anonymous writer of the postcard did, in a phrase omitted from our quotation above, use words that might have been libelous if printed. Libelous or obscene material is the only sort we ban from our let ters to the editor—the principle followed by most editors. The PilUt seldom makes any comment on religion or religious denominations in its edi torial columns, nor do we encourage or even particularly welcome letters on those subjects. But we see no reason why Sen. John F. Ken nedy’s religion, so far as that might influence his attitude on public issues such as education, should not be openly discussed. It is being so discussed, in fact, in all kinds of publications across the nation. More Power to Them! Up in Chapel Hill there is considerable ex citement this week amongst a group recently formed to push measures for peace. A State Department man is coming to talk to them— will have come, before this paper comes out. This group, to promote “Ways and Means Toward Peace,” and containng among its mem bers a good many prominent people, sent a pe tition to Washington proposing that funds due this country from Russia from the Lend-Lease program should be immediately ear-marked for work in the under-developed parts of the world. The plan included the suggestion that Russia should be invited to contribute a like amount and that the project should b.3 under UN administration. Hoping for much but expecting little, the group’s spirits were greatly raised when word came that the State Department was interest ed and would send a man to talk with them. This is a small effort, grass-roots stuff, if you will. On a higher level, but one which would be the one to give motive power to the Chapel Hill idea, is the United Nations Special Fund Committee for Assisting Underdevelop ed Nations, with Paul Hoffman, who adminis tered the Marshall Plan, as its chairman. In a recent article in the Christian Science Monitor, Nate White, financial and business editor, reviews the “almost incredible achievement” of the Marshall Plan and recalls that when the rehabilitation of war-torn Eu rope was under discussion, Mr. Hoffman said, (in 1947): “If we in America don’t pick up the pieces, Russia will.” Part of the success of that plan came about, Mr. White feels, because at that time three men “stood on the promontory” and surveyed those bits and pieces. They were General Mar shall, Senator Vandenberg and Paul Hoffman. Hoffman is still, because of his present position and, more, because of the wisdom gained from his long experience, on a promontory, from which he is able to obtain a detached, objec tive view of the world today. Mr. White sug gests that two other men, in particular, stand with him there. One is Sir Oliver Franks, chairman of Lloyds Bank, Ltd. and former British ambassador to the United States. Mr. White considers that these two men of great experience have now been joined by a third, Under-Secretary of State Douglas Dillon. Last November Sir Oliver spoke to the Com mittee on Economic Development and in the course of his address said this; “If 12 years ago (1947) the balance of the world turned on the recovery of western Eu rope, now it turns on a relationship of the industrial north of the globe to the devel oping south. There is a second consideration. If we in the western world are to succeed north-south as well as east-west, then it is es sential that our economic strength be equal to our tasks. This means a more consciously dynamic view of growth in our communities than we have perhaps had before.” The Briton proposed closer ties between America and Canada and the economic world of Europe. Mr. Hoffman states his conviction that “the kind and scale of economic growth we seek are at the frontiers of world poverty. I agree,” he says, “that this requires partnnership in ef forts and in investment.” And Sir Oliver adds the punch-line: “I do not underestimate when I say that the world balance will shift .decisively against us if we fail to devise adequate means to realize the twin objectives I have identified.” Another comment might be: that this great and vitally needed work can only be accom plished with the understanding and the back ing of people—big people like these three dis tinguished and dedicated men, and The People like those people up in Chapel Hill. More pow- to them all! Waste, Loss, Grief A news story and photograph in today’s Pilot depict the tragic horror of a one-car au tomobile accident that took the life' of a Moore County youth Saturday night and in jured two others. Investigating officers said that the car was obviously travelling at a high speed before it left the road on a curve and hit a tree. So far as the officers can determine, there was no other car involved. This is a story that is told over and over in the daily papers—and one that has been told with sickening frequency in this area in the past few years. It is a story of waste and loss and grief, triggered by a moment of youthful thoughtlessness and folly. We urge young people—and parents who are responsible for young people’s attitudes toward driving—to ponder the lesson in this frightful accident. of money to finance their programs of “Amer icanism,” “patriotism,” “constitutionalism,” or what have you? Congressional innvestigation of American fascist groups—which, curiously, aroused far less public interest and hullabaloo than inves tigations of Communism—showed that there is considerable coordination among the in siders, the leaders, although they would prob ably fight like cats and dogs—a comforting thought—if they ever got together in one “party.” Put it this way: sick minds find their own level, seek each other out. But why this nation of freedom and oppor tunity and tolerance should produce such minds is a question we can’t answer. We feel sure that the FBI has its eyes on neo-fascist groups, though this activity has never aroused the popular