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Page TWO TEJE PILOT—Southern Pines, North Carolina THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1963 THE INAUGURAL'S MESSAGE: STILL STRONG AND CLEAR ILOT Southern Pines North Carolina “In taking over The Pilot no changes are contemplated. We will try to keep this a good paper. We will try to make a little money for all concerned. Wherever there seems to be an occasion to use our influence for the public good we will try to do it. And we will treat everybody alike.” — James Boyd, May 23, 1941. ‘The Trumpet Summons Us Again... ’ Now, after the body of John Fitzgerald Kennedy has been laid to rest, the nation’s dark night of the soul is ending—the night of anguish that fell upon the United States with the firing of an as sassin’s rifle last Friday. There is no wakening from the past week’s nightmare, for it was no dream. The lifting of the darkness, indeed, makes more hideous the reality of what has happened. But light is returning and Americans must live in the world that it reveals. “Now,” the slain President had asserted in his Inaugural Address, “the trumpet summons us again ... to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out ... a struggle against the com mon enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself . . .” The words ring with added grandeur as the nation faces a new beginning after his death. No greater tribute can be paid Mr. Kennedy than a thoughtful, fervent, un remitting commitment to that struggle. Nor is there now, in these United States, Let All The Facts Be Known! Lee Harvey Oswald, President Ken nedy’s alleged assassin who was fatally shot before he could be brought to trial, took to the grave with him a number of secrets the American public would like to know—and both he and Jack Ruby, the man who killed him, are most un comfortable thorns in the side of Dallas, Texas. The public might or might not have learned, if he had lived, what Oswald’s motives were, whether he was alone in the plot to kill the President, what con nection, if any, his radical associations had with the crime and so forth. 'There might have been a possibility of a con fession. It is a vast pity that the normal procedures of justice could not have been The coming here of national leaders from all over the world to attend the funeral of President Kennedy is an ex-’ traordinary thing. The young American president, who had fallen so tragically under an assas sin’s bullet, had been in office less than three years. He had accomplished a few things— and a few great things; he was cut down in the promise of so much more. He was young, his full powers not yet come to fruition, his brilliance, his energy, his devotion even not yet fully tried. And still, from lands far and near, allied or unfriendly still, they came, the leaders, to stand beside the young leader’s grave. An American Heroine Mrs. Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy has ■won the undying admiration and affec tion of the American people and the world. Gallant and brave beyond belief in the ordeal of her husband’s sudden assassi nation and the ensuing series of events and ceremonies — all occurring in the public eye — she was at once so strong and so frail, so imperturbable and so touchingly and ordinarily human, that she is now, without question, the most loved woman in the land. Not once did she falter—and it was a performance of instinct, not conscious direction. She rode with the President’s body on the plane from Texas, and when the body came off the plane, she was with it, touching the casket lightly, as though reaching out for a hand, and she rode with it, in the ambulance, to the Naval Hospital. Her Sunday night return to the Capitol rotunda, where the body lay in state, was almost anonymous among the hundreds filing by, again to reach out, touch and kiss the casket like a child seeking reassurance: a heartbreaking incident. Yet one marveled, with vast respect, at the honest, strong compulsion that sent her back there, when lesser spirits would have retired under sedation. A British observer defined her quality throughout as “majesty.” Of course, she was worthy of the term, but to us it seemed grandiose. We know only that a new American heroine is on the scene. They Came To Honor Him tribute to him- and td our When lilacs last in the dooryard bloom’d. And the great star early droop’d in the western sky in the night, I mourn’d, and yet shall mourn with ever-returning spring . . . O powerful western fallen star! . . . O great star disappear’d—O the black murk that hides the star! . . O harsh surrounding cloud that will not free my soul . . . —WALT WHITMAN (After the assassination of President Lincoln) 'Let Us Go Forth To Lead The Land We Love..! a more potent power, to dispel the dark ness and rekindle hope, than those words. A great leader has fallen. He has been replaced, in President Lyndon Baines Johnson, by another leader wholly com mitted to the noble tasks so eloquently outlined by the young President on that cold January 20, 1961. We have full confidence in Mr. John son’s leadership. But the people of the United States should remember that the dead President said, in words that move us even more deeply now: “In your hands, my fellow citzens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.” Mr. Kennedy is gone. But as the past week’s darkness lightens, there is great comfort in this thought: the people of the United States remain—to heed, if they will, the still-echoing, strong, young voice that placed supreme importance on their own efforts in setting and holding the nation’s future course. Mindful of this. President Johnson and the people must now, together, “go forth to lead the land we love.” followed, whether or not Oswald ever “talked.” The President has ordered full investi gation of the case by federal authori ties. There should be a complete reve lation of every shred of evidence uncover ed, so that politically motivated specula tive charges and counter-charges will not be made—or if made, as currently in the Soviet press, they will be subject to some control by the facts of the case, as made public for everybody to see and understand. The evidence against Oswald was over whelming—but if there is more to the story, or more can be uncovered, the whole