acclaim accorded the FBI for runfmg down Communists. For the rest of us, here and now, we can resolve to speak up for racial and religious tolerance, for good will and against hatred, for the dignty and rights of all men and for the abiding greatness and freedom of the United States and fts democratic institutions. And we should teach our children to do likewise. We suspect that members of the Nordic Reich Youth Party are as much ignorant and confused as anything else. But there could come a day when they and others like them might be dangerous. il IMS i lap i ^ 'C * m m I ^V The New Western Foreign Policy Joseph C. Harsch, special correspondent for the Chris tian Science Monitor, whose articles this newspaper is priviledged to reprint, has been doing a series on “The New Foreign Policy.” Three yticles have been published. The fourth, printed below, opens with a summary of these three and then goes on to carry forward the study which this distinguished com mentator has undertaken, bringing the discussion up to the present time. Part 6, to follow, will survey the pros and cons, as Mr. Harsch sees them, of the “New” Foreigp Policy. Copies of the first three articles are at The Pilot of fice where they will be avail able to anyone who wishes to read them. The search for articulation of the new Western foreign policy takes us inevitably to the broad and continuing question of rela tions between the Westorn world and the Soviet Union. What we are seeing now is a further step in the long historic process of adjustment in the old er and more established part of the world to the revolution which in 1917 broke the pattern of evo lution in Russia. The United States has never of ficially attempted to undo the Communist revolution, but its • operating policies have veered backward and forward on this proposition. There was an origi nal inclination to s.ee the revolu tion as a good thing and to wel come and encourage the emer gence of a new Russia. Subse quently, however, Washington did commit its armed forces to battle inside Russia against the Red Army and American two- mindedness has long persisted. In the ‘20’s technicians and civil engineers went from the United States in substantial num bers with the consent if not nec essarily the approval of a Repub lican administration in Washing ton and helped materially in the building of modern Soviet indus try. In the ’30’s Roosevelt inaugu- , rated diplomatic relations with Moscow, but a subsequent effort to work out a common policy to ward the emerging problem of Nazi aggression foundered in the infamous Molotov-von Ribben- trop pact. In World War II enemy ac tion, not the free choice of either Moscow or Washington, made the two reluctant and never con genial allies. After World War II, Stalin’s ef fort to obtain for himself the lion’s share of the fruits of Al lied victory revived Western memories and suspicions. The cold war was a period of time in which most Western statesmen and leaders allowed themselves to hope for develop ments which would overthrow the Communist system in the U.S.S.R. Certainly the West de sired a rollback of the Iron Cur tain which Stalin had rung down from Stettin to Trieste and cer tainly it hoped, although it never was willing to fight for it, for the overthrow of the Soviet regime in Moscow. Dulles used to dream out loud of seeds of self-destruc tion germinating inside the Soviet Union. Moscow in its turn has never ceased to talk of, hope for, and work actively in support of changes in the Western world which would remove for all time in the West either the desire or the capacity to seek the over throw of the Communist system. ’The maximum foreign-policy ob jectives of each side have cer tainly included the overthrow of the other. The Eastern foreign policy does not openly say that the great Western nations led by the United States have for all time laid aside the hope of an ultimate overthrow of the Soviet regime in Moscow. But never since the 1917 revolution have Western capitals come so close to doing it as of late they have done by their actions. It is perfectly conceivable that a decade or less from now Wash ington will again be back on the other tack. But since Khrushchev emerged as Stalin’s successor and since the Communist revolution reached the stage of a consumer oconom.y, much of the old hostil ity has drained out of the West ern attitude to the system which has evolved inside the Soviet Union. There is one positive element in the new foueign policy, and it is a clear readiness to treat the government in the Kremlin as be ing an established government presiding over a political and economic system which is likely to be around for quite a long time regardless of personal or ideol ogical feelings about it. The West has not made peace with commu nism, but it is certainly experi menting with the novel theory that communism in its latest phase in the Soviet Union is a condition with which it will have to live and with which it may be able to do an increasing amount of business. There is coherence in the va rious elements of the new policy. The deletion of liberation from the old set of Washington policies may be a tragic betrayal of the hopes of the captive peoples, but it flows logically from the new- look military policies pursued by W’ashington since 1953. If we of the West are not going to try' to liberate the captive peoples we may as well try an experiment in getting on with the Soviet re gime. The experiment may not work. But it is late in the game now to attempt to go back to a policy of maintaining decisive military superiority. And while the invitation to Khrushchev may have been premature, it is also a probably inevitable component of the new experiment. For the moment, at least, we are back where we started, when Wilson tried to ride with rather than resist and overthrow, the Communist revolution of 1917. Whether the new policy will suc ceed better than the old is an other matter. GROWING OLD “We must begin at school and in college to learn to absorb life so that when we grow old we may be filled with its colors, thoughts, and sounds and so spend our last years in thb melo dies of sound, of color in flower, tree, and costume, and the lovely songs sung in poetry, story and play. If we don’t, then the old seek relaxation in being a misery to themselves and a damned nui sance to others.” —SEAN O’CASEY in Harper’s magazine. Grains of Sand Miss Mint's Big Night To the Editor: I am eight years old. I would like to ask you a question about the story you published in The Pilot January 28th, on page 2. It was called “Miss Mint and the Law.” Is Miss Mint’s first name Pep? My Daddy says so and that the Law you spoke about is the Law pf Good that protects us all. If we carry the spirit of Christmas wherever we go then people, will know we didn’t mean to get into trouble. My Daddy says he heard that Miss Mint got into more trouble after the performance of “Car men,” in the Weaver Auditorium. On hep'way home she discovered that she had forgotten her door key. “Oh dear, oh dear,” she said quietly. “I know just where I left it—on my desk! Right next to a duplicate key a friend gave me this morning when I had forgot ten my own key. You see I have three keys and I leave two of them with friends. Just in case. So my third key is now with a neighbor, but I hate to wake him up at mid-night like this. I’ll just sleep on my porch in a nice com fortable rocker.” Please, Mrs. Editor, tell me if anyone rescued Miss Mint. My Daddy thinks so, because her pep and kindness always bring her good things. What do you think? Your little friend, VIRGINIA Dear Virginia: We think so too. Because if she hadn’t been res cued we’re sure that the Man in the Moon, looking down, or one of those big hoot owls you have around there, or a prowling squir rel or SOMEBODY would have raided such a hullabaloo the whole town would have come running. Perhaps it would be a good idea if Miss Mint parked a few keys with some of them? Thank you for your letter. Yours, EDITOR P. S. We, too, were at that Carmen show—about those gay girls and their goings-on. Those things can certainly be kind of upsetting. Ed. Two of Them There used to be a place up on Route 1 in Maine called “The Nut House.” Its yard was full of queer items: life-size figures of animals and fabulous creatures, wheels, anchors, whatnots. The Nut House seemed to be well-named. But there was a split in the management of the concern. Somebody got mad at somebody and took off up the road and built another store. On that building they put up the sign: “The Real Nut House.” Is there something in this tale that strikes a familiar chord in the ears of Pilot readers, who may have been following in our columns, with some bewilder ment, the intricacies of certain legal maneuyerings in Moore County? We shouldn’t wonder. Slate for the Democrats A slate to end all slates—and all name-calling, or church-call ing—was proposed by James Hes ton, N. Y. Times Washington cor respondent, in his speech to the assembled state newspapermen at the recent press institute. “Do you want to hear my slate for the Democrats?” he asked his jovial audience. “Okay. Here it is: Kennedy for president and Billy Graham for his running-mate!” Scat, Shadow! Tuesday was Candlemas Day. The Scots say: “If Candlemas be fair and clear. There’ll be twa winters in the year.” From Groundhog, safe again, curled up .snug in his burrow: one long sno-o-o-o-ore. The Public Speaking The pilot Closing Paragraph for GOP Speakers Suggested To the Editor: This is written the morning after the Republican fund-raising dinners. A hundred thousand of the faithful, those especially well- heeled, listened to Ike’s standard speech, the one that somebody wrote for him back in 1952, the one that seems easiest for him to remember. The first six words must never vary “We are the party of Lin coln.” After this the speech can ramble on, and usually does, to tell of the general rightness, not to say righteousness, of Republi can principles, policies and men, by contrast with those of other human beings less touched with Grace. Toward the end they who have read this speech at least a score of times have come to ex pect the slightly smug implica tion that those who conduct themselves as proper Republicans here below may rest assured that places of honor are being held open for them in a vague some where, possibly on high: and that, with few exceptions indeed, such reservations are habitually made only for practicing Republicans. Since this is a campaign year, may I suggest for use at such Re publican affairs, a form of words for a closing paragraph appropri ate to the times? “Gentlemen, let the folding money rustle in the collection plates. Give each according to your needs. You will be richly rewarded by the next Republican administration, I know. And I trust that that administration may receive the same kind of in spired revelations as those which have guided this government to its triumphs of the past seven years—ever since we cleaned up the mess in Washington,” PERTINAX Southern Pines Published Every Thursday by THE PILOT, Incorporated Southern Pines, North Carolina 1941—JAMES BOYD—1944 Katharine Boyd Editor C. Benedict Associate Editor Dan S. Ray Gen. Mgr. C. G. Council Advertising Mary Scott Newton Business Bessie Cameron Smith Society Composing Room Dixie B. Ray, Michael Valen, Jas per Swearingen, Thomas Mattocks and James C. Morris. Subscription Rates; One Year $4. 6 mos. $2. 3 mos, $1 Entered at the Postoffice at South ern Pines, N. C., as second class mail matter. Member National Editorial Assn, and N. C. Press Assn.
The Pilot (Southern Pines, N.C.)
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Feb. 4, 1960, edition 1
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