nation, as has now been promised, should be told. This is a country made doubly strong by the cir cumstances under which they came. For so many necessary, important persons to come to the United States at this time is another extraordinary thing. For—it must be faced—in doing so they ran a serious risk. General DeGaulle, the new Prime Minister of Britain and Prince Philip, the Germans, the Russians, the men of the new Africa, all these and the others are controversial figures and for each one there is an “anti” group in the mixed population of the United States. In any of these groups, these lunatic fringes of the Far Right or the Far Left, there are crackpots. Every crowd, such as the multitude that lined the streets of Wash ington, may contain a Lee Oswald; under such circumstances, no police force, even one far less negligent than that of Dallas, can assure protection. That these factors were well under stood by the visitors goes without saying. It is a well-known fact that four Ameri can presidents have died at the hands of assassins and others had the narrowest of escapes. This country is a violent, dangerous land, especially right now. The leaders who came risked their lives to honor this young man. Why? To them, as he did to us, Kennedy may have stood as a symbol of the hope of peace, the hope of goodness that persists in every man’s heart. In the young President’s flashing energy, his strong faith in the future and the ability of Youth to rebuild it in a better image, they may have recognized a touch of greatness. These leaders from foreign lands came because they honored him and they came because of the nation that he represent ed. They know its faults. They know, and judge rightly, while they scorn, its dangers, but they recognize its will for goodness, its generous heart, its steadfast belief—despite much seeming evidence to the contrary—in the worth of the human spirit. As these great leaders stood by the grave of John F. Kennedy to do him honor, so let us honor them: for their faith in him and in the United States which he served so well and for the generous, brave spirit that brought them here to share our grief, to stand by us in our hour of trial. The late President John Fitzgerald Kennedy's Inangu^ ral Address delivered Jan uary 20, 1961, has taken its place among the great docu ments of the national history. Now, after his assassination, it gains new meaning as we measure the man against his own noble words and, in this lime cif grief, take strength from the Inaugural's still- bright invocation: "Let us begin. . The complete ad dress follows: We observe today, not a victory of party but a celebration of free dom—symbolizing an end as well as a beginning—signifying renew al as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a cen tury and three-quarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary be’liefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe— the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. Dare Not Forget We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first rev olution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans — born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heri tage—and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are corrimitted today at home and around the world. Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any bur den, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to as sure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge—and more. Faithful Friends To those old allies whose cul tural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of new cooperative ventures. Di vided, there is little we can do— for we dare not m.eet a powerful challenge at odds and split asun der. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replac ed by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom—and to remember that, in the past, those who fool ishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help them selves, for whatever period is re quired—not because the Com munists may he doing it, not be cause we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free socie ty cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. Special Pledge To our sister republics south of th.2 border, we offer a special pledge—to convert our good words into good deeds—in a new alliance for progress—to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of pover ty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. To that world assembly of sov ereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support—to prevent it from be coming merely a forum for in vective—to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak—and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our ad versary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humantiy in planned or acciden tal self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. No Comfort But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course —both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both ^Let No Man Of Peace And Freedom Despair^ "Peace and freedom do not come cheap, and we are destined ... to live out most if not all of our lives in uncertainty and challenge and peril . . . "However close we sometimes seem to that dark and final abyss, let no man of peace and freedom despair ... If we can all persevere, if we can in every land . . . look beyond our own shores and ambitions, then surely the age will dawn in which the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved .. . "Our strength as well as our convictions have imposed upon this nation the role of leader in freedom's cause. No role in history could be more important... "I do not believe that any of us would ex change place with any other peo|ple or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world." —JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY A WARNING IN CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN'S WORDS W’e Must Abjure Hatred, Bitterness In his tribute to the late President John F. Kennedy, spoken as the body lay in the rotunda of the Capitol at Washington on Sunday, Earl Warren, Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court, found in the President's death, as did others this week, a warning to Ameri cans on "forces of hatred and malevolence" in the nation. The Warren tribute follows: There are few .events in our na tional life that unite Americans and so touch the heart of all of us as the passing of a President of the United States. There is nothing that adds shock to our sadness as the assas sination of our leader, chosen as he is to embody the ideals of our people, the faith we have in our institutions and our belief in the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. Such misfortunes have befallen the nation on other occasions, but never more shockingly than two days ago. We are saddened; we are stun ned; we are perplexed. John Fitzgerald Kennedy, a great and good President, the friend of all men of goodwill, a believer in the dignity and equal ity of all human beings, a fighter for justice and apostle of peace, has been snatched from our midst by the bullet of an assassin. What moved some misguided wretch to do this horrible deed may never be known to us, but we do know that such acts are stimulated by forces of hatred and malevolence, such as today are eating their way into the bloodstream of American life. What a price we pay for this fanaticism! It has been said that the only thing we learn from history is that we do not learn. But surely we can learn if we have the will to do so. Surely there is a lesson to be learned from this tragic event. If we really love this country, if we truly love justice and The Governor's Tribute North Carolinians mourn the death of John Fitzgerald Kennedy, President of the United States of America, and mourn the tragic and disgraceful cause. This wholesome, courageous, warm-hearted leader of the free people of the world spent most of his life, in uniform and out, in bold and intelligent attack on tyranny, bigotry and oppression. With a passionate concern for all people, often harassed from both sides and from behind. President Kennedy set his strength determinedly for human understanding and world peace, remaining always resolute in his faith, always undaunted and imafraid. The valiant soldier of freedom is dead. All mankind is less. —GOV. TERRY SANFORD mercy, if we fervently want to make this nation better for those who are to follow us, we can at least abjure the hatred that con sumes people, the false accusa tions that divide us and the bit terness that begets violence. Is it too much to hope that the martyrdom of our beloved Presi dent might even soften the hearts of those who would themselves recoil from assassination, but who do not shrink from spreading the venom which kindles thoughts of it in others? Our nation is bereaved. 'The whole world is poorer because of his loss. But we can all be better Americans because John Fitzger ald Kennedy has passed our way, because he has been our chosen leader at a time in history when his character, his vision and his quiet courage has enabled him to chart for us a safe course through the shoals of treacherous seas that encompass the world. And now that he is relieved of the almost super-human burdens we imposed on him, may he rest in peace. ALL HAVE PART IN THE SLAYING “We have been present at a new crucifixion. “All of us have had a part in the slaying of our President. It was the good people who crucified our Lord and not merely those who acted as executioners. “By our silence; by our inac tion; by our willingness that heavy burdens be borne by one man alone; by our readi ness to allow evil to be called good and good evil; by our continued toleration of anci ent injustices. . . we have all had a part in the assassina tion.” —DEAN FRANCIS SAYRE Washington Cathedral rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war. So let us begin anew—^remem bering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of be laboring those problems which di vide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious: and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms—and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute con trol of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us ex plore the stars, conquer the des erts, eradicate disease tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides imite to heed in all corners of the earth the com mand of Isaiah—to “undo the heavy burdens. . . (and) let the oppressed go free.” New Endeavor And if a beachhead of cooper ation may push back the jungles of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor—not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak se cure and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administra tion, nor even perhaps in our life time on this planet. But let us be gin. In your hands, my fellow citi zens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need—not as a call to battle, though embattled we are—but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight strug gle .year in and year out, “rejoic ing ill lippe, »patient in tribjula- tion”—a struggle against the com mon enemies of man: tryanny, poverty, disease and war itself. 'Will You Join?' Can we forge against these en emies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have b&sn granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—I welcome it. I do not belive that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devo tion which we bring to this en deavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. For Your Counlry And so my fellow Americans r ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizen.s- of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, ask ing His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own. the pilot Published Every Thursday by THE PILOT, Incorporated Southern Pines. North Carolina 1941—JAMES BOYD—1944 Katharine Boyd Editor C. Benedict Associate Editor Dan S. Ray Gen. Mgr. C. G. Council Advertising Bessie C. Smith Advertising Mary Scott Newton Business Mary Evelyn de Nissoff Society Composing Room Dixie B. Ray, Michael Valen, Thomas Mattocks, J. E. Pate, Sr., Charles Weatherspoon, Clyde Phipps. Subscription Rates Moore County One Year $4.00 Outside Moore County One Year $5.00 Second-class Postage paid at Southern Pines, N. C. Member National Editorial Assn, and N. C. Press Assn.
The Pilot (Southern Pines, N.C.)
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Nov. 28, 1963, edition 1
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